Political Studies and Governance

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Open Access
Die beginsel van soewereiniteit in eie kring as waarborg vir burgervryheid in die Christelike staat
(University of the Free State, 1952) Scheepers, David Johannes Jacobus; Strauss
Abstract not available
Open Access
Die owerheidstaak
(University of the Free State, 1957-02) Wessels, Francois Jakobus Hendrik; Strauss, H. J.
Abstract not available
Open Access
Stelsels van verteenwoordiging in Suid-Afrika
(University of the Free State, 1958-11) Van Wyk, Adam Johannes; Wessels, F. J. H.
Afrikaans: Met die opkoms van die moderne demokrasie, die toekenning van politieke medeseggenskap aan alle volwasse persone, en veral as gevolg van die opkoms van ons parlementêre stelsel met sy partyorganisasies, het die probleem van verteenwoordiging aktueel geword. Dit lewer by die Griekse stadstate geen probleem nie, aangesien elke burger direk aan die besprekings of wetgewing kon deelneem. Hier was dit slegs 'n keuse van die owerheidspersoon. Gedurende die tydperk van die Nasionale Monargië was verteenwoordiging ook van geen aktuele belang nie, aangesien die massa oor geen politieke medeseggenskap beskik het nie, en die wil van die vors as die wil van God beskou is. Namate die massa ontwikkel het en hulle lewenstandaarde verhoog is, het hulle eis om politieke medeseggenskap toegeneem. Na dié mate wat die politieke medeseggenskap na die massas uitgebrei is, het di eprobleem van verteenwoordiging dus na vore gekom. Met die opkoms van volksregerings en veral van die demokratiese gedagte van gelykheid van alle persone, is die stemreg al meer en meer uitgebrei. Stemreg is gesien as 'n gesagsreg, waardeur elke kieser sou meedoen in die daarstelling van die wette. Die owerheid ontleen dus sy gesag aan hierdie indiwidue. Weens hierdie dwaling, naamlik dat stemreg 'n gesagsreg en nie 'n keusereg is nie, is die regereing van die meerderheid in twyfel getrek, juis omdat minderhede dan ook gesagdraers is. Dit is dus noodsaaklik geag dat elke party of groep op verteenwoordiging in verhouding tot sy getalsterkte, geregtig is. Daar is dan ook verklaar dat 'n volksraad alleen verteenwoordigend van die volk kan wees, indien elke party eweredig daarin verteenwoordig is. Hierdeur is alle politieke denkrigtings verheerlik as gelykwaardig en het hulle almal 'n aanspraak op verteenwoordiging. Aangesien die enkellid-kiesafdeling met sy relatiewe meerderheid, nie behoorlike verteenwoordiging aan minderhede verleen nie, is daar sedert die vorige eeu verskeie ander metodes aangebied. Met die herleweing van die "Proportional Representation Society" in London sedert die begin van hierdie eeu, is daar op groot skaal propaganda gemaak vir die instelling van proporsionele verteenwoordiging met die enkel-oordraagbare stem by die verkiesings van lede van wetgewende vergaderings. Hierdie stelsel verseker nie alleen eweredige verteenwoordiging aan alle partye nie, maar gee ook aan elke stem 'n gelyke kieswaarde. Hierdie propaganda het dan ook sy invloed in Suid-Afrika deeglik laat geld. Dit was daarvoor verantwoordelik dat die Nasionale Konvensie te Bloemfontein byna verongeluk het, aangesien proporsionele vereenwoordiging deur sekere kolonies geëis is, terwyl ander dit nie wou aanvaar nie. Hoewel proporsionele verteenwoordiging in die verkiesing van die Volksraad- en Provinsiale Raadslede deur die Konvensie laat vaar is, was die stryd in Suid-Afrika nog lank nie uitgewoed nie. Gedurende die eerste twee dekades ná die totstandkoming van die Unie, is daar telkens probeer om meerderheidsverteenwoordiging te vervang. Gelukkig vir Suid-Afrika, is daar gedurende hierdie tyd nie veel gehoor aan die kreet na proporsionele verteenwoordiging gegee nie, waarna die strewe ook laat vaar is. Toe die Nasionale Regering in 1948 en weer in 1953 met 'n minderheid stemme aan bewind gekom het, is daar in die Engelse pers probeer om die strewe na proporsionele verteenwoordiging te laat herleef. Die poging het egter weinig reaksie uitgelok. Proporsionele verteenwoordiging is 'n finale nekslag toegedien, toe dit in 1955 deur die blokstem in die verkiesing van Senatore vervang is. Waar proporsionele verteenwoordiging derhalwe nou by ons in gedrang is, maak dit 'n studie van die beginsels daarvan noodsaaklik. Ten einde die funksionering van meerderheidsverteenwoordiging en proporsionele verteenwoordiging te begryp en verwarring met ander stelsels te voorkom, is dit nodig dat ons kortliks sal let op die verskillende methodes wat vandag aangebied word. By so 'n studie van die twee stelsels wat vandag in Suid-Afrika in gebruik is, is kennis van die historiese ontwikkeling onontbeerlik. Om hulle voor- en nadele krities te bepaal, is die praktiese uitwerking daarvan belangrik. Dit is dan ook in hierdie volgorde dat ons die onderwerp wil behandel. Ten slotte wil ons net daarop wys dat 'n studie van die verskillende stelsels van verteenwoordiging in Suid-Afrika niks te doen het met die bestaande politieke partye nie. Die nadele van 'n stelsel is nie toe te skrywe aan die party wat moontlik daardeur bevoordeel is nie.
