Masters Degrees (Political Studies and Governance)

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  • ItemOpen Access
    An intersectional analysis of the systemic discrimination confronting LGBTQ+ individuals in the Middle East: the cases of Iran, Turkey, and Egypt
    (University of the Free State, 2023) Bekker, Simone; Solomon, Hussein
    𝑬𝒏𝒈𝒍𝒊𝒔𝒉 The road to equality is not straight, and for LGBTQ+ individuals the road holds various intersections of discrimination. Aspects such as identity and gender have directly impacted the level to which individuals are shunned by their families, communities, and social nexus. Although discrimination against LGBTI people undermines the human rights principles outlined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, discrimination and violence against people in the LGBTI community are all too common. Homophobic, biphobic, and transphobic attitudes remain deeply embedded in many cultures around the world. A significant amount of research on intersectionality concentrates primarily on African American women and other women of colour, and it seems that the research on intersectionality has not sufficiently addressed the lives of Middle Eastern LGBTQ+ individuals. Often, LGBTQ+ individuals are misrepresented by selected states from the region at international forums such as the United Nations General Assembly and Human Right Council. Using claims based on religious and cultural values, selected states undermine the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals, and Arab-speaking and Muslim majority states seem to form a homogenous entity with a uniform view on LGBTQ people. All LGBTQ+ members are assumed to be faced with the same systemic discrimination and to have the same human rights needs and experiences. For this reason, intersections of multiple systems of oppression are not recognised and the interests of some are privileged while the experiences of others are marginalised. To address this gap, this study uses an intersectional framework which notes that the LGBTQ+ community in the Middle East is not a singular entity, and even though conditions differ based on country, gender, and from individual to individual, as a whole, the LGBTQ community in the region has not been granted the “freedoms” linked to Western ideals of homosexual progress, such as open displays of romantic affection, gay marriage, and other superficial indications of acceptance in society. This study analyses differences of experiences of LGBTQ+ individuals within three separate case studies, namely Iran, Turkey, and Egypt. It does so by applying an intersectional lens to recognise the ways in which different social identities produce intersecting systems of privilege or oppression, and how these systems create different lived experiences, and/or common experiences within a social context. This dissertation is a qualitative study which utilises case study methodology to analyse the existing literature related to the topics. Discrimination and violence against LGBTQ+ individuals directly undermine the human rights principles outlined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The fact that so many instances of such violation continue to go unchallenged is testimony to the deep cultural roots of homophobia, biphobia, and transphobia. ___________________________________________________________________
  • ItemOpen Access
    Entering the dragon’s den: contemporary risks and opportunities of China’s belt and road initiative for Africa
    (University of the Free State, 2023) de Kluiver, Jana; Neethling, Theodor
    𝑬𝒏𝒈𝒍𝒊𝒔𝒉 China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), launched in 2013, has emerged as a prominent driver of Sino-African relations, with the potential to significantly impact Africa's economy. This study critically examines the contemporary risks and opportunities of the BRI for Africa, aiming to contribute to the academic discourse on the effects of this initiative in the region. This investigation sheds light on the complex dynamics at play by exploring the potential implications for economic growth, development strategies, and long-term engagements. Through an in-depth analysis of the opportunities offered by the BRI, including infrastructure development, industrialisation, and digital development, as well as an examination of the associated risks related to debt sustainability, security, and dependency, this research provides valuable insights into the BRI's impact on African nations. The findings emphasise the need for African stakeholders and decision-makers to carefully assess the trade-offs between opportunities and risks. Employing a qualitative methodological approach grounded in various international political economy theories, this study offers nuanced analysis and recommendations. Ultimately, this research underscores that while the BRI holds immense potential for Africa, strategic risk management and tailored approaches are essential to maximise the benefits and navigate the challenges in this multifaceted landscape. ___________________________________________________________________
  • ItemOpen Access
    Investigating good governance and leadership within the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs)
    (University of the Free State, 2023) Motsie, Nneo Tsamontle; Swanepoel, M. P.
    Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) have been in operation for more than 20 years in South Africa. SETAs were first introduced by the Department of Labour in the year 2000 and they were established according to the Skills Development Act, No. 97 of 1998, of which subsection 9(1) in Chapter 3 states that the relevant minister may establish a SETA with a constitution for any national economic sector. SETAs were formed after the apartheid era because of the gaps and imbalances caused by apartheid. They were established to create jobs and to address the shortage of skilled professionals in South Africa, especially among black people, women, and disadvantaged citizens. The objective of the SETAs is to facilitate training in the different sectors and their mandate is to address skills development needs (Republic of South Africa [RSA] 1998b). Since their establishment, SETAs have attracted negative media attention due to poor governance and leadership (see, for example, Bolin 2003; Mail & Guardian 2003; Robinson 2004). Barclay (2012: 3) states that regardless of their positive contribution to skills development, SETAs continue to be the most criticised entities in the democratic dispensation. The challenges faced by SETAs are ineffective management information systems, poor monitoring and evaluation systems, lack of quality assurance mechanisms, poor governance, high dropout rates of learners registered for learnerships, corruption, theft, dysfunction, poor leadership, and irregular expenditure.Even though SETAs have existed for more than 20 years, little has been done with regard to leadership (the boards and senior management) within the SETAs. There have been continuous management challenges with regard to implementing policies and SETA operating principles. The management of SETAs is known to be ill-equipped to implement regulations and to enforce the law. Some SETAs have been placed under administration because of maladministration and the continuous unethical conduct of their senior management. Most SETAs are poorly managed, which results in fruitless expenditure such as spending billions of rands on administrative functions, with little money going to the training needs of the stakeholders (Rhodes University, 2021).According to Prinsloo (2004: 4), SETAs were created to serve as a solution for the shortage of skills in the country. The Auditor-General of South Africa (AGSA) has been reporting irregular expenditure within the SETAs since 2019, of which most of the irregular expenditure stems from poor governance and leadership. A member of the Parliamentary Committee and representative of the Democratic Alliance stated that “SETAs are corrupt and ineffective organizations” and that “the cycle of dissolving boards and appointing administrators goes on and on within SETAs due to ineffective leadership within the SETAs” (Parliamentary Monitoring Group [PMG] 2020). A member of the Parliamentary Committee and representative of the African National Congress challenged SETA representatives to devise a plan to restore efficiency and effectiveness within the SETAs. He questioned the good governance and management of the SETAs in 2020 during a committee meeting set up by the Department of Higher Education, Science and Innovation (PMG 2020).
  • ItemOpen Access
    The role and place of citizens in South Africa: a governance perspective
    (University of the Free State, 2023) Nyathi, Mandla Comfort; Coetzee, Tania
    This research’s focus is on examining the role and place of South African citizens from a governance perspective. The role and place of citizens can be defined as “a process wherein the common amateurs of a community exercise power over decisions related to the general affairs of a community” (Bekker, 1998). The Constitution of South Africa (1996) recognises a citizen as a legal member of the nation who is either born or neutralised in South Africa. Being a citizen means that there are both obligations and responsibilities that must be met, to maintain representative democracy and the proper role of government. An obligation is an action that a citizen is required to fulfil by law, while a responsibility is an action a citizen should take for the sake of the good common. Obligations of citizens include the paying of taxes, obeying laws, defending the nation, registering for elections and responsibilities include voting, attending civic meetings, and petitioning the government (Christopher, 2018:117). The role and place of citizens from a governance perspective is further solidified by the Bill of Rights. Chapter 2 of the Constitution (1996) provides that citizenry have the right to life, equality, freedom of association, political rights, citizenship, housing and parenthood for children. Citizens have the right to vote in which they play a role by participating in the democratic process of choosing people who will represent their interests in the Parliament (Green, 2008:55). According to Santoro and Kumar (2018:199), by choosing their own leaders, citizens are making use of their space in a constitutional democracy to make a positive contribution towards good governance. Green (2008:170) reiterates that voting is a constitutional and democratic process in which the citizens can hold the government to account. Since Members of Parliament (MPs) are chosen representatives, they must be accountable to the South African people and must act in the interest of the public. Christopher (2018:31) indicates that parties are elected based on what they stand for and MPs should be able to explain what they have been doing to execute their duties. Since the mandates of political parties are temporary, MPs are accountable in the sense that they may not be re-elected if they did not represent the public well or they do not deliver on the promises they made. It is vital to keep politicians accountable, as it is key to democracy and good governance. Accountability will compel the state to concentrate on outcomes and to assess and report on performance (Bekker, 1998:64). According to Galvin (2017:78), accountability has three elements, namely financial accountability, political accountability, and administrative accountability. The Institute for Democracy in South Africa considers accountability as a vital part of safeguarding public rights. In Shah’s point of view (2005:35) there are two types of accountability: vertical accountability (to citizens directly through the ballot box) and horizontal accountability (to public institutions of accountability). The institutions of horizontal accountability include the legislature, the judiciary, electoral commissions, auditing agencies, anticorruption bodies, ombudsmen, human rights commissions, and central banks. Institutions of horizontal and vertical accountability are fundamentally interconnected in that horizontal accountability is not likely to exist in the absence of vertical accountability: governments will bind themselves with institutions of horizontal accountability only when they will be punished by citizens for failing to do so. Civil society is believed to be another influential factor in the development of institutions of horizontal accountability (Shah, 2005). If competent governments are thought to be able to control the economy, then economic voting seems eminently sensible and the impact of economic conditions on election outcomes seems to provide powerful evidence of democratic accountability. In addition, if citizens are systematically biased in their perceptions of economic conditions, retrospective accountability will suffer (Achen & Bartels, 2016:147). Contrary to the roles and responsibilities, as mentioned in the preceding paragraphs, citizens demonstrate acts of irresponsibility, which in turn affect governance in general. During the 2021 local government elections, many South Africans voted, not with an X on a ballot paper, but by staying away (Independent Electoral Commission, 2021). This was a decision that was likely to leave a patchwork of coalition-run municipalities across the country that could have a detrimental effect on the future of South Africa’s democracy (Matias, 2016:56).
