Masters Degrees (Political Studies and Governance)

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Open Access
Die beginsel van soewereiniteit in eie kring as waarborg vir burgervryheid in die Christelike staat
(University of the Free State, 1952) Scheepers, David Johannes Jacobus; Strauss
Abstract not available
Open Access
Stelsels van verteenwoordiging in Suid-Afrika
(University of the Free State, 1958-11) Van Wyk, Adam Johannes; Wessels, F. J. H.
Afrikaans: Met die opkoms van die moderne demokrasie, die toekenning van politieke medeseggenskap aan alle volwasse persone, en veral as gevolg van die opkoms van ons parlementêre stelsel met sy partyorganisasies, het die probleem van verteenwoordiging aktueel geword. Dit lewer by die Griekse stadstate geen probleem nie, aangesien elke burger direk aan die besprekings of wetgewing kon deelneem. Hier was dit slegs 'n keuse van die owerheidspersoon. Gedurende die tydperk van die Nasionale Monargië was verteenwoordiging ook van geen aktuele belang nie, aangesien die massa oor geen politieke medeseggenskap beskik het nie, en die wil van die vors as die wil van God beskou is. Namate die massa ontwikkel het en hulle lewenstandaarde verhoog is, het hulle eis om politieke medeseggenskap toegeneem. Na dié mate wat die politieke medeseggenskap na die massas uitgebrei is, het di eprobleem van verteenwoordiging dus na vore gekom. Met die opkoms van volksregerings en veral van die demokratiese gedagte van gelykheid van alle persone, is die stemreg al meer en meer uitgebrei. Stemreg is gesien as 'n gesagsreg, waardeur elke kieser sou meedoen in die daarstelling van die wette. Die owerheid ontleen dus sy gesag aan hierdie indiwidue. Weens hierdie dwaling, naamlik dat stemreg 'n gesagsreg en nie 'n keusereg is nie, is die regereing van die meerderheid in twyfel getrek, juis omdat minderhede dan ook gesagdraers is. Dit is dus noodsaaklik geag dat elke party of groep op verteenwoordiging in verhouding tot sy getalsterkte, geregtig is. Daar is dan ook verklaar dat 'n volksraad alleen verteenwoordigend van die volk kan wees, indien elke party eweredig daarin verteenwoordig is. Hierdeur is alle politieke denkrigtings verheerlik as gelykwaardig en het hulle almal 'n aanspraak op verteenwoordiging. Aangesien die enkellid-kiesafdeling met sy relatiewe meerderheid, nie behoorlike verteenwoordiging aan minderhede verleen nie, is daar sedert die vorige eeu verskeie ander metodes aangebied. Met die herleweing van die "Proportional Representation Society" in London sedert die begin van hierdie eeu, is daar op groot skaal propaganda gemaak vir die instelling van proporsionele verteenwoordiging met die enkel-oordraagbare stem by die verkiesings van lede van wetgewende vergaderings. Hierdie stelsel verseker nie alleen eweredige verteenwoordiging aan alle partye nie, maar gee ook aan elke stem 'n gelyke kieswaarde. Hierdie propaganda het dan ook sy invloed in Suid-Afrika deeglik laat geld. Dit was daarvoor verantwoordelik dat die Nasionale Konvensie te Bloemfontein byna verongeluk het, aangesien proporsionele vereenwoordiging deur sekere kolonies geëis is, terwyl ander dit nie wou aanvaar nie. Hoewel proporsionele verteenwoordiging in die verkiesing van die Volksraad- en Provinsiale Raadslede deur die Konvensie laat vaar is, was die stryd in Suid-Afrika nog lank nie uitgewoed nie. Gedurende die eerste twee dekades ná die totstandkoming van die Unie, is daar telkens probeer om meerderheidsverteenwoordiging te vervang. Gelukkig vir Suid-Afrika, is daar gedurende hierdie tyd nie veel gehoor aan die kreet na proporsionele verteenwoordiging gegee nie, waarna die strewe ook laat vaar is. Toe die Nasionale Regering in 1948 en weer in 1953 met 'n minderheid stemme aan bewind gekom het, is daar in die Engelse pers probeer om die strewe na proporsionele verteenwoordiging te laat herleef. Die poging het egter weinig reaksie uitgelok. Proporsionele verteenwoordiging is 'n finale nekslag toegedien, toe dit in 1955 deur die blokstem in die verkiesing van Senatore vervang is. Waar proporsionele verteenwoordiging derhalwe nou by ons in gedrang is, maak dit 'n studie van die beginsels daarvan noodsaaklik. Ten einde die funksionering van meerderheidsverteenwoordiging en proporsionele verteenwoordiging te begryp en verwarring met ander stelsels te voorkom, is dit nodig dat ons kortliks sal let op die verskillende methodes wat vandag aangebied word. By so 'n studie van die twee stelsels wat vandag in Suid-Afrika in gebruik is, is kennis van die historiese ontwikkeling onontbeerlik. Om hulle voor- en nadele krities te bepaal, is die praktiese uitwerking daarvan belangrik. Dit is dan ook in hierdie volgorde dat ons die onderwerp wil behandel. Ten slotte wil ons net daarop wys dat 'n studie van die verskillende stelsels van verteenwoordiging in Suid-Afrika niks te doen het met die bestaande politieke partye nie. Die nadele van 'n stelsel is nie toe te skrywe aan die party wat moontlik daardeur bevoordeel is nie.