Open Access
Die staatsfilosofie grondslae van die Suid-Afrikaanse staatkunde sedert 1910
(University of the Free State, 1970-09) Van der Watt, Louis; Strauss, H. J.
Afrikaans: Ons toeleg is 'n ondersoek na die religieus-verankerde staatsfilosofiese rigtings wat sedert 1910 beslissend was in die Suid-Afrikaanse staatkunde. Hierdie denkrigtings het in belangrike wetgewing nie onbetuig gebly nie en is daarin én in die betrokke debatte na te speur. Die staatsfilosofiese grondslae wat die Suid-Afrikaanse staatkunde met betrekking tot sekere wetgewing beinvloed het, is ook kenbaar in die uiteenlopende stellingname van bepaalde politieke partye. Ook dááruit sal die hoofrigtings afgesonder en getipeer word. Om die omvang te beperk, word slegs vyf onderwerpe as ondersoekveld gekies en die staatsfilosofiese beginsels wat daaraanten grondslag lê, ontleed. Ten einde die staatsfilosofiese grondslae van die Suid-Afrikaanse staatkunde bloot te lê, moet ons vooraf rekenskap gee van die religieus-bepaalde staatsfilosofiese grondslae wat vanuit Wes-Europa sedert 1652 na Suid-Afrika oorgedra is - as deel van die Westerse beskawing - én wat ons denke hier te lande sedertdien beheers het. 'n Historiese oorsig van die religieus-bepaalde staatsfilosofiese denkrigtings vóór 1910 word dus vooraf aan die orde gestel.
Open Access
Moderne teoretiese benaderings van internasionale verhoudinge
(University of the Free State, 1973) Barnard, Lukas DaniëL; Wessels, F. J. S.
Met die indiening van hierdie verhandeling wil ek bowe-al my dank bring aan God, die Allerhoogste, vir krag en genade aan my gegun in my poging om die Skrif-geloof te laat geld in my wetenskaplike arbeid. Uit Hom, en deur Hom en tot Hom is alle dinge. Aan prof. ar. F.J.H. Wessels, Hoogleraar in Staatsleer aan die Universiteit van die Oranje-Vrystaat, opregte dank vir sy wetenskaplike lei ding, hulp en inspirasie, wat reeds sedert my eerste graadjare rigtinggewend was. Die dank aan · prof. Wessels strek egter veel verder as akademiese hulp en kennis. Ook die vele gesprekke in sy studeerkamer verteen-woordig 'n verryking van die Christelike lewens- en wêreldbeskouing wat altyd 'n kosbare herinnering sal bly. Die toegeweide aandag en heldere·prinsipiele insigte van prof. H.J. Strauss, Hoogleraar in Staatsleer aan die Vrystaatse Universiteit, het van my eerste studiejaar a£ 'n diepgaande invloed op my akademiese vorming uitgeoefen. Die soeke na Christelike beginsels, en ook die uitlenng daarvan op alle lewensterreine, insluitend die Staatsleer, het prof. Strauss by ui tnemendheid by my ingeskerp. Daarom dank ek ook die Vader vir die voorreg om aan die voete van twee Christelike wetenskaplike vakmanne te kon studeer. My opregte dank gaan ook aan my vrou vir haar liefdevolle opo££ering, aanmoediging en behulpsaamheid. sy was 'n bron van inspirasie wat my voortdurend geskraag het.
Open Access
Staatsveiligheid: 'n studie van terreur en ondermyning in die Republiek van Suid-Afrika
(University of the Free State, 1974-09) Opperman, Daniël Johannes Jacobus; Wessels, F. J. H.
No abstract available
Open Access
Die verspreiding van kernwapens en internasionale orde
(University of the Free State, 1981-01) Liebenberg, Christiaan Rudolf; Wessels, D. P.