  • ItemOpen Access
    Building state capacity in service delivery through public private partnerships: the case of the health sector in Lesotho
    (University of the Free State, 2023) Nkopane, Mapheello Juliet; Jankielsohn, Roy
    State capacity is mostly measured through the way services are rendered to a country’s citizens. Hence, Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) in the health sector have gained popularity and they are seen by many democracies as strategic approaches to managing and governing service delivery to citizens and, therefore, are considered a policy tool for enhancing governance. However, in many developing countries PPPs have not received enough attention; this has aggravated the healthcare systems’ challenges and development. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to emphasise the importance of building state capacity in service delivery through PPPs within the health sector in Lesotho and to provide information on the role of the government in ensuring effective collaborations or interactions between the public sector and the private sector. A descriptive qualitative method was used in this research to investigate, through desktop research of various resources, how the Government of Lesotho could build state capacity through the implementation of PPPs in the health sector. The focus of the study was on the Queen ‘Mamohato Memorial Hospital PPP project. It was found in this study that building state capacity through PPPs in Lesotho’s health sector is in its initial stages and it faces many challenges. This was evident in the recently failed Queen ‘Mamohato Hospital PPP project due to the absence of PPP legislation, public sector capacity, a detailed implementation framework, risk sharing procurement, and many other factors. A well-balanced incorporation of such key factors would be essential for the successful and sustainable implementation of PPPs in the health sector in Lesotho. The study answered the research questions on how state capacity towards service delivery could be enhanced using PPPs within the health sector in Lesotho.
  • ItemOpen Access
    The impact of the intervention of NGOs and CBOs on Lesotho’s governance
    (University of the Free State, 2023) Koali, Seemola Sylvia; Coetzee, Tania
    Lesotho is a small, mountainous landlocked country, it is land locked by South Africa. t has a population of almost 2.3 million and nominal gross domestic product (GDP) per capita of $1,045.9 in 2022 (World Bank 2023). Like other African countries in its pursuit to strengthen its democracy and reduce poverty, Lesotho became a member and signatory to several sub-regional, regional, and international convention. These organisations include the Southern African Development Communities (SADC), the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), the United Nations (UN), and the African Union (AU). As mechanisms to help in the fight against poverty and global development, many countries introduced Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and Community Based Organisations (CBOs) to their governance (processes/structures?) to fill gaps that the government either cannot or do not wish to fulfill. Loise (2017) notes that NGOs are one of the basic elements of democratic societies. It is incontestable that NGOs and CBOs have come to play a prominent role on the African continent, including Lesotho. They are regarded as one of the mechanisms used in poverty reduction initiatives and programmes. The roots of NGOs and CBOs in Africa are found in the arrival of missionaries on the continent who dispensed charity and engaged in the provision of education and health services (Manji and O’Coill 2007: 568). Matthews and Nqaba (2017: 5) argued that while the history of NGOs could be traced back to the colonial period, it was in the 1980s that they were increasingly recognised as important institutions in the broader development aid sectors in Africa, as well as the rest of the world. Khati (2018: iii) observed that the prevalence of NGOs and CBOs in most developing countries is linked to the availability of foreign aid and a modernisation agenda for developed countries to invest in the development of the Global South countries. Khati (2018) states that, for these reasons, the governments of developing countries have embraced the existence and importance of NGOs in the improvement of the livelihoods of poor people within their regions.