Open Access
Moderne teoretiese benaderings van internasionale verhoudinge
(University of the Free State, 1973) Barnard, Lukas DaniëL; Wessels, F. J. S.
Met die indiening van hierdie verhandeling wil ek bowe-al my dank bring aan God, die Allerhoogste, vir krag en genade aan my gegun in my poging om die Skrif-geloof te laat geld in my wetenskaplike arbeid. Uit Hom, en deur Hom en tot Hom is alle dinge. Aan prof. ar. F.J.H. Wessels, Hoogleraar in Staatsleer aan die Universiteit van die Oranje-Vrystaat, opregte dank vir sy wetenskaplike lei ding, hulp en inspirasie, wat reeds sedert my eerste graadjare rigtinggewend was. Die dank aan · prof. Wessels strek egter veel verder as akademiese hulp en kennis. Ook die vele gesprekke in sy studeerkamer verteen-woordig 'n verryking van die Christelike lewens- en wêreldbeskouing wat altyd 'n kosbare herinnering sal bly. Die toegeweide aandag en heldere·prinsipiele insigte van prof. H.J. Strauss, Hoogleraar in Staatsleer aan die Vrystaatse Universiteit, het van my eerste studiejaar a£ 'n diepgaande invloed op my akademiese vorming uitgeoefen. Die soeke na Christelike beginsels, en ook die uitlenng daarvan op alle lewensterreine, insluitend die Staatsleer, het prof. Strauss by ui tnemendheid by my ingeskerp. Daarom dank ek ook die Vader vir die voorreg om aan die voete van twee Christelike wetenskaplike vakmanne te kon studeer. My opregte dank gaan ook aan my vrou vir haar liefdevolle opo££ering, aanmoediging en behulpsaamheid. sy was 'n bron van inspirasie wat my voortdurend geskraag het.
Open Access
Staatsveiligheid: 'n studie van terreur en ondermyning in die Republiek van Suid-Afrika
(University of the Free State, 1974-09) Opperman, Daniël Johannes Jacobus; Wessels, F. J. H.
No abstract available
Open Access
Die verspreiding van kernwapens en internasionale orde
(University of the Free State, 1981-01) Liebenberg, Christiaan Rudolf; Wessels, D. P.
Afrikaans: Magsvergrype in al sy vergestaltingsvorme het daartoe gelei dat geen vorm van ordelike internasionale gemeenskap meer daarteen bestand is nie. Vanaf die konvensionele taktiese ontplooiing van strydmagte tot by die vuil agterbakse stedelike terroriste strategie het die droom van vrede en ordelikheid slegs in die vergetelheid geraak. Met die koms van kernwapens het die laaste vesting van die mens getuimel. Gemeenskaplike veiligheid om ordelike en stabiliserende internasionale verhoudinge te verseker, ontwapenings- en wapenbeperkingskongresse en -verdrae - het almal tesame 'n klug geword. Die sukses wat berus op internasionale bereidwilligheid tot samewerking het reeds getoon dat dit 'n mislukking is en aan die hand daarvan het die guerrilla en stedelike terroris homself stewig in die internasionale gemeenskap gevestig. Die suksesse rondom ontwapening- en wapenbeperkings is gemeet aan die gevolge daarvan op die internasionale orde. Die SALT-verdrae is ten spyte daarvan dat dit deur beide die V.S.A. en Rusland onderteken is, eensydig van aard, deurdat net die V.S.A. hom by die bepalings daarvan hou. Die Russiese houding ten opsigte van SALT is die kenmerk van die valsheid van die diplomasie van ons'tyd. Die Kernsperverdrag op sy beurt weer dra die kenmerke van supermoondheid-imperialisme en is tiperend van die ongebondenheid van internasionale orde. Teen hierdie agtergrond het die verspreiding van kernwapens 'n voldonge feit geword met die internasionale gemeenskap wat angstig toekyk wie die, volgende besitter sal wees. Sekuriteit het die wagwoord geword ten opsigte van onderliggende oorsake vir die beperking daarvan en kenmerkend, van sekuriteit is die algehele afwesigheid van 'n oorkoepelende swaardmag om die nodige sanksies af te dwing. Die bekamping van kernwapenverspreiding omrede wêreldsekuriteit het egter die speelbal van die supermoondhede en bestaande kernmoondhede geword en die verdagmaking van mbontlike besitters kenmerkend van hul imperialistiese dreunlyfhouding. Die faktore wat daartoe aanleiding gee dat nasies na kernwapens streef het die werklikheid van ons tyd geword. Nie alleen omrede die eie sekuriteit wat daarsonder nie kan bestaan nie maar ook as gevolg van die plig wat op die eie swaardmag rus, het dit onontbeerlik vir elke soewereine staat geword. Die R.S.A. kan op grond van bogenoemde dus onverwyld daarop aandring dat kernwapens 'n onontbeerlike kommoditeit geword het. Sonder die swaardmag, sonder vriende en gemeenskaplik in die stryd teen die bose, het dit vir die Republiek nodig geword om sy posisie in oënskou te neem en homself te skans teen 'n internasionale gemeenskap wat tot in sy gebeente verrot geraak het.