Afrikaans: Magsvergrype in al sy vergestaltingsvorme het daartoe gelei dat geen vorm van ordelike internasionale gemeenskap meer daarteen bestand is nie. Vanaf die konvensionele taktiese ontplooiing van strydmagte tot by die vuil agterbakse stedelike terroriste strategie het die droom van vrede en ordelikheid slegs in die vergetelheid geraak. Met die koms van kernwapens het die laaste vesting van die mens getuimel. Gemeenskaplike veiligheid om ordelike en stabiliserende internasionale verhoudinge te verseker, ontwapenings- en wapenbeperkingskongresse en -verdrae - het almal tesame 'n klug geword. Die sukses wat berus op internasionale bereidwilligheid tot samewerking het reeds getoon dat dit 'n mislukking is en aan die hand daarvan het die guerrilla en stedelike terroris homself stewig in die internasionale gemeenskap gevestig. Die suksesse rondom ontwapening- en wapenbeperkings is gemeet aan die gevolge daarvan op die internasionale orde. Die SALT-verdrae is ten spyte daarvan dat dit deur beide die V.S.A. en Rusland onderteken is, eensydig van aard, deurdat net die V.S.A. hom by die bepalings daarvan hou. Die Russiese houding ten opsigte van SALT is die kenmerk van die valsheid van die diplomasie van ons'tyd. Die Kernsperverdrag op sy beurt weer dra die kenmerke van supermoondheid-imperialisme en is tiperend van die ongebondenheid van internasionale orde. Teen hierdie agtergrond het die verspreiding van kernwapens 'n voldonge feit geword met die internasionale gemeenskap wat angstig toekyk wie die, volgende besitter sal wees. Sekuriteit het die wagwoord geword ten opsigte van onderliggende oorsake vir die beperking daarvan en kenmerkend, van sekuriteit is die algehele afwesigheid van 'n oorkoepelende swaardmag om die nodige sanksies af te dwing. Die bekamping van kernwapenverspreiding omrede wêreldsekuriteit het egter die speelbal van die supermoondhede en bestaande kernmoondhede geword en die verdagmaking van mbontlike besitters kenmerkend van hul imperialistiese dreunlyfhouding. Die faktore wat daartoe aanleiding gee dat nasies na kernwapens streef het die werklikheid van ons tyd geword. Nie alleen omrede die eie sekuriteit wat daarsonder nie kan bestaan nie maar ook as gevolg van die plig wat op die eie swaardmag rus, het dit onontbeerlik vir elke soewereine staat geword. Die R.S.A. kan op grond van bogenoemde dus onverwyld daarop aandring dat kernwapens 'n onontbeerlike kommoditeit geword het. Sonder die swaardmag, sonder vriende en gemeenskaplik in die stryd teen die bose, het dit vir die Republiek nodig geword om sy posisie in oënskou te neem en homself te skans teen 'n internasionale gemeenskap wat tot in sy gebeente verrot geraak het.
Open Access
Die destabilisasie van die blanke regering in Rhodesië oor die periode 1965 (UDI) tot 1980 (bewindsoorname deur 'n swart-meerderheidsregering)
(University of the Free State, 1985-12) Labuschagne, Pieter Andries Hendrik; Wessels, D. P.
Afrikaans: Die verhandeling hanteer hoofsaaklik die destabiliseringstryd wat in die voormalige Rhodesië geheers het. In die konteks is daar veral van die historiese metode gebruik gemaak. Vanuit die vertrekpunt van die historiese is die empiriese en analitiese metode nagevolg. Daar moet egter altyd in gedagte gehou word dat só 'n studie beheersend in 'n Godwelgevallige ontsluiting gedoen moet word. Die vertrekpunt dien dan ook as uitgangspunt vir die positiveringsarbeid van die student. Die titel van die verhandeling, die politieke destabilisasie van die Blanke Regering in Rhodesië, dui op 'n sekere historiese ontwikkelingslyn binne die geskiedenis van Rhodesië. Dit dui op bepaalde handelinge binne en buite Rhodesië om Blanke politieke beheer te beëindig. Die formele oordrag van politieke mag in Zimbabwe in 1980 het dan ook 'n einde aan die uitputtende destabilisasiestryd gebring. Die doel van die studie is om die destabilisasiepogings, wat oor meer as 89 jaar strek, aan te dui. Die eerste twee hoofstukke lê veral klem op die vestiging van Blanke beheer, veral as bolwerk teen die vloedgolf van dekolonisasie. Die derde hoofstuk dui veralop die self-destabilisasie van die Blankes omdat hulle nie oor die vermoë beskik het om 'n skikking met Brittanje te bereik nie. In die vierde hoofstuk word die opkoms van Swart nasionalistiese bewegings nagevors, en die sterk destabilisasiepogings deur hulle aangewend. Die laaste twee hoofstukke dui veral op die geslaagdheid van die destabilisasiepogings en die politieke verkrummeling van die Blankes se politieke magstruktuur.