  • ItemOpen Access
    Constitutional framework for traditional leaders in South Africa
    (University of the Free State, 2023) September, Teboho Jeffry; Coetzee, Tania
    This conceptual Mini dissertation explores the Constitutional framework for traditional leaders in South Africa, focusing on the delicate balance between cultural heritages and integrating traditional leadership into the modern governance.Traditiional leadership plays a significant role in social, cultural and economic fabric of South African Communities, often serving vital link between the government and local Communities.However,the Constitutional recognition and regulation of traditional leaders have been subject of an ongoing debate. Drawing on comprehensive review of existing literature, legal framework and relevant case studies, this mini dissertation examines the historical context of traditional leadership in South Africa and analyse the complexities surrounding their positions within the Constitutional framework.it explores the tension between customary law, democratic principles and human rights, shedding light on the Constitutional challenges faced in reconciling traditional governance structures with the demand of the modern Constitutional democracy. This main dissertation delve into the key issues such as recognition of traditional leaders authority, their leadership with elected government structure, and extend to which Customary laws should be accommodated within the broader legal system.it also explored the need for accountability,transparency,and inclusivity within traditional leadership institutions, ensuring that they align with democratic values while upholding the cultural heritage and practices cherished by local government communities. The findings of this mini dissertation contributes on the ongoing discourse of the Constitutional recognition and regulations of traditional leadership in South Africa. By critically analysing the intricate dynamics between traditional, modern governance and Constitutional principles. The study will inform policy makers, legal practitioners, scholars and communities on the challenges and potential solutions for establishing a Constitutional framework that respects Cultural heritage while promoting the principles of democracy, human rights and inclusivity.
  • ItemOpen Access
    South Africa's role in the promotion of democracy and good governance in Africa to drive economic development
    (University of the Free State, 2023) Singo, Muthundinne Curtis; Matebesi, Sethulego Zacheus
    Good governance has been receiving global attention as studies suggest that its effectiveness equates to developing any member states, prompting countries and governments to align themselves with tenets of good governance to realise economic development. However, though the concept of good governance is widely underscored as a mechanism through which countries can achieve development objectives, the situation in Africa is different. African countries are battling development, which impacts people's socio-economic status. Good governance is failing because of the governance system that breeds political instabilities and democratic deficits; this is even though, as a mechanism, good governance will ensure that the continent scurries towards achieving its regional developmental plans. Thus, a voice of reason must emerge to inspire confidence and lead the developmental trajectories of the continent; hence, since democratisation and reintegration into the global society, South Africa has been involved in developing the continent through the African Agenda.
  • ItemOpen Access
    The influence of civil society organisations in the new governance framework of democratic South Africa
    (University of the Free State, 2023) Cwaile, Mmoloki Saviour; Coetzee, Tania
    The study set out to investigate whether the influence of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) had diminished in the new government framework of democratic South Africa, and if so, what the attributing factors were. This study used a qualitative research approach. The aim of the study was to identify and examine the possible impediments to the effective and positive contribution of CSOs in the new government framework in democratic South Africa. The study investigated whether the role of CSOs had diminished in the new governance framework in democratic South Africa, and how CSOs could be made more effective in the face of all the challenges that undermined their presence and space. This study collected, collated, and analysed the data on the selected CSOs. The research enabled an explanation and description of the identified and the excluded tools and/or mechanisms through which the influence of CSOs could be or was exercised in the context of the new governance framework of democratic South Africa. The findings demonstrated that there was a multiplicity of factors that had contributed to the diminished influence of CSOs. CSOs have however found alternative means, including the use of the courts or litigation, to ensure that their views find expression and that they are able to exercise some form of influence. Based on the findings, recommendations were made, which if considered and implemented, could help to redress and/or mitigate the diminishing influence of CSOs in the post-apartheid era, in the new democratic framework of South Africa.
  • ItemOpen Access
    An analysis of intergovernmental relations with specific emphasis on the Northern Cape Premier’s Intergovernmental Forum?
    (University of the Free State, 2023) Bitterbos, Lorraine Janice; Coetzee, Tania
    The study explores and analyses the effectiveness and efficiency of the Northern Cape Premier’s Intergovernmental Forum (NC PIGF). An overview is provided on the configuration and the statutory framework which regulates the system of intergovernmental relations in South Africa. Chapter Three of the South African Constitution Act 108 of 1996, makes provision for cooperative governance amongst the three spheres of government; mandating these spheres to work together to enhance service delivery and development planning. The study further examines the effectiveness and efficiency of the NC PIGF with a focus on how the Forum is currently measured, and how it should be measured. The analysis of the NC PIGF brought to the fore that the Forum partially complies with Section 33 of the Intergovernmental Relations Framework Act 13 of 2005 (IGRFA). Section 33 of the IGRFA stipulates that forums should adopt rules that govern their operations. Thus, the research findings suggest that the NC PIGF partially comply with Section 33 of the IGRFA. The study, therefore, provides solutions on how to coordinate and strengthen the Forum. This study follows a qualitative approach in order to achieve the objectives. The study concluded that to legitimize the NC PIGF, the forum should fully comply with statutes and other relevant legislative frameworks and prescripts. The study’s findings could make a significant contribution to enhancing service delivery and promoting a culture of resource sharing, preventing duplication of efforts, and managing conflict through integrated planning and coordination amongst the three spheres of government.