Open Access
Die destabilisasie van die blanke regering in Rhodesië oor die periode 1965 (UDI) tot 1980 (bewindsoorname deur 'n swart-meerderheidsregering)
(University of the Free State, 1985-12) Labuschagne, Pieter Andries Hendrik; Wessels, D. P.
Afrikaans: Die verhandeling hanteer hoofsaaklik die destabiliseringstryd wat in die voormalige Rhodesië geheers het. In die konteks is daar veral van die historiese metode gebruik gemaak. Vanuit die vertrekpunt van die historiese is die empiriese en analitiese metode nagevolg. Daar moet egter altyd in gedagte gehou word dat só 'n studie beheersend in 'n Godwelgevallige ontsluiting gedoen moet word. Die vertrekpunt dien dan ook as uitgangspunt vir die positiveringsarbeid van die student. Die titel van die verhandeling, die politieke destabilisasie van die Blanke Regering in Rhodesië, dui op 'n sekere historiese ontwikkelingslyn binne die geskiedenis van Rhodesië. Dit dui op bepaalde handelinge binne en buite Rhodesië om Blanke politieke beheer te beëindig. Die formele oordrag van politieke mag in Zimbabwe in 1980 het dan ook 'n einde aan die uitputtende destabilisasiestryd gebring. Die doel van die studie is om die destabilisasiepogings, wat oor meer as 89 jaar strek, aan te dui. Die eerste twee hoofstukke lê veral klem op die vestiging van Blanke beheer, veral as bolwerk teen die vloedgolf van dekolonisasie. Die derde hoofstuk dui veralop die self-destabilisasie van die Blankes omdat hulle nie oor die vermoë beskik het om 'n skikking met Brittanje te bereik nie. In die vierde hoofstuk word die opkoms van Swart nasionalistiese bewegings nagevors, en die sterk destabilisasiepogings deur hulle aangewend. Die laaste twee hoofstukke dui veral op die geslaagdheid van die destabilisasiepogings en die politieke verkrummeling van die Blankes se politieke magstruktuur.
Open Access
Die politisering van sportbetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Nieu-Seeland met spesiale verwysing na die 1981-Springbokrugbytoer na Nieu-Seeland
(University of the Free State, 1986-06) Wolmarans, Barend Johannes; Wessels, D. P.
Afrikaans: Met die politisering van dié grootste sportbyeenkoms ter wêreld, die Olimpiese Spele, was die weg beslis gebaan vir die politisering van ander kleiner sportsoorte-, byeenkomste-, organisasies en -administrasie. Hieruit is dit duidelik dat nog Suid-Afrika, nog rugbybetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Nieu-Seeland as geïsoleerde gevalle gesien kan word. Indien daar na 'n primêre oorsaak gesoek moet word vir die politisering van rugbybetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Nieu-Seeland, kan die soektog met die grootste vrymoedigheid by die begrip "apartheid" begin word. Sedert hierdie begrip die eerste keer bekend geword het, sou dit net 'n kwessie van tyd wees voordat die aanslag teen Suid-Afrikaanse sport tot die bevordering van politieke motiewe aangewend sou word. Met "Loskopdam", die politieke waarheidsmoment in Suid-Afrikaanse sport, het ons so reg in die hande gespeel van die na-oorlogse humanistiese-getinte mens wat alles, die individue en samelewing, beoordeel in terme van hul vryheidsidealisme. As slagkrete hef hulle onder andere aan "human rights" en "human dignity". Hierdie "idealiste" se standpunte is: Geen normale sport kan in 'n abnormale samelewing beoefen word nie. Alhoewel die Maori-kwessie 'n belangrike politieke-strydpunt geword het, moet die aanslag teen Suid-Afrika se binnelandse beleid en die onderwerping van die staatsbestel in Suid-Afrika deur hierdie polities, kommunisties geinspireerde agitators ("terroriste") nie teen die Maori-kwessie afgespeel word nie. Die aanslag om die 1981-toer afgelas te kry, het hoofsaaklik gesentreer rondom die aktiwiteite van die anti-apartheidsorganisasies. Met die hulp van die "bias" en monopolistiese media het hulle geweldige druk op die Nieu-Seelandse regering geplaas om die nodige, die afstelling van die toer, namens hulle te doen. Dat die Nieu-Seelandse regering vasberade was om 1981 se algemene verkiesing te wen,het geblyk uit hulle standvastigheid deur hierdie krisis-toer van 1981. Die atmosfeer waarin die 1981-toer plaasgevind het, was alles behalwe normaal, met die onttrekking van noodsaaklike dienste deur vakbonde, die verblyf in muurbalbane voor wedstryde, die steun op privaat inwoners vir huisvesting, steun op beskerming deur feitlik die totale Nieu-Seelandse polisiemag, met ander woorde die ontsê van demokratiese reg om sport te kan beoefen terwyl jy as gas in Nieu-Seeland is. Uit die studie moet daar 'n afleiding gemaak word dat Suid-Afrikaanse Rugby 'n baie moeilike tydperk betree - 'n tydperk waarin buitelandse toere feitlik onmoontlik is en 'n tydperk waarin die moontlikheid van oorsese toerspanne na Suid-Afrika ook nie te rooskleurig lyk nie. Die afstelling van die All Blacktoer van 1985 na Suid-Afrika, asook die vroeë afstelling van die beoogde Leeu-toer in 1986 na Suid-Afrika, staaf hierdie isolasie-afleiding.
