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Item Open Access Accessing small business support programmes in Maseru, Lesotho(University of the Free State, 2022) Monese, Azael Limpho; Beder, L.The terms small and medium enterprise (SME) and entrepreneurship were developed in the late 1940s. In developing these terms, policies emerged that included grants, subsidised credits, and special taxes for SMEs. It also included the establishment of small business support agencies funded by governments for the benefit of SMEs. The agencies were established in Japan, the United States of America (USA), India, Tanzania and Turkey in 1948, 1953, 1954, 1966, and 1976, respectively (Keskin et al., 2010, p. 189). According to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), SMEs are essential participants in the economy and the broader business ecosystem (OECD, 2022, p. 19). SMEs play a critical role in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by promoting inclusive and sustainable economic growth, providing employment and decent work for all, promoting sustainable industrialisation and fostering innovation, and reducing income inequalities across countries at all stages of development (OECD, 2017, p. 8). In 2016, the government of Lesotho developed the Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSME) policy, aiming to address the issues and problems affecting the development of MSME in Lesotho (Masupha, Beharry-Ramraj and Amolo, 2017, p. 7). The policy identified challenges to MSMEs as access to finance, market access, technological development and innovation, entrepreneurial training, skills development, infrastructural development, and business working space (Molebatsi, 2021, p. 20). Therefore, this study aimed to evaluate the small business support programmes in Maseru, Lesotho, by establishing the types of small business support programmes available, determining the barriers for small businesses to access the SMEs support programmes, and lastly, determining what needs to be done to improve existing small business support programmes to ensure that they address SME challenges.Item Open Access Accountability within the governance of intergovernmental relations in South Africa(University of the Free State, 2020) Pholo, Goitsione Moses Pholo; Coetzee, T.This study intended to investigate accountability, as advanced by public officials, elected officials, public and private sectors, stakeholders and the citizenry within the framework of governance and intergovernmental relations (IGR) in South Africa. In the process of the investigation, the study as guide solely by addressing the indicators outlined in its problem statement, and the aims and objectives as the frame of reference for the investigation. Accordingly, the study was of the view that there were basic and key concepts of accountability within the governance of intergovernmental Relations (IGR) that needed to develop the public officials, elected officials, stakeholders and the citizenry in order to deliver an accountable state and governance to the electorate. These basic and key concepts of accountability as indicated in paragraph designed and simplified user-friendly integrated governance model (IGM) to guide the intended users. In order to attain the maximum targets set by the study, the abovementioned indicators were adopted for the implementation and monitoring by the intended users to ensure optimum accountability measures within the governance of intergovernmental Relations (IGR). The study set out four indicators to guide the investigation as the means of the frame of reference, and they (i) Demonstrated accountable governance perspectives, which included the intensity of relations, governmental distance, power dependence and bargaining power within the three spheres of government, (ii) Conducted the analysis on the intergovernmental governance and determined the outcomes to live up to the standards, as well as expectations for executed functions, as outlined by the Constitution (1996), (iii) Developed the new integrated governance model (IGM) as an instrument, to guide the intended users towards ensuring the maximum implementation of the accountability measures within the intergovernmental governance, and (iv) Developed the set of practical enforceable findings, conclusions and recommendations for public officials, elected officials, stakeholders and the citizenry within the intergovernmental governance. The outcomes of the findings and recommendations supplemented the intended integrated governance model IGM) for ease of reference to the users. Therefore, the findings, conclusions, recommendations, as well as the integrated governance model (IGM) are the profound solution and the pillar of the study. Hence, the integrated governance model (IGM) of the study made the unique contribution and significance of this investigation.Item Open Access The adoption of Fintech applications in wealth banking(University of the Free State, 2023) Nel, Pierre Retief; Coetzee, J.Financial technology, or FinTech, offers substitutes for some products used in traditional banking and non-banking finance services. In the financial sector, FinTech is a new idea. This field study’s main goal is to gain insight into wealth clients' perspectives of FinTech adoption within a wealth banking paradigm. It explains the factors that affect how clients perceive using FinTech services in the wealth management industry. The wealth management services industry's traditions and behaviour will alter as well as how AI will be adopted, different generations and population to name a few. This study explored further into the factors that influence wealth clients’ perceptions when adopting FinTech services as part of a large South African bank's wealth management client base. Due to technological advancements, the financial world has been changing quickly, and practically every facet of it now has a new look and feel. FinTech is the term used to describe this technological transformation in the financial sector. Even if the ‘FinTech influence’ has been felt throughout all financial services, the wealth management business is just beginning to experience it in comparison to other financial services industries. The clientele of wealth management is ageing, and younger