  • ItemOpen Access
    Developmental governance: accountability and participatory governance at SOEs in South Africa
    (University of the Free State, 2023) Mophethe, Kelebile Hillary; Coetzee, Tania
    The topic of this research is on Developmental Governance focusing on accountability and participatory governance at SOEs in South Africa This study highlights the problems South African SOEs face in relation to governance challenges that impede their ability to operate effectively, create value and contribute to economic development. Most entities report to different political principles, i.e. to more than one state departments. Authorities have not yet been responsible for the reactions of the people and stakeholders. Public participation in these entities' decision making, transparency, feedback and accountability is not an open process. The continued low participation and lack of accountability will continue to bring down SOEs and other state agencies, eventually collapse and increase poverty and unemployment. High. The objective of this study was to investigate why SOEs in South Africa are not achieving socioeconomic growth and service delivery, and whether they contribute to the state development agenda, or not. The study also seeks to determine whether these entities recognize and adopt the principles of development and participatory governance in the management and operation of these entities and explore why. accountability gaps lie within them. The research applied the desktop study methodology. This study reveals that cadre deployment has greatly contributed to the destruction of most SOEs in South Africa and is a real obstacle to achieving competent open governance, as it prioritizes the reliability of appointed officials over the legitimacy and ability of these individuals to carry out the responsibilities entrusted to them. This is why public services have fallen into the trap of inefficiencies by various government institutions. State Owned Enterprises in South Africa face performance challenges as a direct result of the ANC's operating culture. The research reveals that SOEs in South Africa do not adhere to business ethics, principles and values of an ethical culture, transparency, good practice, effective monitoring and accountability, equity, as part of a corporate governance protocol that echoes the principles of the King's Code of Good Corporate Governance and the King's Report on Good Corporate Governance for South Africa and, there are currently no punitive consequences for non-compliance as there is no legal obligation on public companies to comply with the provisions of the King and Code Report. This study also reveals that State-Owned Enterprises in South Africa have become debt traps and fall into deeper financial problems, due to mismanagement and hopeless balance sheets, with oversight executive weakness. The research also found that there are limited opportunities available for citizens to receive feedback or information, and the policy-making process is perceived by the public as being driven by the elite, which excludes and demobilises them. Furthermore, it has been determined that despite applicable and available legal provisions for participatory procedures, civil society does not have the opportunity to engage in meaningful participation activities. means. Communication channels are inadequate, inaccessible, and crippled, and new methods are needed to engage citizens in policymaking. This research also found that mutual trust, honesty, transparency, equity and respect for opposing viewpoints for stakeholder cooperation within the practical and legal constraints of decision makers was violated. Furthermore, this research has shown that state agencies cannot function effectively because their mandates overlap to some extent, thus, they cannot fight or prevent corruption; activities of anti-corruption agencies have not been closely coordinated; and there is no cooperation between them to maximise efficiency. The study also revealed that the absence of a national anti-corruption charter, or enforceable code of conduct, has allowed corruption to pervade key institutions in the public as well as private sectors, and become a threat to national security. Additionally, the research has determined that the growth of good governance as a concept has given way to technocratic notions of good governance, disregarding autonomy in the civil service, and has led to governance failures, lack of accountability, lack of transparency, looting, cronyism, corruption, wasteful spending, mismanagement of funds and state holdings. Inadequate application of good governance transcends traditional ideals and practices of democracy and critical activism and prevents social actors from challenging oppression, corruption, and violations of human right.
  • ItemOpen Access
    Political Trust and Protest Behaviour in Local Government in the Free State
    (University of the Free State, 2021) Letsoara, Thabiso Joseph
    Political trust is understood as an attitude that reflects citizens’ basic evaluative orientations of the political system, its institutions and incumbent authorities. This attitude of political trust is also found to have a significant bearing on how citizens relate with and behave towards their local political institutions and incumbent authorities. This research report pays specific attention to how low and/or declined levels of political trust foments protest action at a municipal level. To be precise, the relationship between political trust and protest action will be examined in the context of municipalities in the Free State Province, South Africa. The theoretical proposition of this report is that citizens in the Free State demonstrate low and/or declined levels of political trust and as a consequence, local communities respond by means of endless protest action across local municipalities. The accuracy of this proposition may signify a more profound challenge of a poor, ineffective and inefficient local government system in the province. Nonetheless, it is important to note that these observations are not unique to the Free State, but seem to characterise most municipalities across the country. If left unabated, low levels of trust and rising protest action may pose a serious risk to the stability and legitimacy of the entire local government system.