Open Access
The crisis of the nation-state: an evaluation and reconstruction of the perspectives of Alvin Toffler
(University of the Free State, 2003-01) Harsant, Angelique May; Duvenhage, Andre
English: During the 1960's and 1970's, Toffler presented a glimpse of the future in his work which shook the world. What then seemed unimaginable is now becoming a reality. As mankind enters the new millennium, they are confronted with the realization of the nation-state's inability to forfeit durable solutions to transnational issues such as overpopulation, environmental crises, endemic diseases such as AIDS, pollution, terrorism uncontrollable crime, global mafias, transnational religious movements, the rise of multinational corporations and the use of private security organizations to protect citizens or state interests. The nation-state is not fully equipped to deal with many of these global problems. With the nation-state in crisis Toffler has provided a window on the future, especially the possible political environment, which has many global problems, in the 21st century. The shift from the Second Wave industrial civilization to the Third Wave post-industrial civilization is not destined to evolve peacefully. The reactionaries of the Second Wave (hedgehogs) wish to maintain the existing political order within an industrial society, while the revolutionaries (foxes) choose the radical option of the Third Wave wish to render the Second Wave obsolete. Mankind is now entering this phase of the master conflict between the two civilizations. Toffler's contributions are aimed at providing a vision of the future so as to facilitate the shift to the next civilization in a peaceful and rational way. The following factors have served as motivation for this study: - The relevance of Toffler's contributions as mankind enters the 21•1 century. - Toffler is an internationally recognized scenario thinker and offers a heretical perspective regarding the future of the nation-state. - A gap that exists within the contemporary literature regarding the reconstruction and evaluation of Toffler's contributions with specific reference to the crisis of the nation-state. - To address the problem of state power in a knowledge-based, computer-driven society. - To explore the extent and parameters of the struggle between the industrial Second Wave elite and the post-industrial Third Wave elite for control of power in the Third Wave civilization. The study attempts to make a contribution towards the following: - The development of a meta-theoretical framework according to which Toffler's contributions may be reconstructed and evaluated. - To determine Toffler's status and position within the identified field of study. - To reconstruct and evaluate Toffler's contributions, regarding the future of the nation-state, by applying the meta-theoretical framework as designed for the purpose of this study. - The role and influence of knowledge as a variable affecting the power of the nation-state needs to be explored seeing that the result thereof will affect humanity in a holistic manner. - An assessment of Toffler's contributions regarding fundamental political development and political change with regard to the evolutionary development of the nation-state. - Emphasis will be placed on Toffler's contributions regarding the continuum of the nation-state, namely the formation, current status, crises and future of the nation-state. An evaluation and interpretation of Toffler's work have yielded in the following findings: - Toffler has developed a wave model which divides the evolutionary socialization process of mankind into three universal civilizational waves, i.e. the First Wave agrarian civilization, the Second Wave industrial civilization and the Third Wave post-industrial civilization. - Toffler has also developed, adjacent to the wave model, a power theory which suggests that as one universal civilizational wave is replaced by another one a power shift occurs, transforming its underlying code or paradigm. - As mankind enters the Third Wave civilization a new blueprint or code has to been designed which is unique to the Third Wave. - The revolutionary change to a new world order will result in a master conflict between the reactionaries of the Second Wave (hedgehogs) and the revolutionaries of the Third Wave (foxes). - Toffler has chosen the Third Wave as a scenario logic and has sketched a profile of the Third Wave political dispensation. - Toffler's work offers a heretical view of the future which the architects of the Third Wave can utilize so as to design a new world order. - Toffler has not only revolutionized the way mankind views the world but also his own academic growth. When choosing an alternative future world he also underwent a transformation away from his Marxist background to the phenomenological thoughts deeply rooted in the German tradition. In the wake of the master conflict in which the Second and Third Wave Civilizations battle for control of the future, Toffler recognizes a confused mankind. Instead of supporting the scenario which forwards a world spiraling into destruction, he offers a blueprint in which the radical changes affecting mankind can be understood. The focal point of this dissertation is his view of the crises of the nation-state, with man experiencing a confused transitional frame of mind. From this foundation Toffler’s contributions serve as a tool which will enable mankind to understand the transitional period into the Third Wave. According to Toffler the current transitional period of conflict experienced by mankind will be followed by a period of equilibrium in which a new political dispensation will offer, a new world which is radically different. His contributions will enable mankind, to conquer the crises-ridden stormy transitional period and make the correct decisions which will culminate in creating the new Third Wave Civilization.