Open Access
Die politisering van sportbetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Nieu-Seeland met spesiale verwysing na die 1981-Springbokrugbytoer na Nieu-Seeland
(University of the Free State, 1986-06) Wolmarans, Barend Johannes; Wessels, D. P.
Afrikaans: Met die politisering van dié grootste sportbyeenkoms ter wêreld, die Olimpiese Spele, was die weg beslis gebaan vir die politisering van ander kleiner sportsoorte-, byeenkomste-, organisasies en -administrasie. Hieruit is dit duidelik dat nog Suid-Afrika, nog rugbybetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Nieu-Seeland as geïsoleerde gevalle gesien kan word. Indien daar na 'n primêre oorsaak gesoek moet word vir die politisering van rugbybetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Nieu-Seeland, kan die soektog met die grootste vrymoedigheid by die begrip "apartheid" begin word. Sedert hierdie begrip die eerste keer bekend geword het, sou dit net 'n kwessie van tyd wees voordat die aanslag teen Suid-Afrikaanse sport tot die bevordering van politieke motiewe aangewend sou word. Met "Loskopdam", die politieke waarheidsmoment in Suid-Afrikaanse sport, het ons so reg in die hande gespeel van die na-oorlogse humanistiese-getinte mens wat alles, die individue en samelewing, beoordeel in terme van hul vryheidsidealisme. As slagkrete hef hulle onder andere aan "human rights" en "human dignity". Hierdie "idealiste" se standpunte is: Geen normale sport kan in 'n abnormale samelewing beoefen word nie. Alhoewel die Maori-kwessie 'n belangrike politieke-strydpunt geword het, moet die aanslag teen Suid-Afrika se binnelandse beleid en die onderwerping van die staatsbestel in Suid-Afrika deur hierdie polities, kommunisties geinspireerde agitators ("terroriste") nie teen die Maori-kwessie afgespeel word nie. Die aanslag om die 1981-toer afgelas te kry, het hoofsaaklik gesentreer rondom die aktiwiteite van die anti-apartheidsorganisasies. Met die hulp van die "bias" en monopolistiese media het hulle geweldige druk op die Nieu-Seelandse regering geplaas om die nodige, die afstelling van die toer, namens hulle te doen. Dat die Nieu-Seelandse regering vasberade was om 1981 se algemene verkiesing te wen,het geblyk uit hulle standvastigheid deur hierdie krisis-toer van 1981. Die atmosfeer waarin die 1981-toer plaasgevind het, was alles behalwe normaal, met die onttrekking van noodsaaklike dienste deur vakbonde, die verblyf in muurbalbane voor wedstryde, die steun op privaat inwoners vir huisvesting, steun op beskerming deur feitlik die totale Nieu-Seelandse polisiemag, met ander woorde die ontsê van demokratiese reg om sport te kan beoefen terwyl jy as gas in Nieu-Seeland is. Uit die studie moet daar 'n afleiding gemaak word dat Suid-Afrikaanse Rugby 'n baie moeilike tydperk betree - 'n tydperk waarin buitelandse toere feitlik onmoontlik is en 'n tydperk waarin die moontlikheid van oorsese toerspanne na Suid-Afrika ook nie te rooskleurig lyk nie. Die afstelling van die All Blacktoer van 1985 na Suid-Afrika, asook die vroeë afstelling van die beoogde Leeu-toer in 1986 na Suid-Afrika, staaf hierdie isolasie-afleiding.
Open Access
Die transformasie van politieke instellings in oorgangstye - 'n rekonstruksie, interpretasie en evaluasie van S. P. Huntington se teoretiese bydrae
(University of the Free State, 1994-11) Duvenhage, André; Wessels, D. P.