  • ItemOpen Access
    An analysis of municipality management key performance indicator (KPI) and its relation to municipal manager (MM) turnover: comparison between municipalities in Gauteng and Limpopo provinces
    (University of the Free State, 2022) Mashashane, Ndangano Banyana; Cloete, Pringle
    Effective public administration and municipal management are vital for developmental states' functioning, such as South Africa. Without efficient and effective municipal managers committed to clearly outlined and systematically implemented development plans, South Africa may struggle to live up to its developmental objectives. As such, good governance of municipal managers needs to be regularly checked through project management appraisal systems. However, it is due to the goal of good governance, which is consistently checked through regular project management appraisals, that we observe a high staff turnover in local municipalities. Staff turnover can be costly if it results in the loss of human capital investment and intellectual capital, exacerbated by costs to replacing management and a loss of productivity (Mzezewa and Raushai, 2019:5). Hattingh (2020:3) notes that the South African local government invests in the human capital and intellectual development of their senior managers through offering training and other capacity building initiatives while also providing financial assistance to further qualifications while under contract. However, a recent financial audit claims that more than half of the local municipalities are currently labelled as financially distressed, which adds to the high employee turnover rate in municipal management positions. According to the Department of Cooperative Governance, of those employees suspended, 21 were municipal managers (Hattingh, 2020:33). As a response to the current problem, the government has allocated R6.6-billion to support municipalities through building capacity and strengthening municipal administrations (Hattingh, 2020:4; Polity, 2021). Based on the implications of managerialism, this dissertation hopes to add a body of knowledge on any trends of accomplishments, or any entry requirements met, which may predict the capability of good governance of municipal managers and to increase staff retention to prevent further loss of capital. The problem, however, is that a shortage of research exists on trends of which municipal manager KPI's (competencies), skills and experiences lead to completion of their contractual term and not suspension. This study therefore aimed to identify which Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) and core managerial competencies (CMCs) are present amongst municipal managers who complete their contractual terms while also performing well within the human resource management retention theory of job fit. In other words, the objective of this study is to explore and compare descriptively the municipal management turnover and any trends in the managers (MM's) KPI's and experiences that promote completion of managerial contract with the local government. The study is a cross-sectional descriptive quantitative exploration of municipality managers' performance challenges, preventing them from completing their full contractual term as a municipal manager. Information came from multiple sources, including Curriculum Vitae (CVs), KPI, CMCs, audits and exit reviews of managers. Secondary data was thematically categorised into the core competencies and KPI categories required by local government, and lastly, data was analysed and interpreted. This analysis will ultimately assist in the development of guidelines towards determining minimum requirements of managerial positions in municipalities to facilitate greater staff retention.
  • ItemOpen Access
    The compatibility of sharia law with democracy
    (University of the Free State, 2015) Seale, Geoffrey Robert; Coetzee, T.
    English: The Compatibility of Sharia Law and Democracy attempts to determine whether sharia law (practised mainly in the Middle East and North Africa) is compatible with democracy (practised mainly in Europe and the United States). The motivation behind the analysis of sharia law and democracy is the continuous violation of fundamental human rights, liberties and freedom of people who reside in countries that do not adhere to and uphold the aforementioned principles and values. The study also attempts to create awareness and a sense of appreciation for democracy and the standards pertaining to democracy. The ultimate aim of the study is to determine whether these two are able to function in accord without one counteracting the values of the other. This will accomplish the aim of raising awareness with regard to their compatibility with one another. The literature study elaborated on what sharia law and democracy embody while also comparing the Laws of Sharia with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The empirical study, which takes the form of qualitative research, involved six participants who resided under both sharia law and democracy. The final chapter of the literature study reports that sharia law is not compatible with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which forms the basis of any democracy. Each one of the thirty articles of the declaration is violated under sharia law in Muslim countries. The empirical study acknowledged this fact, and supplemented it, by concluding that sharia law and democracy are incompatible.
  • ItemOpen Access
    Intergovernmental relations as a vehicle to improve service delivery and implement Back to Basics (B2B) programme in Gauteng (case study Emfuleni local municipality)
    (University of the Free State, 2021) Kgomo, Jabulani Henry; Coetzee, T.