Open Access
Facing up to reality? NEPAD and the challenge of globalisation
(University of the Free State, 2004) Hokwana, Anele; Combrink, N. L.
English: The study deals with the role of the New Partnership for Africa's Development in launching Africa's political and economic revitalisation in the twenty-first century. The world entered the new millennium in the midst of a global economic revolution characterised by a wider acceptance of the liberal economic free-market system and a growing interdependence among states and markets. This redoubled the integration of national and regional systems of production and finance, causing growth in across-border flows of goods. Globalisation also intensified the trend of democratic governance and the need for regional co-operation and integration. However, the distribution of benefits and the contributions of the various states and regions show imbalances. On the one hand, economic globalisation has increased opportunities of especially the developed states and regions to expand access to goods and services, to broaden wealth, to acquire knowledge and skills, and improve the stsandard of living. On the other hand Africa has been dragging its feet as a result of bad governance and the failure of political and economic leadership, staggering debt and perennial underdevelopment. Consequently, the continent has been marginalised from the international political and economic mainstream. The study aims to describe the aspects of Africa's underdevelopment that threaten the political and economic stability of the international political economy and to analyse and evaluate the New Partnership for Africa's Development plan within the context of globalisation by highlighting the links between democracy and good governance, legitimacy and political stability on the one hand, and economic growth, development, foreign direct investment and partnerships on the other hand. The so-called "NEPAD document" or strategic plan is used as the framework for an explanation of concepts and theoretical contexts against which the problems of underdevelopment, legitimacy, equal partners in international relations and the revitalisation of the African continent in a rapidly changing global environment should be viewed. In order to reach this stage, however, African states need to accept and implement the principles endorsed by the NEPAD plan. This implies that Africa must firstly; comprehend the nature of the continents' marginalisationin international political economy and constant underdevelopment stemming partly from the European colonial era and partly from the post-independence era. Secondly, revitalise political governance in Africa by institutionalising democracy and good governance from grass root level and collectively and individually improve political regional integration mainly through the Africa Union. Thirdly, strengthen regional economic integration by means of intra-trade, investments,, and united bargaining at international level such as the World Trade Organisation to promote economic development and the eradication of poverty mainly through the implementation of common economic liberalisation policies especially privatisation of state entities. Finally, African state should have their government's performance scrutinised by the African Peer Review Mechanism in order to strengthen their democracies and good governance, thereby attracting foreign direct investments. The study emphasises that the New Partnership for Africa's Development, is a unique and novel long-term strategic plan devised and endorsed by the African heads of state to squarely and proactively face up to the challenges of African development. In conclusion, it affirms the strategic role that the New Partnership for Africa's Development has to play in reintegrating Africa into the global political economy of the twenty-first century.
Open Access
The role of multinational corporations in South Africa: a political-economic perspective
(University of the Free State, 2006-05) Mthombeni, Mandlenkosi Simion; Combrink, N. L.
Abstract not available.
Open Access
South Africa's foreign policy towards Africa, 1994-2010: partner or hegemon
(University of the Free State, 2011) Tjemolane, Tshaba; Neethling, T. G.; Schoeman, P. A.
As part of post-war developments and the new political dispensation after a regime change in 1994, South Africa regained its international stature on the continent and further afield. Based on its phenomenal political recovery, and resourcefulness and capacity (though both limited), the post-apartheid South African government has pledged and is therefore expected to help develop the African continent. This commitment is well mirrored in its foreign policy, which strives for regional and African recovery and seeks to champion the cause of the South at large. Since 1994, South Africa has played a critical role in Africa. On multilateral grounds, the country has been preponderant in the development of SADC, the AU and other African multilateral institutions. For this research, three areas of development were considered: human rights, peace and security, and trade relations. Its human rights role, although mired in controversy – accusations of befriending and defending human rights abusers – has been fairly significant, at least on paper. With regard to peace and security, South Africa continues its peacekeeping efforts in several African countries by devoting its resources to peace missions under SADC, the AU and the UN. Notwithstanding the perceived aggressiveness in its asymmetrical trade relations with the rest of the region, South Africa has contributed largely to continental economic development through its foreign direct investment. It is against the background of its continental foreign policy and actual role that this research attempts to investigate whether South Africa is a partner or hegemon on the continent. This facet of South Africa’s post-1994 foreign policy towards and its role in Africa has been widely debated by political observers. Some political commentators contend that South Africa is a continental partner while others conclude it is just a selfish hegemon and a “bully”. Moreover, due to its post-1994 role on the continent, others suggest South Africa shares characteristics of both a partner and a selfish hegemon. This assertion particularly subscribes to the view that while South Africa may claim to be a partner, it is in reality seen to be an aggressive hegemon in its trade relations with the region; a viewpoint reinforced by the fact that South Africa, lying somewhere between the developed and developing worlds, should primarily be regarded as an emerging, middle-income country.