people and women are significantly underrepresented. Despite the younger populations' interest in FinTech solutions, the wealth services sector currently provides only a few possibilities for them. The distribution of female clients in wealth management is lagging behind overall growth trends. Wealthy customers use a variety of wealth service providers, combine different wealth service options, and maintain a strong personal connection with either their wealth banker, investment manager, or both. FinTech services help wealth management clients operate more effectively while also increasing their usefulness and meeting their needs for services. Financial management clients employ FinTech service offerings from only well-known wealth service providers with confidence. South Africa's wealth management industry lags the US and UK's by several years. Currently, FinTech is seldom present in the core wealth management industry. In the South African wealth market, there aren't many entry-level Robo-advisors, but those that do exist don't pose much of a threat to the market leaders. Wealth management should acknowledge the impact of technology advancements on client behaviour. Ensuring a trusted relationship for wealth management is high priority in evaluating the bank/client relationship when incorporating or planning FinTech services in wealth banking. Also, to understand what drives client perception in relationship quality and how these perceptions need to be combined to find the right balance of quality. It is important for the wealth management business to understand the risk of an aging book and to implement proper wealth transfer strategies to include the next generation. With a diversified and growing investment market with increasing options, wealth management need to look at how they can deliver alternative asset classes to add value to a growing and more diversified client base. Managing complexity such as volatility, and the risk of various different asset classes, might be in the form of robo-advisors. Wealth management need to find the FinTech ‘disruptor’ of the status quo. Overall, FinTech has improved the services offered by the traditional wealth management sector. Wealth management need to accept the future lies in a fully digital FinTech platform that serves as a one-stop shop for all wealth management needs. Digital and online engagement is the future of the wealth management industry and wealth technology. The current nature of advice professionals will evolve, becoming a more individualised one-stop solution thanks to the more sophisticated client interaction digital platforms. South Africa's banking system is in a state of flux and change. On one hand, traditional banking models have seen a decrease in market share as fintech innovations have gained traction within the country. On the other hand, fintech has had its own struggles, with many South Africans still not having access to digital banking services. Fintech refers to the use of technology to offer financial services, including mobile banking, online banking, and digital wallets.Item Open Access An analysis of municipality management key performance indicator (KPI) and its relation to municipal manager (MM) turnover: comparison between municipalities in Gauteng and Limpopo provinces(University of the Free State, 2022) Mashashane, Ndangano Banyana; Cloete, PringleEffective public administration and municipal management are vital for developmental states' functioning, such as South Africa. Without efficient and effective municipal managers committed to clearly outlined and systematically implemented development plans, South Africa may struggle to live up to its developmental objectives. As such, good governance of municipal managers needs to be regularly checked through project management appraisal systems. However, it is due to the goal of good governance, which is consistently checked through regular project management appraisals, that we observe a high staff turnover in local municipalities. Staff turnover can be costly if it results in the loss of human capital investment and intellectual capital, exacerbated by costs to replacing management and a loss of productivity (Mzezewa and Raushai, 2019:5). Hattingh (2020:3) notes that the South African local government invests in the human capital and intellectual development of their senior managers through offering training and other capacity building initiatives while also providing financial assistance to further qualifications while under contract. However, a recent financial audit claims that more than half of the local municipalities are currently labelled as financially distressed, which adds to the high employee turnover rate in municipal management positions. According to the Department of Cooperative Governance, of those employees suspended, 21 were municipal managers (Hattingh, 2020:33). As a response to the current problem, the government has allocated R6.6-billion to support municipalities through building capacity and strengthening municipal administrations (Hattingh, 2020:4; Polity, 2021). Based on the implications of managerialism, this dissertation hopes to add a body of knowledge on any trends of accomplishments, or any entry requirements met, which may predict the capability of good governance of municipal managers and to increase staff retention to prevent further loss of capital. The problem, however, is that a shortage of research exists on trends of which municipal manager KPI's (competencies), skills and experiences lead to completion of their contractual term and not suspension. This study therefore aimed to identify which Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) and core managerial competencies (CMCs) are present amongst municipal managers who complete their contractual terms while also performing well within the human resource management retention theory of job fit. In other words, the objective of this study is to explore and compare descriptively the municipal management turnover and any trends in the managers (MM's) KPI's and experiences that promote completion of managerial contract with the local government. The study is a cross-sectional descriptive quantitative exploration of municipality managers' performance challenges, preventing them from