    The Back to Basics (B2B) Programme was launched in September 2014 by the Minister of CoGTA and it classified municipalities into three categories, namely, municipalities that are doing well, municipalities at risk of dysfunctionality and municipalities that are dysfunctional. The B2B Programme’s objective is to build a responsive, caring and accountable local government, which has the capacity to exercise its legislative imperatives effectively and efficiently. B2B operates within the framework of intergovernmental relations to achieve the objectives of service delivery. Intergovernmental relations is a platform that facilitates and coordinates the function of the B2B. The linkage between B2B takes place within the ambit of the applicable local government policy and legislation that guide implementation of programmes. The motivation of this study was underpinned by the relationship between intergovernmental relations and B2B to improve service in Emfuleni Local Municipality (ELM). The aims of the study were to investigate the role of intergovernmental relations as a platform to facilitate the implementation and improvement of service delivery. The research question is concerned with how effective intergovernmental relation structures are in achieving the objectives of the B2B Programme, which seeks to address service delivery challenges? The study combined an explanatory research and analytical research through a literature review of material on the same subject. The study discussed the profile of Emfuleni Local Municipality in terms successes and failures of service delivery within the context of B2B. The analysis and interpretation of the study were informed by the research objective and compliance with the Constitution no.108 of 1996 of the Republic of South Africa and applicable legislation. The focus was particularly concerned with service delivery to communities in a sustainable manner. The findings of the study indicated a lack of cooperation and ineffective intergovernmental relations structures. B2B could not achieve the objectives of service delivery through intergovernmental relations. The conclusion with the lessons learned, and the value of the study, recommend that all three spheres of government must collaborate in a coherent and a cohesive manner to deliver services within the context of B2B. Lack of cooperation and collaboration of intergovernmental relations structures in the implementation of B2B provide the answer to the research questions.
  • ItemOpen Access
    Protest as political communication -investigating the metsimaholo demarcation protest of 2013
    (University of the Free State, 2021) Bofelo, Kiewit Mphutlane Abraham; Ponono, Mvuzo
    This mini dissertation investigates the political communication undertones of service demarcation protests in South Africa, with a focus on the Metsimaholo Municipality protests of 2013 in the Free State province, South Africa. This study is aimed at evaluating demarcation protests as a form of subaltern agency and political communication. It argues that protests, represents a medium by which marginalised communities mount their reply to social marginalization and disenfranchisement by formal administrative structures and processes of service delivery, public participation and several issues that elicit their disenchantment and dissension. The research is a contribution to the study of rampant residents' protests in Metsimaholo Municipality and around the country.
  • ItemOpen Access
    Government's Intervention on failure of small and medium enterprises in South Africa
    (University of the Free State, 2020) Theletsane, Joyce Masentle; Swanepoel, L.
    Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) make a tremendous contribution to worldwide economies. In South Africa, they are considered the lifeblood of the economy as they are expected to address the high unemployment and poverty rates which the country is experiencing. However, it has come to light that SMEs do not grow in South Africa. It is thus critical to study factors which cause failure within the SME sector. This study investigates the factors that cause SME failure, which are divided into two environments, namely the micro- and the macro-environment. The study further investigates the effectiveness of the three strategies that entail the South African small business policy and effectiveness of institutions created by government to assist and support SMEs, i.e. Small Enterprise Development Agency, National Youth Development Agency and Small Enterprise Finance Agency.
  • ItemOpen Access
    The Narco-Terror nexus: the cases of Afghanistan, Colombia, and West Africa
    (University of the Free State, 2021-11) Rooi, Sam-Maree; Coetzee, Eben
    As illegal activities move beyond borders, countries are confronted with challenges deriving from trafficking and organized crime, financial crimes, identity theft, cybercrime, terrorism, and environmental crime (International Centre for Criminal Law Reform and Criminal Justice Policy, 2017). Particularly drug trafficking and terrorism are notable challenges for domestic and international security and stability. These challenges, although not new, have become global, multidimensional, and extremely intricate (Kloer, 2009:76). At present a burgeoning relationship between trafficking in narcotics and terrorism exists. The transnational nature and diversity of these crimes enable criminal networks to work alongside terrorist groups with catastrophic consequences (Martin, 2003:9). The interconnection and association between these two antithetical groups is generally referred to as ‘narco-terrorism’. The study aims to investigate the nature and scope of narcotics trafficking and terrorism in Afghanistan, Colombia, and West Africa. The two countries and one region were chosen specifically as case studies because all three cases have been plagued for decades by terrorism, narcotics trafficking and violent conflict. These milieus were chosen specifically for their differing backgrounds which provides an element of authenticity to the study. This study reveals important insights into how governments can formulate policies to combat the dual-nature of the narco-terror nexus. As such, it will appeal to all political scientists and criminologists studying terrorism and drug trafficking, as well as to professionals at various national and international security services.