When the present state of affairs in world politics is being reviewed, the single predominant characteristic that emerges is the fundamental and radical political changes that occured during recent years. The development from an old world order to a new one, with by implication, the transformation of political institutions in countries, is demonstrated, inter alia, both by the collapse of communist governments in the USSR and in prominent East Bloc countries, and by a worldwide process of democratization. South Africa, too, is at present caught up in a process of drastic political change which, particularly since 2 February 1990, has had farreaching implications for existing structures and political institutions. Indeed, South Africa, as is the case with numerous other countries worldwide, illustrates the fact that the transformation of political institutions during transitional periods is a prominent feature of present times. A theorist that made an enormous contribution towards understanding the transformation of political institutions during periods of transition is the controversial S.P. Huntington. In numerous contributions dating back to the late fifties and particularly to the 1960's, Huntington succeeded in explaining theoretically the phenomenon of the transformation of political institutions during periods of transition and in so doing he clarified a topical and complex phenomenon in world politics. Huntington's contribution is regarded as being of such importance that he is considered to be one of the foremost political scientists of the post World War II period. The following factors served as motivation for this study which has the following title: The Transformation of Political Institutions during periods of transition - A reconstruction, interpretation and evaluation of the theoretical contributions of S.P. Huntington: 1. The topicality of his contributions during a time of sweeping political changes. 2. The status (importance) that his theories attained which resulted in Huntington emerging as a pioneer in his field of study. 3. The gap that exists within contemporary literature as regards the reconstruction, interpretation and evaluation of all the Huntington's contributions with reference to the phenomenon of the transformation of political institutions during periods of transition. This study attempts to make a contribution' towards: * The development of a metatheoretical framework by means of which political change in general and Huntington's theories in particular may be reconstructed, interpreted and evaluated. ** Determining Huntington's position within the identified field of study in the light of the particular contributions made by him. *** The reconstruction, interpretation and evaluation of Huntington's contributions by applying the metatheoretical framework as developed for use in this study.
Open Access
The social relations of the taxi industry in South Africa: contending theories of corporatism, pluralism and systematic patronage
(University of the Free State, 2002-11) Croucamp, Petrus Abraham; Kotzé, H. J.; Du Toit, P. v.d. P.; Hudson, H.
Afrikaans: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die sosiale verhoudinge wat die taxi industrie van Suid-Afrika verbind aan die staat, maar ook aan ander sosiale en politieke vorminge binne die samelewing. Die assumpsie is dat ooreenkomste en institusionele verordeninge wat voortvloei uit dié verhoudinge 'n integrale deel vorm van die diskoers wat staat en nasie-vorming onderlê, maar ook die teoretiese veronderstellings van die sogenaamde burgerlike samelewing. Die studie gee dan ook, eerstens, 'n empiriese en deskriptiewe omskrywing van die vernaamste kenmerke van die taxi industrie, asook die historiese momente wat aanleiding gegee het tot die huidige verhouding tussen die staat en die industrie. Tweedens word drie teorieë aangebied ter verklaring en interpretasie van bepaalde tendense in genoemde verhoudings. Pluralisme, korporatisme en sistemiese patronaatstelsels as kompeterende veronderstellings en teorieë van reg en geregtigheid word voorgehou as die dominante teoretiese diskoerse. In kritiek op die teorieë, maar ook ter aanvulling van bepaalde identifiseerbare tekortkomminge in die verklaringskapasiteit van die teorieë, word regime teorie ingewerk en veral korporatisme word konseptueel verbreed om voorsiening te maak vir die pertinente teenwoordigheid van informele oorlewing, 'n spesifieke kenmerk van ontwikkelende politieke ekonomieë. Van die belangrikste gevolgtrekkings van die studie sluit in, eerstens, dat die samelewing in Suid-Afrika nie sondermeer voldoen aan die konseptuele en historiese veronderstellings van 'n burgerlike samelewing nie. Ten tweede dat die wyse waarop die staat homself verbind aan die samelewing dikwels kenmerke toon van die opportunistiese verbintenisse van patronaatskap wat dan ten gevolg het dat formele verhoudinge ten beste omskryf kan word as kompromieë: 'n institutionele verordening wat buite die konseptuele parameters van konsensus en pluralisme val. Kompromieë is kenmerkend ten koste van die outonomie van die staat en sentreer hoofsaaklik rondom die sydige verspreiding van daardie oorlewingsstrategieë wat die staat veronderstel word eweredig te versprei. Indien die beginsels van 'n liberaal demokratiese bestel voorgehou word as 'n konstitusionele uitgangspunt, soos dit wel in Suid-Afrika gedoen word, kan spesifieke operasionele gebreke en afwykings in die beleidsformulering wat demokratiese stelsels onderlê in Suid-Afrika, identifiseer word. Hierdie studie belig sodanige gebreke deurlopend en spesifiek aan die hand van die taxi industrie.