completing their full contractual term as a municipal manager. Information came from multiple sources, including Curriculum Vitae (CVs), KPI, CMCs, audits and exit reviews of managers. Secondary data was thematically categorised into the core competencies and KPI categories required by local government, and lastly, data was analysed and interpreted. This analysis will ultimately assist in the development of guidelines towards determining minimum requirements of managerial positions in municipalities to facilitate greater staff retention.Item Open Access An intersectional analysis of the systemic discrimination confronting LGBTQ+ individuals in the Middle East: the cases of Iran, Turkey, and Egypt(University of the Free State, 2023) Bekker, Simone; Solomon, Hussein𝑬𝒏𝒈𝒍𝒊𝒔𝒉 The road to equality is not straight, and for LGBTQ+ individuals the road holds various intersections of discrimination. Aspects such as identity and gender have directly impacted the level to which individuals are shunned by their families, communities, and social nexus. Although discrimination against LGBTI people undermines the human rights principles outlined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, discrimination and violence against people in the LGBTI community are all too common. Homophobic, biphobic, and transphobic attitudes remain deeply embedded in many cultures around the world. A significant amount of research on intersectionality concentrates primarily on African American women and other women of colour, and it seems that the research on intersectionality has not sufficiently addressed the lives of Middle Eastern LGBTQ+ individuals. Often, LGBTQ+ individuals are misrepresented by selected states from the region at international forums such as the United Nations General Assembly and Human Right Council. Using claims based on religious and cultural values, selected states undermine the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals, and Arab-speaking and Muslim majority states seem to form a homogenous entity with a uniform view on LGBTQ people. All LGBTQ+ members are assumed to be faced with the same systemic discrimination and to have the same human rights needs and experiences. For this reason, intersections of multiple systems of oppression are not recognised and the interests of some are privileged while the experiences of others are marginalised. To address this gap, this study uses an intersectional framework which notes that the LGBTQ+ community in the Middle East is not a singular entity, and even though conditions differ based on country, gender, and from individual to individual, as a whole, the LGBTQ community in the region has not been granted the “freedoms” linked to Western ideals of homosexual progress, such as open displays of romantic affection, gay marriage, and other superficial indications of acceptance in society. This study analyses differences of experiences of LGBTQ+ individuals within three separate case studies, namely Iran, Turkey, and Egypt. It does so by applying an intersectional lens to recognise the ways in which different social identities produce intersecting systems of privilege or oppression, and how these systems create different lived experiences, and/or common experiences within a social context. This dissertation is a qualitative study which utilises case study methodology to analyse the existing literature related to the topics. Discrimination and violence against LGBTQ+ individuals directly undermine the human rights principles outlined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The fact that so many instances of such violation continue to go unchallenged is testimony to the deep cultural roots of homophobia, biphobia, and transphobia. ___________________________________________________________________Item Open Access An analysis of emerging governing coalitions at the local level in South Africa with a specific focus on Johannesburg and Nelson Mandela Bay(University of the Free State, 2021-11) Knowles, Kelvin David; Gouws, C. M.The 2016 South African local government election was a defining moment, which changed the political and governance landscape of the country significantly. The results of this election saw the electoral dominance of the African National Congress (ANC) in major metropolitan municipalities diminishing and losing power through the formation of coalitions. Local government in South Africa is the third tier of government and is regarded as being closest to the people. Therefore, an inherent link exists between democracy and tangible governance affecting the lives of citizens. Moreover, the principal duty of local government is to deliver and ensure access to essential public services. This developmental role of local government is also accentuated in the White Paper on Local Government where the local government system is committed to working with communities to meet these communities’ socio-economic needs in a sustainable manner. With this in mind, were the social and economic needs of the communities of Johannesburg and Nelson Mandela Bay met by the governing coalitions, which emerged, post the 2016 local government elections in these two metros? The coalitions, which emerged after the 2016 local government election in key metropolitan municipalities, necessitated an exploration into these fledgling coalitions and although coalition governments are not entrenched at the local level or are part of the South African political culture, the country has experienced some type of coalition at all levels since 1994. Accordingly, this study provides an analysis of the emerging governing coalitions as they relate to the minority governments of Johannesburg and Nelson Mandela at the local level. Clarifying the link between coalitions and minority government, the premise is that minority governments are formed when a singular political party fails to reach the required majority to govern. Page | vi Explaining this further, De Vos (2016) writes the following: A party who has obtained the largest number of seats on a municipal council (but not an outright majority) does not have an automatic legal right to form the municipal government. Any group of parties who can cobble together a coalition of 50% plus 1 can form a coalition government, regardless