Open Access
Beyond mono-theoretical approaches: realism, liberalism and the explanatory crisis in the democratic peace theory
(University of the Free State, 2011-01-03) Coetzee, Eben; Hudson, H.
Theoretical accounts in search of explicating the no war phenomenon inherent in the democratic peace proposition continue to permeate the discipline of International Relations (IR) at an imposing rate, giving credence to claims that the democratic peace research programme has obtained a position of pre-eminence within the discipline. Moreover, continued theoretical engagement with the democratic peace has resulted in the steadfast progression in the endorsement and, in some instances, the outright utilisation (read: manipulation) of the democratic peace theory as a panacea for real-world challenges facing Western policy makers. The emphasis on the democracy-peace nexus, grounded in liberal interpretations of the democratic peace, is however inherently problematic as the debate on the democratic peace remains essentially a project-in-process. Explanatory accounts of the democratic peace have thus far proceeded through an ontologically dichotomous framework in which the democratic peace is reduced to either structural or agential (individualist) accounts of (international) social and political outcomes. This has pitted the structural prioritisation embedded within (neo-)realist theory against the patently individualist nature of liberal theories of the democratic peace. Coinciding with this has been a failure of theoreticians on both sides of the theoretical aisle in transcending the domestic-international dichotomy accruing from their theoretical frameworks. This has meant that the theorisation of the democratic peace has failed in a twofold manner. Firstly, and if conceived as a problem peculiar to the agentstructure problem in social theory, the mutual exclusivity of agents and structures, embedded within the theoretical frameworks of liberal and (neo-)realist conceptions of the democratic peace, does not hold. Secondly, the domestic-international dichotomy thus accruing from the ontological positions upheld by these theoretical frameworks has provided little room for an alternative (multileveled) account of social explanation. In an attempt at addressing these shortcomings, this study highlights the need for a conception of social theorisation and, by implication, the democratic peace more attentive to the import of both agents and structures, located at the domestic and international levels respectively. A multitheoretical approach to the theorisation of the democratic peace will be advanced, drawing on both the structural and individualist arguments embedded within (neo-)realist and liberal theories of the democratic peace. This should not be construed as an attempt at arriving at a theoretical synthesis. Such a conception is anathema to the approach to be advanced in this study. By arguing for a conception of social life as inherently complex, this study will further attempt to transcend the theory-universal (context-independent) explanatory accounts derivative of (neo-)realist and liberal conceptions of the democratic peace by pointing towards the import of context to social theorisation and social conduct. The exclusion of context in social theorisation, derivative of a positivist theory of science, is challenged by providing a conception of social theorisation and social conduct as subjected to issues of time and place. Within such a conception of social life stressing the interplay of forces within and across time and space, the notion of a theoretical synthesis cannot but be left by the wayside. The multitheoretical and context-dependent argument to be advanced will be bolstered by probing the peaceinducing forces in Anglo-American relations (1861-1863 and 1895-1896) and Franco-American relations (2002-). Anglo-American relations, 1861-63, focusing on the diplomacy of the Trent affair and beyond, has highlighted the extent to which a multitheoretical approach is theoretically tenable. Similarly, the Anglo-American crisis over the Venezuelan boundary dispute, 1895-96, entailing British appeasement of the United States, was grounded, in part, in an unfavourable distribution of military capabilities on the part of Britain vis-à-vis the United States. However, British appeasement was also grounded in the existence of liberal explanatory forces deeming any war against the (liberal) democratic United States as unacceptable. The theoretical argument postulated will conclude by probing the peace-inducing effects concerned with Franco-American relations in response to the Iraq War. That Franco-American relations were ever in any real danger of erupting into armed conflict (or even war) is, of course, beside the point. The argument, rather, will explicate the nexus between realist and liberal explanatory forces as mitigating factors in preventing the transformation from conflict to war, with the neo-realist emphasis on the peace-inducing effects of nuclear weapons and the comparable effect of liberal values and institutions fixing the range of acceptable outcomes.