  • ItemOpen Access
    Die politisering van sportbetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Nieu-Seeland met spesiale verwysing na die 1981-Springbokrugbytoer na Nieu-Seeland
    (University of the Free State, 1986-06) Wolmarans, Barend Johannes; Wessels, D. P.
    Afrikaans: Met die politisering van dié grootste sportbyeenkoms ter wêreld, die Olimpiese Spele, was die weg beslis gebaan vir die politisering van ander kleiner sportsoorte-, byeenkomste-, organisasies en -administrasie. Hieruit is dit duidelik dat nog Suid-Afrika, nog rugbybetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Nieu-Seeland as geïsoleerde gevalle gesien kan word. Indien daar na 'n primêre oorsaak gesoek moet word vir die politisering van rugbybetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Nieu-Seeland, kan die soektog met die grootste vrymoedigheid by die begrip "apartheid" begin word. Sedert hierdie begrip die eerste keer bekend geword het, sou dit net 'n kwessie van tyd wees voordat die aanslag teen Suid-Afrikaanse sport tot die bevordering van politieke motiewe aangewend sou word. Met "Loskopdam", die politieke waarheidsmoment in Suid-Afrikaanse sport, het ons so reg in die hande gespeel van die na-oorlogse humanistiese-getinte mens wat alles, die individue en samelewing, beoordeel in terme van hul vryheidsidealisme. As slagkrete hef hulle onder andere aan "human rights" en "human dignity". Hierdie "idealiste" se standpunte is: Geen normale sport kan in 'n abnormale samelewing beoefen word nie. Alhoewel die Maori-kwessie 'n belangrike politieke-strydpunt geword het, moet die aanslag teen Suid-Afrika se binnelandse beleid en die onderwerping van die staatsbestel in Suid-Afrika deur hierdie polities, kommunisties geinspireerde agitators ("terroriste") nie teen die Maori-kwessie afgespeel word nie. Die aanslag om die 1981-toer afgelas te kry, het hoofsaaklik gesentreer rondom die aktiwiteite van die anti-apartheidsorganisasies. Met die hulp van die "bias" en monopolistiese media het hulle geweldige druk op die Nieu-Seelandse regering geplaas om die nodige, die afstelling van die toer, namens hulle te doen. Dat die Nieu-Seelandse regering vasberade was om 1981 se algemene verkiesing te wen,het geblyk uit hulle standvastigheid deur hierdie krisis-toer van 1981. Die atmosfeer waarin die 1981-toer plaasgevind het, was alles behalwe normaal, met die onttrekking van noodsaaklike dienste deur vakbonde, die verblyf in muurbalbane voor wedstryde, die steun op privaat inwoners vir huisvesting, steun op beskerming deur feitlik die totale Nieu-Seelandse polisiemag, met ander woorde die ontsê van demokratiese reg om sport te kan beoefen terwyl jy as gas in Nieu-Seeland is. Uit die studie moet daar 'n afleiding gemaak word dat Suid-Afrikaanse Rugby 'n baie moeilike tydperk betree - 'n tydperk waarin buitelandse toere feitlik onmoontlik is en 'n tydperk waarin die moontlikheid van oorsese toerspanne na Suid-Afrika ook nie te rooskleurig lyk nie. Die afstelling van die All Blacktoer van 1985 na Suid-Afrika, asook die vroeë afstelling van die beoogde Leeu-toer in 1986 na Suid-Afrika, staaf hierdie isolasie-afleiding.
  • ItemOpen Access
    Continuity and change in China's foreign policy towards Africa: the cases of the two Sudans, the DRC and Nigeria
    (University of the Free State, 2018-12) Letube, Katleho; Neethling, T.; Coetzee, E.
    The relationship between China and the African continent dates back to the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) but has grown rapidly and intensely from the early 1990s. This study provides significant insight to the relationship between China and the two Sudans, the DRC and Nigeria. Specifically, this study explores aspects of continuity and change in China’s foreign policy towards African states using these countries as case studies. The dynamics of China’s changing foreign policy are based on the problem statement that there is evident change in China’s foreign policy, despite China’s refusal to admit this. This study uses primary and secondary sources for deductive reasoning on foreign policy approaches, and the case study approach to establish the consistency of China’s foreign policy in a constantly changing world. Finally, the study concludes that despite notable changes in China’s foreign policy towards Africa, specifically in the two Sudans, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Nigeria, continuity largely prevails. At the same time, it should be noted that the findings emanate from only three case studies, China’s foreign policy behaviour in other cases could differ to some extent from the discoveries on the African context in this study.