of whether the largest party in the coalition is the largest party in the council. Of course, the closer to 50% of the seats a party obtains in a municipal council; the easier it will be for that party to cobble together a coalition. The research objectives probe the factors enabling or preventing coalition formation and the features of these emerging governing coalitions. Another objective was to explore how these coalition governments affected the communities of Johannesburg and Nelson Mandela Bay. This qualitative study used triangulation to provide a cohesive analysis of the data, which was comprised of semi-structured interviews, relevant documents, and other secondary sources. This study’s overview and conclusions attempted to explicate and establish coalition governance at the local level in South Africa. The 2016 local government elections brought a change in the balance of power and a reversal from the electoral dominance of the African National Congress (ANC). This facilitated a re-alignment of power by opposition parties to form emerging coalitions at the local level to affect governance. This study concluded that ideological and policy parity did not guarantee the survival of these emerging coalitions and that governance was adversely affected by their volatility. The lack of practical strategies which could have been applied more vigorously also negatively affected the efficacy of these coalitions. Thus, this study makes an original contribution to the interdisciplinary science of Governance and Political Transformation.Item Open Access An analysis of intergovernmental relations with specific emphasis on the Northern Cape Premier’s Intergovernmental Forum?(University of the Free State, 2023) Bitterbos, Lorraine Janice; Coetzee, TaniaThe study explores and analyses the effectiveness and efficiency of the Northern Cape Premier’s Intergovernmental Forum (NC PIGF). An overview is provided on the configuration and the statutory framework which regulates the system of intergovernmental relations in South Africa. Chapter Three of the South African Constitution Act 108 of 1996, makes provision for cooperative governance amongst the three spheres of government; mandating these spheres to work together to enhance service delivery and development planning. The study further examines the effectiveness and efficiency of the NC PIGF with a focus on how the Forum is currently measured, and how it should be measured. The analysis of the NC PIGF brought to the fore that the Forum partially complies with Section 33 of the Intergovernmental Relations Framework Act 13 of 2005 (IGRFA). Section 33 of the IGRFA stipulates that forums should adopt rules that govern their operations. Thus, the research findings suggest that the NC PIGF partially comply with Section 33 of the IGRFA. The study, therefore, provides solutions on how to coordinate and strengthen the Forum. This study follows a qualitative approach in order to achieve the objectives. The study concluded that to legitimize the NC PIGF, the forum should fully comply with statutes and other relevant legislative frameworks and prescripts. The study’s findings could make a significant contribution to enhancing service delivery and promoting a culture of resource sharing, preventing duplication of efforts, and managing conflict through integrated planning and coordination amongst the three spheres of government.Item Open Access An analysis of populism and human rights in South Africa(University of the Free State, 2018) Terblanche, Wayne Richard; Coetzee, TaniaThe study focussed on the Human Rights challenges experienced in South Africa, as well as the rise of Populism, and Populist tactics used by politicians and political parties. Qualitative research methodology was used as extensive literature on both components of the study, Human Rights and Populism, was investigated. Examples of Populism and Populist governments in other parts of the world, such as in Latin America, the United States of America, and Central and Eastern Europe, were also provided. These examples were used to illustrate how Populism can be a threat to the realisation of Human Rights and how South Africa can take active steps not to make or allow the same mistakes to happen in the country. The study found a global rise in Populism and that its ethnic calls divide societies or nations; it also has the ability to instigate violence between the “original people” and the so-called “other”. Secondly, Populism is difficult to define as it can take on different forms in different countries. In some instances, the Populist call is not ethnic but rather between classes; for example, between the ordinary people and the elite. Thirdly, Populism shows little regard for democratic institutions and considers the will of the people as sovereign. Therefore, Populism poses a threat to Human Rights, which views all people as equal, and all people are entitled to enjoy these rights irrespective of culture, nationality, colour or creed. The researcher recommends that the rise of Populism in South Africa be monitored and the dangers that it poses to Human Rights be exposed to the citizens of the country. Human rights activists and institutions should be mindful of the threat of Populism to the fulfilment of Human Rights, as enshrined in the Constitution of South Africa. Moreover, the government and leading political parties should not only strive for success at the ballot box, but it is the duty of the government to ensure that all citizens as well as immigrants and asylum seekers are safe and entitled to the same Human Rights as stipulated in the Constitution of South Africa.Item Open Access An analysis of regime capacity and a nascent environmental conflict in the Orange-Senqu, the Nile and the Niger River basins(University of the Free State, 2017) Mahlakeng, Mahlakeng Khosi; Solomon, H.