Open Access
Effective integrated development plans in a transforming local government in South Africa
(University of the Free State, 2013) Mdhluli, Begizizwe Ephraim; Hofisi, Costa
The main aim or objective of the study was to provide clarity on why Integrated Development Plans (IOPs) are not effective in a transforming and developing local government in South Africa. This was done through analysing the development and implementation of the IDP itself. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Act 108 of 1996), allows local government to provide services to the people in general. The conceptualisation of the IDPs within municipalities brought about this strategic apparatus, a tool that will help bring a better life and change to the living conditions of the poorest of the poor. The Municipal Systems Act, (Act 32 of 2000) states clearly that each municipal council must adopt a single, inclusive strategic plan for the development of their municipality. It further outlines that this plan must integrate, co-ordinate and take into account proposals from the community and all relevant stakeholders for the development of the municipality. Lastly, it must align the resources and capacity of the municipality with the implementation plan. It is against this background that the study has revealed that planning in municipalities in the Free State (in particular) has drastically advanced, but there is more work to be done. Particular reference is made to Mohokare Local Municipality, where the implementation of the IDP seems to be disadvantaged by a lack of resources, both funding and staff. The study involved qualitative research based on a case study. A research tool that was used during this study was face-to-face interviews with the participants/respondents; these included the Speaker/Mayor of the Council, the Municipal Manager and Managers directly accountable to the Municipal Manager, and few middle managers of the Mohokare Local Municipality. Findings reveal that the role of the IOP as a transformation tool is compromised by a number of challenges. The municipality lacks the capacity required for the development and implementation of the IDP. Although there are individuals within the municipality who have tertiary qualifications, they are incorrectly positioned. The community of Mohokare Local Municipality has indicated through its stakeholders that the municipality also has very serious financial problems and cannot deliver services as required by law. For the municipality to succeed there is a need for the development of the capacity of the municipality and for its community to effectively develop and implement the IDP.
Open Access
The role of environmental governance in municipal waste management: Newcastle (KZN) as case study
(University of the Free State, 2014) Masange, Hoitsimolimo; De Wet, Anton
No abstract available
Open Access
Reassessing terrorism and counter-terrorism in Africa: a critical terrorism study
(University of the Free State, 2014) Vermeulen, Alta; Solomon, Hussein
English: Terrorism is one of the fastest expanding fields of study today. Since the 9/11 attacks in New York, terrorism has received an increasing amount of attention from researchers, the media and the international community. Yet, terrorism in Africa is not at all a new phenomenon, neither are the ways to combat this terrorism threat. However, no sustainable way to ameliorate the threat in Africa has been found. This might indicate a need for revisiting the current approaches to terrorism and counter-terrorism. This study aims to do just that by using Critical Terrorism Study (CTS) as a theoretical anchor. The study incorporates a sceptical approach to traditional ways of doing terrorism research and challenges orthodox ways of approaches counter-terrorism. The research is conducted by looking at three of the most prominent terrorist organisations in Africa; Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Boko Haram and Al-Shabaab. CTS does however not reject current and traditional ways of research, but incorporates different fields of study which were traditionally seen as inapplicable to the study of terrorism. In order to try and ameliorate the terrorism threat in Africa, new approaches are necessary, and to form these new approaches, new knowledge creation must take place. By broadening the scope of the study of terrorism, it becomes clear that although the terrorist groups in this study have several characteristics in common, they also have deep-rooted and resounding differences. By uncovering these differences, be it the reaction to colonialism in Algeria, or the inherent belief of marginalisation by a certain group in Nigeria, or clan-loyalties in Somalia, it is evident that these groups cannot be grouped under the umbrella category of ‘terrorism in Africa’. In this study, the historical, political, religious and even economic backgrounds of the groups mentioned – or the areas in which they manifest themselves– are examined. Upon closer examination of different fields of study either regarding the certain region in which the group is active, or the underlying beliefs of individuals within the group, connections can be found that serve either as motivation or justification of the terrorist group’s actions. This variety of information is not intended to overwhelm or intimidate the leader, but should serve as a framework from which a certain terrorist organisation can be analysed. This analysis can further determine whether it is necessary to revisit the current and traditional ways of approaching terrorism and counter-terrorism. These approaches are not limited only to research and examination of these groups, but also pertains to international interventions and assistance within the geographical areas of interest. Since international actions taken to confront these groups have over the time already developed significantly – still without any sustainable amelioration of the effects of terrorism – international knowledge creation should also be challenged. Clearly something is missing. CTS does not intend to emerge as the sudden ‘cure-all’ for the terrorism threat in Africa, but will serve as a step in a new direction of terrorism study. By broadening and simultaneously deepening the research done of these groups and the contexts in which they manifest themselves, this study hopes to open the door to the possibility of sustainable amelioration of the terrorism threat in Africa.
Open Access
A qualitative exploration of the Reitz reconciliation process as an exercise in restorative justice
(University of the Free State, 2014-06) Taylor, Jessica; Gobodo-Madikizela, P.
