Doctoral Degrees (Political Studies and Governance)

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Open Access
Die owerheidstaak
(University of the Free State, 1957-02) Wessels, Francois Jakobus Hendrik; Strauss, H. J.
Abstract not available
Open Access
Die staatsfilosofie grondslae van die Suid-Afrikaanse staatkunde sedert 1910
(University of the Free State, 1970-09) Van der Watt, Louis; Strauss, H. J.
Afrikaans: Ons toeleg is 'n ondersoek na die religieus-verankerde staatsfilosofiese rigtings wat sedert 1910 beslissend was in die Suid-Afrikaanse staatkunde. Hierdie denkrigtings het in belangrike wetgewing nie onbetuig gebly nie en is daarin én in die betrokke debatte na te speur. Die staatsfilosofiese grondslae wat die Suid-Afrikaanse staatkunde met betrekking tot sekere wetgewing beinvloed het, is ook kenbaar in die uiteenlopende stellingname van bepaalde politieke partye. Ook dááruit sal die hoofrigtings afgesonder en getipeer word. Om die omvang te beperk, word slegs vyf onderwerpe as ondersoekveld gekies en die staatsfilosofiese beginsels wat daaraanten grondslag lê, ontleed. Ten einde die staatsfilosofiese grondslae van die Suid-Afrikaanse staatkunde bloot te lê, moet ons vooraf rekenskap gee van die religieus-bepaalde staatsfilosofiese grondslae wat vanuit Wes-Europa sedert 1652 na Suid-Afrika oorgedra is - as deel van die Westerse beskawing - én wat ons denke hier te lande sedertdien beheers het. 'n Historiese oorsig van die religieus-bepaalde staatsfilosofiese denkrigtings vóór 1910 word dus vooraf aan die orde gestel.
Open Access
Die transformasie van politieke instellings in oorgangstye - 'n rekonstruksie, interpretasie en evaluasie van S. P. Huntington se teoretiese bydrae
(University of the Free State, 1994-11) Duvenhage, André; Wessels, D. P.
When the present state of affairs in world politics is being reviewed, the single predominant characteristic that emerges is the fundamental and radical political changes that occured during recent years. The development from an old world order to a new one, with by implication, the transformation of political institutions in countries, is demonstrated, inter alia, both by the collapse of communist governments in the USSR and in prominent East Bloc countries, and by a worldwide process of democratization. South Africa, too, is at present caught up in a process of drastic political change which, particularly since 2 February 1990, has had farreaching implications for existing structures and political institutions. Indeed, South Africa, as is the case with numerous other countries worldwide, illustrates the fact that the transformation of political institutions during transitional periods is a prominent feature of present times. A theorist that made an enormous contribution towards understanding the transformation of political institutions during periods of transition is the controversial S.P. Huntington. In numerous contributions dating back to the late fifties and particularly to the 1960's, Huntington succeeded in explaining theoretically the phenomenon of the transformation of political institutions during periods of transition and in so doing he clarified a topical and complex phenomenon in world politics. Huntington's contribution is regarded as being of such importance that he is considered to be one of the foremost political scientists of the post World War II period. The following factors served as motivation for this study which has the following title: The Transformation of Political Institutions during periods of transition - A reconstruction, interpretation and evaluation of the theoretical contributions of S.P. Huntington: 1. The topicality of his contributions during a time of sweeping political changes. 2. The status (importance) that his theories attained which resulted in Huntington emerging as a pioneer in his field of study. 3. The gap that exists within contemporary literature as regards the reconstruction, interpretation and evaluation of all the Huntington's contributions with reference to the phenomenon of the transformation of political institutions during periods of transition. This study attempts to make a contribution' towards: * The development of a metatheoretical framework by means of which political change in general and Huntington's theories in particular may be reconstructed, interpreted and evaluated. ** Determining Huntington's position within the identified field of study in the light of the particular contributions made by him. *** The reconstruction, interpretation and evaluation of Huntington's contributions by applying the metatheoretical framework as developed for use in this study.