𝑬𝒏𝒈𝒍𝒊𝒔𝒉 For much of the past century, the hydropolitical landscape of African transboundary river basins has been affected by water scarcity. The analysis of hydropolitics is referred to here as the politics of water, which symbolises the most complex relations and interactions between states that share river basins. According to Elhance (2000:202), such hydropolitics is a function of two variables: the rate of change in the hydrologic system and the institutional capacity to absorb that change. The United Nations (UN) identified the Orange-Senqu, the Nile and the Niger River basins, along with six other African river basins susceptible to potential water-induced conflict, as being at risk of tensions and/or conflict. The discourse and interest of this study in water as a potential source of conflict concentrates largely on the Orange-Senqu, the Nile and the Niger river basins. This study takes a comparative perspective of these transboundary river basins and outlines foreseeable transboundary river challenges for regional security, considering the impact of environmental scarcity. The selection of these basins is prompted by these regions being marked by serious environmental challenges that are detrimental to combustible hydropolitics over such shared water resources. Moreover, these cases are situated in three different regions and are aligned to different already functional regimes, with protocols and/or charters on shared watercourse. As such, they make for a helpful comparative case study analysis. These cases provide ideal and fascinating examples of the links between climate variability and change, water resources, human security, conflict, adaptation and regime capacity. The transboundary Orange-Senqu River Basin, located in the Southern African region is, after the Congo and the Zambezi river basins, the third largest river catchment in Africa. The basin stretches over four countries that includes all of Lesotho, a large portion of South Africa, southern Namibia and southwestern Botswana. The Orange-Senqu basin faces challenges of water scarcity due to soil erosion, wetland degradation, pollution, irrigation, mining, industries, population growth, power generation and domestic consumption. The unequal distribution of freshwater resources is also a fundamental factor posing a threat to the economic and social development of the Southern African region. The Nile River Basin (NRB), located in the region of North East Africa is an international river shared by eleven riparian countries. These are Burundi, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Sudan and South Sudan. This makes it the world’s longest river at about 6,700km or 4,100 miles. The NRB faces considerable challenges including rapid population growth, water scarcity as the NRB countries are known for their arid and semi-arid conditions, poverty, environmental degradation and uneven distribution of the Nile waters. The NRB is centrally challenged by disputes over the unequal use of water between upstream and downstream riparian countries. The Niger River, located in West Africa, is the third longest river in Africa after the Nile and Congo, flowing for 4,200 km and extending into 10 countries (Guinea, Côte d’Ivoire, Mali, Burkina Faso, Algeria, Benin, Niger, Chad, Cameroon and Nigeria). The Niger River Basin also faces challenges of population growth (with a total population of approximately 100 million and a growth rate of around 3%), agricultural run-off, oil production (the source of a host of environmental issues) and climate change, among other challenges. Regarding the institutions and institutional capacity required to promote cooperation among member countries and ensure the integrated development of resources, the study focuses on the Orange-Senqu River Commission (ORASECOM), the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI), and the Niger Basin Authority (NBA). ___________________________________________________________________Item Open Access An analysis of the system of government of Swaziland(University of the Free State, 2016-01) Qwabe, Modudusi Gregory; Coetzee, TaniaNo abstract availableItem Open Access Assessing e-government readiness in South African municipalities: a case of the Sol Plaatje Municipality(University of the Free State, 2023) Gaosekwe, Naledi Portia; Gouws, InaThis dissertation examines the e-Government readiness of the Sol Plaatje Municipality in South Africa, aiming to identify factors facilitating or hindering the implementation of e-Government initiatives. Through a comprehensive review of literature, policy documents, and empirical evidence, the study explores the intricate dynamics of e-Government, considering its potential to enhance public service delivery and governance transparency. The research employs theoretical frameworks such as the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) and the United Nations E-Government Development Index (UN-EGDI) to assess the Municipality's readiness for digital transformation. Findings reveal persistent challenges in technological infrastructure, digital literacy, and citizen awareness, particularly highlighting disparities between urban and rural areas. The study proposes recommendations for infrastructure enhancement, digital literacy programmes, comprehensive awareness campaigns, collaboration with telecom providers, and mobile optimization to bridge these gaps. Ultimately, this research underscores the importance of addressing multi-dimensional challenges to foster effective e-Government implementation, offering insights with broader implications for enhancing governance in South Africa and other developing nations.Item Open Access Assessing the level of governance on the intergovernmental relations forums in the Free State(University of the Free State, 2023) Manoto, Lehlohonolo Webster; Coetzee, TaniaThe study focused on assessing the level of governance in the Intergovernmental Relations Forums in the Free State. The study investigated whether the Intergovernmental Relations Policy and Planning was effected in the Free State; determined whether the Intergovernmental Relations Forums in the Free State delivered on their mandate; evaluated whether the Intergovernmental Relations Forums in the Free State monitored, supported and developed interventions to municipalities; evaluated the role of the Intergovernmental Relations Forums in the Free State in the decision making and management of service delivery; gauged whether the Intergovernmental Relations Forums in the Free State contributed towards the development of a national report on Intergovernmental Relations; and assessed Intergovernmental Relations Forums in the Free State’s practice of good