In 2008 South Africa and the world were shocked by the public dissemination of the ‘Reitz video.’ The video depicted five black University of the Free State workers re-enacting a number of humiliating residence initiation rituals at the instruction of four white male university students. The video was narrated as a parody of the proposed racial integration of university residences, and it led to a criminal court case followed by civil proceedings and most importantly for the purpose of this study, a restorative justice process titled the Reitz Reconciliation Process. This study explores the Reitz Reconciliation Process through a restorative justice lens, from a social constructionist theoretical standpoint. The aim of the study is to critically engage the meaning that the students and workers assigned to their experiences of this restorative justice process, so as to gain insight into why they did or did not experience the process as restorative. In-depth qualitative interviews were conducted with the students and workers to gather data for this study, and the data was then analysed using a thematic approach. What the researcher found was that in the students’ refusal to accept the wrongfulness of their actions, they persistently emphasised their own victimisation over that of the workers and their offer of apology was plagued by denial. This was all found to be underpinned by an intergenerationally transmitted system of prejudicial beliefs and values that do not align with the values and rights entrenched in the South African Constitution. In contrast, the workers constructed the Reitz Reconciliation Process as an experience of forgiveness, healing and restoration. The researcher found that at the core of their process of meaning construction was the ethic of Ubuntu, which is underpinned by a very similar set of values to those of restorative justice. The complexities and implications of these findings are teased out in this study with the intention of gaining a deeper understanding of the possibilities for restorative justice practice in a contemporary South African context.
Open Access
Evaluation of good governance policy implementation in the Xhariep District Municipality
(University of the Free State, 2015) Sekautu, Tsholele Nicodemus; Swanepoel, L.
This study aims at evaluating the good governance policy implementation in the Xhariep District Municipality. The key question of the study is: “To what extent does the Xhariep district municipality policy implementation process promote good governance?” To answer this question, this research project focuses on the public participation, transparency and responsiveness of the municipality, and how these contribute to an effective policy implementation process. This is important because one of the mandates of local government in the post-apartheid era in South Africa is to promote local democracy through the participation of communities. The empirical findings of this research project reveal that Ward Committees are confronted with a multitude of challenges where their functioning tends to be compromised. This has led this research to recommend the improvement of capacity among Ward Committees as a way of enhancing public participation.
Open Access
The empowerment of rural women in Southern Africa: a case study of Driefontein, Kwazulu‐Natal
(University of the Free State, 2015) Catherine, Fiona Clare; Graham, V.
This study explores the development challenges that rural women are facing in South Africa and the three Southern African Developing Countries (SADC) namely, Namibia, Swaziland and Zimbabwe. The researcher adopted a qualitative approach since this design was deemed most appropriate. The objectives of the study are to explore how women assess their situation in South Africa and the three SADC countries with regards to their socio‐economic realities. It is widely known that in many households, especially blacks, men leave home for urban areas in search of employment, leaving behind women to maintain the entire household on their own. Despite the significant role played by women, they are faced with problems such as those experienced by rural women in Sub‐Saharan countries. The study also endeavours to explore the most important development challenges of rural women in relation to education, health facilities, food insecurity, poverty, access to water and sanitation, the participation in the economy and politics, the HIV/AIDS pandemic and the impacts of climate change. Focus groups discussions and face to face interviews were conducted with information rich informants in the Driefontein rural area of KwaZulu Natal. Findings from the study show that Driefontein faces challenges which are interrelated. The findings further highlight that unemployment, failure on the part of local government to provide knowledge, training and monitoring of co‐operative ventures.
Open Access
Governance and funding arrangements of NGOs in Kwa-Zulu Natal, South Africa
(University of the Free State, 2015) Dlamini, Olgah Nobuhle; Van Rooyen, Deidre
This study focused on governance and funding arrangements of NGOs in Kwa-Zulu Natal, South Africa. The primary objective of the study was to evaluate existing governance and funding arrangements of NGOs with the view to developing alternative approaches to governance and funding arrangements with specific reference to lessons of experiences for Kwa-Zulu Natal NGOs. The study will develop a historical perspective of NGOs in South Africa, but it will be more focus at governance and funding arrangements for Kwa-Zulu Natal NGOs specifically NGOs under Sisonke (Harry Gwala) District. The secondary objectives of the study were to firstly develop a historical perspective “develop a set of conclusions and recommendations for the improved of the funding NGOs in Kwa-Zulu Natal. All secondary objectives have been formulated in support of the primary objective and that these have been directly linked to the composition of the chapters in the study.
Open Access
The compatibility of sharia law with democracy
(University of the Free State, 2015) Seale, Geoffrey Robert; Coetzee, T.
English: The Compatibility of Sharia Law and Democracy attempts to determine whether sharia law (practised mainly in the Middle East and North Africa) is compatible with democracy (practised mainly in Europe and the United States). The motivation behind the analysis of sharia law and democracy is the continuous violation of fundamental human rights, liberties and freedom of people who reside in countries that do not adhere to and uphold the aforementioned principles and values. The study also attempts to create awareness and a sense of appreciation for democracy and the standards pertaining to democracy. The ultimate aim of the study is to determine whether these two are able to function in accord without one counteracting the values of the other. This will accomplish the aim of raising awareness with regard to their compatibility with one another. The literature study elaborated on what sharia law and democracy embody while also comparing the Laws of Sharia with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The empirical study, which takes the form of qualitative research, involved six participants who resided under both sharia law and democracy. The final chapter of the literature study reports that sharia law is not compatible with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which forms the basis of any democracy. Each one of the thirty articles of the declaration is violated under sharia law in Muslim countries. The empirical study acknowledged this fact, and supplemented it, by concluding that sharia law and democracy are incompatible.