Open Access
The social relations of the taxi industry in South Africa: contending theories of corporatism, pluralism and systematic patronage
(University of the Free State, 2002-11) Croucamp, Petrus Abraham; Kotzé, H. J.; Du Toit, P. v.d. P.; Hudson, H.
Afrikaans: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die sosiale verhoudinge wat die taxi industrie van Suid-Afrika verbind aan die staat, maar ook aan ander sosiale en politieke vorminge binne die samelewing. Die assumpsie is dat ooreenkomste en institusionele verordeninge wat voortvloei uit dié verhoudinge 'n integrale deel vorm van die diskoers wat staat en nasie-vorming onderlê, maar ook die teoretiese veronderstellings van die sogenaamde burgerlike samelewing. Die studie gee dan ook, eerstens, 'n empiriese en deskriptiewe omskrywing van die vernaamste kenmerke van die taxi industrie, asook die historiese momente wat aanleiding gegee het tot die huidige verhouding tussen die staat en die industrie. Tweedens word drie teorieë aangebied ter verklaring en interpretasie van bepaalde tendense in genoemde verhoudings. Pluralisme, korporatisme en sistemiese patronaatstelsels as kompeterende veronderstellings en teorieë van reg en geregtigheid word voorgehou as die dominante teoretiese diskoerse. In kritiek op die teorieë, maar ook ter aanvulling van bepaalde identifiseerbare tekortkomminge in die verklaringskapasiteit van die teorieë, word regime teorie ingewerk en veral korporatisme word konseptueel verbreed om voorsiening te maak vir die pertinente teenwoordigheid van informele oorlewing, 'n spesifieke kenmerk van ontwikkelende politieke ekonomieë. Van die belangrikste gevolgtrekkings van die studie sluit in, eerstens, dat die samelewing in Suid-Afrika nie sondermeer voldoen aan die konseptuele en historiese veronderstellings van 'n burgerlike samelewing nie. Ten tweede dat die wyse waarop die staat homself verbind aan die samelewing dikwels kenmerke toon van die opportunistiese verbintenisse van patronaatskap wat dan ten gevolg het dat formele verhoudinge ten beste omskryf kan word as kompromieë: 'n institutionele verordening wat buite die konseptuele parameters van konsensus en pluralisme val. Kompromieë is kenmerkend ten koste van die outonomie van die staat en sentreer hoofsaaklik rondom die sydige verspreiding van daardie oorlewingsstrategieë wat die staat veronderstel word eweredig te versprei. Indien die beginsels van 'n liberaal demokratiese bestel voorgehou word as 'n konstitusionele uitgangspunt, soos dit wel in Suid-Afrika gedoen word, kan spesifieke operasionele gebreke en afwykings in die beleidsformulering wat demokratiese stelsels onderlê in Suid-Afrika, identifiseer word. Hierdie studie belig sodanige gebreke deurlopend en spesifiek aan die hand van die taxi industrie.
Open Access
Electoral systems as a mechanism of democratic governance: a South African perspective
(University of the Free State, 2003-05) Makhetha, K. C.; Wessels, D. P.
Abstract not available
Open Access
Vigilantism as a feature of political decay in the post-1994 South African dispensation
(University of the Free State, 2007) Swanepoel, Lenie; Duvenhage, Andrè
English: Little research has been done on the phenomenon of vigilantism in South Africa. Vigilantism describes the action of citizens who take the law into their own hands, making use of violent methods, in the context of inadequate law enforcement by the state and the collapse of public order. In an environment of political instability, lack of public order and related security problems, groups such as People Against Gangsterism and Drugs (PAGAD), Mapoga-a-Mathamaga and “people’s courts” have come into being as vigilante organisations. This article describes and analyses vigilantism in South Africa against the backdrop of disintegrating public order.
Open Access
Traditional leadership and its relation to the democratically elected local government structure in Kwazulu-Natal
(University of the Free State, 2007-05) Koenane, Mojalefa Lehlohonolo Johannes; Khumalo, L. Z. M.; Coetzee, T.