governance. A qualitative methodology was employed in the study to describe and understand, rather than explain, human behaviour. The study was conducted using desktop research, documents, articles, journals, the Internet, and observations. The data for this study was sourced from the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (1996); the Intergovernmental Relations Framework Act 13 (2005); the Practitioner’s Guide to Intergovernmental Relations Systems in South Africa (2012); and the Annual Performance Plans and Annual Reports of government departments and District Municipalities in the Free State. The population for this study was the Premier’s Intergovernmental Forum, the four District Intergovernmental Forums, and the Mangaung Metropolitan Municipality. The information was analysed to draw unbiased inferences and provide honest and accurate analysis, which was consistently good in quality and cogent. Lastly, the study proposed recommendations, which could improve good governance and afford assurance and confidence to the Free State government, policy makers and public officials.Item Open Access An assessment of corporate governance in state-owned enterprises in Zimbabwe within the period 2005-2015: the case of the Hwange Colliery mine (2010-2014)(University of the Free State, 2019-03) Mumba, Blessed Dzidzai; Swanepoel, M. P.Leadership in any sphere of life, is a given constant. All entities - either political, social, economic or corporate – require some form of leadership to direct its affairs and maintain its focus on its aims and objectives. The presence of leadership therefore, equally demands a sense of responsibility, which is what corporate governance entails. This study thus, aims to identify and evaluate the existence of corporate governance in state-owned enterprises in a sub-Saharan African socio-economic setting. It makes use of the Hwange Colliery in the North-Western part of Zimbabwe as a specific case study. The study tries to establish the presence (or otherwise) of all characteristics of proper corporate governance; how they have impacted on the operations - and running – of the colliery over the years and how the current state of the colliery has affected its most-important stakeholders such as staff and immediate (host) community. Making use of primary and secondary research methods - such as interviews and pictorial data - the study attempts to determine if the brand of leadership/governance adopted in the running of Hwange Colliery meets required standards and has made it attractive to investors, as well as other stakeholders such as employees, clients and the government of Zimbabwe, which remains its major shareholder. The findings ultimately proved that the attempts by Hwange Colliery Limited to practise corporate governance have proved very inadequate – with far-reaching and painful consequences. These findings were followed by recommendations, which aimed at improving both the financial state of the Colliery, as well as its corporate governance scorecard.Item Open Access An assessment of participatory governance in Mangaung Metropolitan Municipality in the Free State(University of the Free State, 2017) Letawana, S. J.; Coetzee, T.In South Africa, the legislative mandate brought about the transition to democracy, and the subsequent policy and legislation framework, such as the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996; the White Paper on Local Government, 1998; the Local Government: Municipal Structures Act, Act 117 of 1998; and the Local Government: Municipal Systems Act, Act 32 of 2000, permitted citizens to take part in governance and policy-making. Yet, according to observation and the views of citizens in the Mangaung Metropolitan Municipally (MMM), the importance of participation as per the Constitution, as preached by the President and promoted by democrats, has yet to be translated into a lived reality at local government level. Furthermore, the service delivery protests that have taken place since 2004 are the result of poor participatory governance. In this regard, participatory governance in the development of municipal plans appears not to be realising its anticipated goals of closing the gap between government and its constituents because of a lack of consultation in the planning process and decision-making. Brynard (1996:138) states that local government is viewed as a means and a first point of contact to encourage the participation of people in the planning and policy-making process. This study involved a literature study, which included an extensive review of the relevant literature, legislation, policy documents, journal articles, books, conference papers and government reports on the purpose of local government, the developmental role of local government, as well as the requirements, purpose, roles, functions and mandate of municipal councillors, ward councillors, and ward committees. Newspaper articles were used to find examples of successful or unsuccessful participation. This study provides recommendations on how to ensure the continuation of participatory governance in MMM. In this regard, the findings and recommendations outline the parameters against which to measure the success of MMM’s participatory agenda, and to ensure that the sustainable development outcomes of the Integrated Development Plan (IDP) are met.Item Open Access Die beginsel van soewereiniteit in eie kring as waarborg vir burgervryheid in die Christelike staat(University of the Free State, 1952) Scheepers, David Johannes Jacobus; StraussAbstract not availableItem Open Access Beyond mono-theoretical approaches: realism, liberalism and the explanatory crisis in the democratic peace theory(University of the Free State, 2011-01-03) Coetzee, Eben; Hudson, H.Theoretical accounts in search of explicating the no war phenomenon inherent in the democratic peace proposition continue to permeate the discipline of International Relations (IR) at an imposing rate, giving credence to claims that the democratic peace research programme has obtained a position of pre-eminence within the discipline. Moreover, continued theoretical engagement with the democratic peace has resulted in the steadfast progression in the endorsement and, in some instances, the outright utilisation (read: manipulation) of the democratic peace theory as a panacea for real-world challenges facing Western policy makers. The emphasis on the democracy-peace nexus, grounded in liberal interpretations of the democratic peace, is however inherently problematic as the debate on the democratic peace remains essentially a project-in-process. Explanatory accounts of the democratic peace have thus far proceeded through an ontologically dichotomous framework in which the democratic peace is reduced to either structural or agential (individualist) accounts of (international) social and political outcomes. This has pitted the structural prioritisation embedded within (neo-)realist theory against the patently individualist nature of liberal theories of the democratic peace. Coinciding with this has been a failure of theoreticians on both sides of the theoretical aisle in transcending the domestic-international dichotomy accruing from their theoretical frameworks. This has meant that the theorisation of the democratic peace has failed in a twofold manner. Firstly, and if conceived as a problem peculiar to the agentstructure problem in social theory, the mutual exclusivity of agents and structures, embedded within the theoretical frameworks of liberal and (neo-)realist conceptions of the democratic peace, does not hold. Secondly, the domestic-international dichotomy thus accruing from the ontological positions upheld by these theoretical frameworks has provided little room for an alternative (multileveled) account of social explanation. In an attempt at addressing these shortcomings, this study highlights the need for a conception of social theorisation and, by implication, the democratic peace more attentive to the import of both agents and structures, located at the domestic and international levels respectively. A multitheoretical approach to the theorisation of the democratic peace will be advanced, drawing on both the structural and individualist arguments embedded within (neo-)realist and liberal theories of the democratic peace. This should not be construed as an attempt at arriving at a theoretical synthesis. Such a conception is anathema to the approach to be advanced in this study. By arguing for a conception of social life as inherently complex, this study will further attempt to transcend the theory-universal (context-independent) explanatory accounts derivative of (neo-)realist and liberal conceptions of the democratic peace by pointing towards the import of context to social theorisation and social conduct. The exclusion of context in social theorisation, derivative of a positivist theory of science, is challenged by providing a conception of social theorisation and social conduct as subjected to issues of time and place. Within such a conception of social life stressing the interplay of forces within and across time and space, the notion of a theoretical synthesis cannot but be left by the wayside. The multitheoretical and context-dependent argument to be advanced will be bolstered by probing the peaceinducing forces in Anglo-American relations (1861-1863 and 1895-1896) and Franco-American relations (2002-). Anglo-American relations, 1861-63, focusing on the diplomacy of the Trent affair and beyond, has highlighted the extent to which a multitheoretical approach is theoretically tenable. Similarly, the Anglo-American crisis over the Venezuelan boundary dispute, 1895-96, entailing British appeasement of the United States, was grounded, in part, in an unfavourable distribution of military capabilities on the part of Britain vis-à-vis the United States. However, British appeasement was also grounded in the existence of liberal explanatory forces deeming any war against the (liberal) democratic United States as unacceptable. The theoretical argument postulated will conclude by probing the peace-inducing effects concerned with Franco-American relations in response to the Iraq War. That Franco-American relations were ever in any real danger of erupting into armed conflict (or even war) is, of course, beside the point. The argument, rather, will explicate the nexus between realist and liberal explanatory forces as mitigating factors in preventing the transformation from conflict to war, with the neo-realist emphasis on the peace-inducing effects of nuclear weapons and the comparable effect of liberal values and institutions fixing the range of acceptable outcomes.Item Open Access Beyond the state-centric lens of the fragile state discourse: the case for hybrid political orders in Somaliland(University of the Free State, 2021-11) Schoeman, Albert; Solomon, H.Since the collapse of communism in the late 1980s, a "third wave of democratisation" has swept across the globe, encouraging many developing countries (particularly in Africa) to embrace liberal democratic, free market principles. However, several states appeared unable to sustain democratic governments and economic growth during the 1990s. This resulted in the rise and prominence of the fragile state discourse, which characterised these states as soft, weak, failed, or collapsing in accordance with the degree to which they failed to meet the Weberian criteria for statehood. This Western, state-centric approach has further been reflected in the efforts of governments, non-governmental organisations, and donor agencies to promote peace and state-building as a remedy to state failure. The study argues that the state-centric approach exemplified by Weber's definition of the state and embraced by fragile state discourse and Western state-building efforts has failed to provide an objective, counter-hegemonic, and emancipatory perspective on states labelled as weak, failed, or collapsed. Rather than that, the study focusses on Hybrid Political Orders as a complementary perspective that takes a post-Western approach more suited to comprehending the realities of fragile states while also acknowledging the role of traditional authorities in the hybrid state-building process. Current international relations theory, with a particular emphasis on statehood, the fragile state perspective, and state-building, is accused of being exclusive and catering to a small minority at the expense of most of the world's population. Rather than exaggerating the politics of public bodies, political science and international relations theory should place a greater emphasis on people or politics at the grassroots level. The study attempted to provide a post-Western revisionist and alternative perspective on current state-building practises by emphasising the role of Hybrid Political orders in Somaliland.Item Open Access Brazil in Africa (since the dawn of a new millennium): a political economic assessment.