Open Access
The crisis of the nation-state: an evaluation and reconstruction of the perspectives of Alvin Toffler
(University of the Free State, 2003-01) Harsant, Angelique May; Duvenhage, Andre
English: During the 1960's and 1970's, Toffler presented a glimpse of the future in his work which shook the world. What then seemed unimaginable is now becoming a reality. As mankind enters the new millennium, they are confronted with the realization of the nation-state's inability to forfeit durable solutions to transnational issues such as overpopulation, environmental crises, endemic diseases such as AIDS, pollution, terrorism uncontrollable crime, global mafias, transnational religious movements, the rise of multinational corporations and the use of private security organizations to protect citizens or state interests. The nation-state is not fully equipped to deal with many of these global problems. With the nation-state in crisis Toffler has provided a window on the future, especially the possible political environment, which has many global problems, in the 21st century. The shift from the Second Wave industrial civilization to the Third Wave post-industrial civilization is not destined to evolve peacefully. The reactionaries of the Second Wave (hedgehogs) wish to maintain the existing political order within an industrial society, while the revolutionaries (foxes) choose the radical option of the Third Wave wish to render the Second Wave obsolete. Mankind is now entering this phase of the master conflict between the two civilizations. Toffler's contributions are aimed at providing a vision of the future so as to facilitate the shift to the next civilization in a peaceful and rational way. The following factors have served as motivation for this study: - The relevance of Toffler's contributions as mankind enters the 21•1 century. - Toffler is an internationally recognized scenario thinker and offers a heretical perspective regarding the future of the nation-state. - A gap that exists within the contemporary literature regarding the reconstruction and evaluation of Toffler's contributions with specific reference to the crisis of the nation-state. - To address the problem of state power in a knowledge-based, computer-driven society. - To explore the extent and parameters of the struggle between the industrial Second Wave elite and the post-industrial Third Wave elite for control of power in the Third Wave civilization. The study attempts to make a contribution towards the following: - The development of a meta-theoretical framework according to which Toffler's contributions may be reconstructed and evaluated. - To determine Toffler's status and position within the identified field of study. - To reconstruct and evaluate Toffler's contributions, regarding the future of the nation-state, by applying the meta-theoretical framework as designed for the purpose of this study. - The role and influence of knowledge as a variable affecting the power of the nation-state needs to be explored seeing that the result thereof will affect humanity in a holistic manner. - An assessment of Toffler's contributions regarding fundamental political development and political change with regard to the evolutionary development of the nation-state. - Emphasis will be placed on Toffler's contributions regarding the continuum of the nation-state, namely the formation, current status, crises and future of the nation-state. An evaluation and interpretation of Toffler's work have yielded in the following findings: - Toffler has developed a wave model which divides the evolutionary socialization process of mankind into three universal civilizational waves, i.e. the First Wave agrarian civilization, the Second Wave industrial civilization and the Third Wave post-industrial civilization. - Toffler has also developed, adjacent to the wave model, a power theory which suggests that as one universal civilizational wave is replaced by another one a power shift occurs, transforming its underlying code or paradigm. - As mankind enters the Third Wave civilization a new blueprint or code has to been designed which is unique to the Third Wave. - The revolutionary change to a new world order will result in a master conflict between the reactionaries of the Second Wave (hedgehogs) and the revolutionaries of the Third Wave (foxes). - Toffler has chosen the Third Wave as a scenario logic and has sketched a profile of the Third Wave political dispensation. - Toffler's work offers a heretical view of the future which the architects of the Third Wave can utilize so as to design a new world order. - Toffler has not only revolutionized the way mankind views the world but also his own academic growth. When choosing an alternative future world he also underwent a transformation away from his Marxist background to the phenomenological thoughts deeply rooted in the German tradition. In the wake of the master conflict in which the Second and Third Wave Civilizations battle for control of the future, Toffler recognizes a confused mankind. Instead of supporting the scenario which forwards a world spiraling into destruction, he offers a blueprint in which the radical changes affecting mankind can be understood. The focal point of this dissertation is his view of the crises of the nation-state, with man experiencing a confused transitional frame of mind. From this foundation Toffler’s contributions serve as a tool which will enable mankind to understand the transitional period into the Third Wave. According to Toffler the current transitional period of conflict experienced by mankind will be followed by a period of equilibrium in which a new political dispensation will offer, a new world which is radically different. His contributions will enable mankind, to conquer the crises-ridden stormy transitional period and make the correct decisions which will culminate in creating the new Third Wave Civilization.
Open Access
Electoral systems as a mechanism of democratic governance: a South African perspective
(University of the Free State, 2003-05) Makhetha, K. C.; Wessels, D. P.
Abstract not available
Open Access
Facing up to reality? NEPAD and the challenge of globalisation
(University of the Free State, 2004) Hokwana, Anele; Combrink, N. L.