English: The role of traditional leadership in South Africa has remained a controversial issue over the past fifteen years. The focus of this research is to investigate the relationship between the modern political system of governance and the traditional leadership as forms of dual system of governance in South Africa. The thesis raises issues as catalysts for robust debated, to move beyond standard political arguments particularly when it comes to the meaningful role traditional leaders must play in South Africa today. Debates surrounding the institution of uBukhosi primarily polarised the South African society and this is normal as it is the case with all other issues. There seems to be two opposing schools of thought on the subject of traditional leaders, even within the African National Congress’ ranks. The thesis also gives a background to these two theoretical schools of thought and attempts to explain the reason why there is some difficulties formulating a policy document that is implemental. In this thesis, the two opposing viewpoints are represented by ‘modernists’ and ‘traditionalists’ respectively. The other position is recognising the role traditional leaders played and believe that traditional leaders have a role in the democratic dispensation and must form part of local governance in rural areas. This relationship is examined from the government’s documentations, official political statements by politicians and most importantly, how policy (theory) is implemented (praxis) by both government and the institution of traditional leadership. The argument brought forward in this thesis holds a view that the institution of traditional leadership possesses the ability for understanding how to govern and effectively make people come to an agreement through consensus about social problems that they share and the possible solutions to these problems, rather than depend on political elites and bureaucrats. In this way the system of traditional leadership provides values that are absent in the democratic form of governance. The thesis also focuses on issues of governance and political transformation that was introduced in the ‘Interim’ Constitution and further developed in the Constitution. In order to establish good working relationships between the institution of uBukhosi and elected government structures, ‘trust’ is essential between these two systems. Thus the researcher takes a moral stand that government must demonstrate a ‘political will’ to remedy the situation and work towards authentic recognition of the institution of uBukhosi and African culture. The study further puts forward a view that traditional leaders must be seen to be apolitical in decisions they make. Further more, the institution of traditional leadership must constantly revisit itself and seriously revise its strategies with regard to the position of women in the succession debate for position of leadership as traditional leaders and other aspects that are seen as inherently opposed to the Constitution. In other words, the institution must also transform, it cannot remain static. There must be a ‘political will’ to come to terms that people on the grassroots want their traditional leaders to remain in authority, therefore traditional leaders’ role in governance must be made clearer. The study provides for a rational involvement of the institution of traditional leadership in the negotiated state. Given the fact that South Africa is currently a constitutional state guided by democratic principles, democracy should prevail, however, not at the expense of the destruction of the institution of traditional leadership. Thus, democracy should not thrive by destroying traditional African leadership system. Finally, this thesis perceives the dual system of governance as two sides of the same coin.
Open Access
Vigilantism as a feature of political decay in the post-1994 South African dispensation: a theoretical perspective
(University of the Free State, 2008-11) Swanepoel, M. P.; Duvenhage, A.; Coetzee, T.
English: The main aim of this study was to develop a more comprehensive theoretical perspective of the occurrence of vigilantism in post-1994 South Africa as available literature lack order and structure in their explanations of this phenomenon. The study started with the development of a metatheoretical framework for the investigation in which it was concluded that the development of a theory for vigilantism through this presentation will be influenced by life experience and philosophical framework, the selection of available valid and reliable information by means of a literature study as well as the selection of scientific methodology; and by the fact that the study will be undertaken within the Political Science discipline. The aim would therefore be to provide an analytical component by answering the question “What is vigilantism?”, a strategic component by answering the question “How does vigilantism take place?” and a normative component by answering the questions “Why does vigilantism take place? and When would it most probably take place?” Literature selected for the study was divided into two categories, namely contextual conceptual frameworks and specific conceptual frameworks. Contextual conceptual frameworks utilised were those of Huntington, Duvenhage, Geldenhuys, Migdal and Zartman, while the specific conceptual frameworks were those of Strange, Black, De la Roche, Abrahams, Johnston and Minnaar. A common denominator that was identified in all the contextual and specific typologies, models and theories discussed, supports the idea that vigilantism is a feature of political decay, since its manifestation is always explained on the basis of law