(University of the Free State, 2016-11) Masita, Tshepo; Van WykBrazil, the central focus of this study, has taken up a role as one of the interminably bourgeoning middle-power economies in the world. The country plays a major role in redefining the new role of emerging economies in a transformed global economic system. Furthermore, Brazil’s enthusiasm and rise in the globe has over the years been greatly swayed by compelling international as well as inland political and ideological nuances. As such, Brazil’s position on, and conduct in, the global governance terrain and, therefore, its foreign relations approach, is increasingly exhibiting an urgent need for academic inspection. More so, the study will attempt to offer an expanded descriptive account of the nexus between Brazil’s rise in the international system, as well as their growing footprint on the African continent. The study’s main diagnostic tool will be the critical theory of hegemony. In consequence, the Gramscian concept of consensual hegemony (which is directly correlated to the critical theory of hegemony) will be used to gauge Brazil’s international behaviour.Item Open Access Building state capacity in service delivery through public private partnerships: the case of the health sector in Lesotho(University of the Free State, 2023) Nkopane, Mapheello Juliet; Jankielsohn, RoyState capacity is mostly measured through the way services are rendered to a country’s citizens. Hence, Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) in the health sector have gained popularity and they are seen by many democracies as strategic approaches to managing and governing service delivery to citizens and, therefore, are considered a policy tool for enhancing governance. However, in many developing countries PPPs have not received enough attention; this has aggravated the healthcare systems’ challenges and development. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to emphasise the importance of building state capacity in service delivery through PPPs within the health sector in Lesotho and to provide information on the role of the government in ensuring effective collaborations or interactions between the public sector and the private sector. A descriptive qualitative method was used in this research to investigate, through desktop research of various resources, how the Government of Lesotho could build state capacity through the implementation of PPPs in the health sector. The focus of the study was on the Queen ‘Mamohato Memorial Hospital PPP project. It was found in this study that building state capacity through PPPs in Lesotho’s health sector is in its initial stages and it faces many challenges. This was evident in the recently failed Queen ‘Mamohato Hospital PPP project due to the absence of PPP legislation, public sector capacity, a detailed implementation framework, risk sharing procurement, and many other factors. A well-balanced incorporation of such key factors would be essential for the successful and sustainable implementation of PPPs in the health sector in Lesotho. The study answered the research questions on how state capacity towards service delivery could be enhanced using PPPs within the health sector in Lesotho.Item Open Access Burden-sharing and hybrid peacekeeping operations in Somalia and Sudan: a critical analysis(University of the Free State, 2015-10-20) Mohale, Barbara; Neethling, T. G.; Coetzee, EbenEnglish: This study explores whether hybrid peacekeeping operations, or recent forms of UN- AU co-operation, offer new prospects or opportunities to the challenges relating to international peacekeeping in Africa. It further analyses whether the international community is moving towards more effective and legitimate peacekeeping operations when it follows an approach of hybrid peacekeeping operations in Africa. Through historical-critical examinations of case studies of peacekeeping operations in Liberia, Burundi, Darfur, and Somalia, the study interrogates the evolution and practicality of key concepts such as R2P, mandates and legal underpinning, and the UN and AU architectures for peacekeeping operations. The study found that peacekeeping has shifted to include the three components (civilian, police, and military), making peacekeeping operations multidimensional in scope and approach. The cooperative security partnership between the UN and AU and sub-regional organisations, such as ECOWAS in Liberia and AU in Burundi, have demonstrated the significance of a cooperative venture towards lasting peace. The relationship between these two organisations - the UN and AU - is of paramount importance, and must be based on coherent and strategically structured relations which are systematically integrated. The implementation of hybrid peacekeeping operations offers new prospects or opportunities if the UN and AU use the advantages these possess to bring about peace, despite the challenges being faced. The study has shown how limited traditional interventions led to the innovative hybridisation but also made the case for the need to refine the response. The ultimate conclusion is that the resource and political constraints faced by the AU would benefit from the solid shared international responsibility provided by the comparative advantage of hybridisation. The study concluded that the UN and AU relationship and cooperation over the past two decades presents significant steps toward operations that would contribute to lasting peace in Africa. The lessons provided by the Liberia, Burundi, Darfur, and Somalia cases offer an instructive foundation for both the UN and AU to improve on an evolving approach. Lessons can be learned from the conflicts analysed in the study, and the international community has the advantage of working towards better and more refined hybrid peacekeeping operations than those conducted in Darfur and Somalia.