English: The study deals with the role of the New Partnership for Africa's Development in launching Africa's political and economic revitalisation in the twenty-first century. The world entered the new millennium in the midst of a global economic revolution characterised by a wider acceptance of the liberal economic free-market system and a growing interdependence among states and markets. This redoubled the integration of national and regional systems of production and finance, causing growth in across-border flows of goods. Globalisation also intensified the trend of democratic governance and the need for regional co-operation and integration. However, the distribution of benefits and the contributions of the various states and regions show imbalances. On the one hand, economic globalisation has increased opportunities of especially the developed states and regions to expand access to goods and services, to broaden wealth, to acquire knowledge and skills, and improve the stsandard of living. On the other hand Africa has been dragging its feet as a result of bad governance and the failure of political and economic leadership, staggering debt and perennial underdevelopment. Consequently, the continent has been marginalised from the international political and economic mainstream. The study aims to describe the aspects of Africa's underdevelopment that threaten the political and economic stability of the international political economy and to analyse and evaluate the New Partnership for Africa's Development plan within the context of globalisation by highlighting the links between democracy and good governance, legitimacy and political stability on the one hand, and economic growth, development, foreign direct investment and partnerships on the other hand. The so-called "NEPAD document" or strategic plan is used as the framework for an explanation of concepts and theoretical contexts against which the problems of underdevelopment, legitimacy, equal partners in international relations and the revitalisation of the African continent in a rapidly changing global environment should be viewed. In order to reach this stage, however, African states need to accept and implement the principles endorsed by the NEPAD plan. This implies that Africa must firstly; comprehend the nature of the continents' marginalisationin international political economy and constant underdevelopment stemming partly from the European colonial era and partly from the post-independence era. Secondly, revitalise political governance in Africa by institutionalising democracy and good governance from grass root level and collectively and individually improve political regional integration mainly through the Africa Union. Thirdly, strengthen regional economic integration by means of intra-trade, investments,, and united bargaining at international level such as the World Trade Organisation to promote economic development and the eradication of poverty mainly through the implementation of common economic liberalisation policies especially privatisation of state entities. Finally, African state should have their government's performance scrutinised by the African Peer Review Mechanism in order to strengthen their democracies and good governance, thereby attracting foreign direct investments. The study emphasises that the New Partnership for Africa's Development, is a unique and novel long-term strategic plan devised and endorsed by the African heads of state to squarely and proactively face up to the challenges of African development. In conclusion, it affirms the strategic role that the New Partnership for Africa's Development has to play in reintegrating Africa into the global political economy of the twenty-first century.
Open Access
The role of multinational corporations in South Africa: a political-economic perspective
(University of the Free State, 2006-05) Mthombeni, Mandlenkosi Simion; Combrink, N. L.
Abstract not available.
Open Access
Vigilantism as a feature of political decay in the post-1994 South African dispensation
(University of the Free State, 2007) Swanepoel, Lenie; Duvenhage, Andrè
English: Little research has been done on the phenomenon of vigilantism in South Africa. Vigilantism describes the action of citizens who take the law into their own hands, making use of violent methods, in the context of inadequate law enforcement by the state and the collapse of public order. In an environment of political instability, lack of public order and related security problems, groups such as People Against Gangsterism and Drugs (PAGAD), Mapoga-a-Mathamaga and “people’s courts” have come into being as vigilante organisations. This article describes and analyses vigilantism in South Africa against the backdrop of disintegrating public order.
Open Access
Traditional leadership and its relation to the democratically elected local government structure in Kwazulu-Natal
(University of the Free State, 2007-05) Koenane, Mojalefa Lehlohonolo Johannes; Khumalo, L. Z. M.; Coetzee, T.
English: The role of traditional leadership in South Africa has remained a controversial issue over the past fifteen years. The focus of this research is to investigate the relationship between the modern political system of governance and the traditional leadership as forms of dual system of governance in South Africa. The thesis raises issues as catalysts for robust debated, to move beyond standard political arguments particularly when it comes to the meaningful role traditional leaders must play in South Africa today. Debates surrounding the institution of uBukhosi primarily polarised the South African society and this is normal as it is the case with all other issues. There seems to be two opposing schools of thought on the subject of traditional leaders, even within the African National Congress’ ranks. The thesis also gives a background to these two theoretical schools of thought and attempts to explain the reason why there is some difficulties formulating a policy document that is implemental. In this thesis, the two opposing viewpoints are represented by ‘modernists’ and ‘traditionalists’ respectively. The other position is recognising the role traditional leaders played and believe that traditional leaders have a role in the democratic dispensation and must form part of local governance in rural areas. This relationship is examined from the government’s documentations, official political statements by politicians and most importantly, how policy (theory) is implemented (praxis) by both government and the institution of traditional leadership. The argument brought forward in this thesis holds a view that the institution of traditional leadership possesses the ability for understanding how to govern and effectively make people come to an agreement through consensus about social problems that they share and the possible solutions to these problems, rather than depend on political elites and bureaucrats. In this way the system of traditional leadership provides values that are absent in the democratic form of governance. The thesis also focuses on issues of governance and political transformation that was introduced in the ‘Interim’ Constitution and further developed in the Constitution. In order to establish good working relationships between the institution of uBukhosi and elected government structures, ‘trust’ is essential between these two systems. Thus the researcher takes a moral stand that government must demonstrate a ‘political will’ to remedy the situation and work towards authentic recognition of the institution of uBukhosi and African culture. The study further puts forward a view that traditional leaders must be seen to be apolitical in decisions they make. Further more, the institution of traditional leadership must constantly revisit itself and seriously revise its strategies with regard to the position of women in the succession debate for position of leadership as traditional leaders and other aspects that are seen as inherently opposed to the Constitution. In other words, the institution must also transform, it cannot remain static. There must be a ‘political will’ to come to terms that people on the grassroots want their traditional leaders to remain in authority, therefore traditional leaders’ role in governance must be made clearer. The study provides for a rational involvement of the institution of traditional leadership in the negotiated state. Given the fact that South Africa is currently a constitutional state guided by democratic principles, democracy should prevail, however, not at the expense of the destruction of the institution of traditional leadership. Thus, democracy should not thrive by destroying traditional African leadership system. Finally, this thesis perceives the dual system of governance as two sides of the same coin.
Open Access
Vigilantism as a feature of political decay in the post-1994 South African dispensation: a theoretical perspective
(University of the Free State, 2008-11) Swanepoel, M. P.; Duvenhage, A.; Coetzee, T.
English: The main aim of this study was to develop a more comprehensive theoretical perspective of the occurrence of vigilantism in post-1994 South Africa as available literature lack order and structure in their explanations of this phenomenon. The study started with the development of a metatheoretical framework for the investigation in which it was concluded that the development of a theory for vigilantism through this presentation will be influenced by life experience and philosophical framework, the selection of available valid and reliable information by means of a literature study as well as the selection of scientific methodology; and by the fact that the study will be undertaken within the Political Science discipline. The aim would therefore be to provide an analytical component by answering the question “What is vigilantism?”, a strategic component by answering the question “How does vigilantism take place?” and a normative component by answering the questions “Why does vigilantism take place? and When would it most probably take place?” Literature selected for the study was divided into two categories, namely contextual conceptual frameworks and specific conceptual frameworks. Contextual conceptual frameworks utilised were those of Huntington, Duvenhage, Geldenhuys, Migdal and Zartman, while the specific conceptual frameworks were those of Strange, Black, De la Roche, Abrahams, Johnston and Minnaar. A common denominator that was identified in all the contextual and specific typologies, models and theories discussed, supports the idea that vigilantism is a feature of political decay, since its manifestation is always explained on the basis of law and order lacking, a weak government, an inability of the state to provide security and social needs, social organisations (vigilantes) applying their own rules, low bureaucratic abilities and the state failing to perform all its functions. Four broad contextual criteria were identified while studying the contextual conceptual frameworks, namely a society in disequilibrium, a dysfunctional state, the existence of power vacuums and the presence of high levels of violence. The occurrence of vigilantism can be predicted on the basis of these contextual criteria and it was found that South Africa generally does comply to these criteria in the post-1994 period. Through the specific conceptual frameworks, a definition for vigilantism was developed which also provides specific criteria to determine whether the acts of a group can be classified as those of vigilantism and reads as follows: Vigilantism refers to the illegal and violent acts or threats of such acts directed at individuals threatening the community order, by self-appointed law enforcement groups consisting of private citizens, protected by a conspiracy of silence, in reaction to the absence or ineffectiveness of the formal system, aiming at reclaiming order. The contextual and specific criteria were tested against three case studies – PAGAD, Mapogo-a-Mathamaga and people’s courts. The study found that all three case studies supported both the contextual and the specific criteria but with the following two exceptions: • PAGAD progressed to the phase of subversion as it turned into an urban terrorist group. This indicated the danger of vigilantism if left unattended by the state. • Mapogo-a-Mathamaga charged a fee for its protection, indicating that a vigilante organisation can also be contracted and does not act on a voluntary basis. The study of people’s courts indicated that incidents of vigilantism through these groups have been taking place since 1994 and are still continuing. People’s courts are scattered all over the country and are mainly found in informal settlements and very poor townships. It is important to note that the phase of vigilantism is temporary by nature, since it is not the preferred phase of people. This study has shown that vigilantism is a reality in post-1994 South Africa and a real threat to the authority of the state and requires the state’s attention and immediate action.
Open Access
Voorwoord
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010) Hudson, Heidi
Abstract not available
Open Access
Voorwoord = Foreword
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010) Hudson, Heidi
Abstract not available