and order lacking, a weak government, an inability of the state to provide security and social needs, social organisations (vigilantes) applying their own rules, low bureaucratic abilities and the state failing to perform all its functions. Four broad contextual criteria were identified while studying the contextual conceptual frameworks, namely a society in disequilibrium, a dysfunctional state, the existence of power vacuums and the presence of high levels of violence. The occurrence of vigilantism can be predicted on the basis of these contextual criteria and it was found that South Africa generally does comply to these criteria in the post-1994 period. Through the specific conceptual frameworks, a definition for vigilantism was developed which also provides specific criteria to determine whether the acts of a group can be classified as those of vigilantism and reads as follows: Vigilantism refers to the illegal and violent acts or threats of such acts directed at individuals threatening the community order, by self-appointed law enforcement groups consisting of private citizens, protected by a conspiracy of silence, in reaction to the absence or ineffectiveness of the formal system, aiming at reclaiming order. The contextual and specific criteria were tested against three case studies – PAGAD, Mapogo-a-Mathamaga and people’s courts. The study found that all three case studies supported both the contextual and the specific criteria but with the following two exceptions: • PAGAD progressed to the phase of subversion as it turned into an urban terrorist group. This indicated the danger of vigilantism if left unattended by the state. • Mapogo-a-Mathamaga charged a fee for its protection, indicating that a vigilante organisation can also be contracted and does not act on a voluntary basis. The study of people’s courts indicated that incidents of vigilantism through these groups have been taking place since 1994 and are still continuing. People’s courts are scattered all over the country and are mainly found in informal settlements and very poor townships. It is important to note that the phase of vigilantism is temporary by nature, since it is not the preferred phase of people. This study has shown that vigilantism is a reality in post-1994 South Africa and a real threat to the authority of the state and requires the state’s attention and immediate action.
Open Access
Transformation and democratization of South African sport in the new constitutional dispensation, with special reference to rugby as a sport code
(University of the Free State, 2012) Smiles, Joseph A.; Anderson, B.
This thesis traces and analyses the development of sport transformation and democratization in South Africa since the new constitutional dispensation, commencing in the early 1990’s. The origin, evolution and development of sport in South Africa are still in its infancy in comparison with sporting history in the global context. However, tremendous strides have also been made in other sport events, such as hosting rugby, soccer, cricket and golf, for example, at an international level. Furthermore, the knowledge about sport and democracy was not well addressed, defined and explicit. Additionally, the transformation and democratization of South African sport have been given only superficial attention since the dawn of the new democracy. In this regard rugby and politics have been intertwined in South African sport for more than fifteen decades (1861–2012). There was virtually no racial mixing of any kind in South African sport previously. The all-encompassing apartheid laws effectively prevented racial integration, both on and off the field. Above all sports apartheid was tragic in its denial of human dignity and its enforced waste of human talent and possibilities. Therefore, by using the grounded theory approach, this thesis examines empirical evidence gathered from the research participant’s data and information. The scope and nature of the research project necessitate applying the grounded theory approach which included many issues at hand to understand the origin and development of the issues, one has to determine whether transformation and democratisation of South African sport was politically or merit driven. In addition to that, a key outcome of the research was to construct a proposed theoretical framework by means of the grounded theory approach in qualitative research. The framework will eventually emerge from data collected from the relevant stakeholders involving in South African sport. The study also examines to what extent transformation has taken place since the new constitutional dispensation in the country. What progress has been made and at what pace. The latter issues necessitate the possibility to investigate the problem regarding quota systems, merit selection and development programmes in rugby. These issues form an integral part of the research on transformation and democratization in rugby. The thesis also addresses the questions on what is the relationship between sport and politics since the new democratic order in 1994.What are the basic assumptions that define transformation and democratization? Do representative teams at all levels reflect the demographics of the society or only the participating sport people? How appropriate are the principles of transformation? For example, democracy, non-racialism, equity and access, redress and representatively are principles which can be utilised or used to explain the process of transformation? Therefore to interface between rugby and sport has become a major focus of attention. Transformation in rugby since the unification in 1992 is not simply about replacing white faces with black faces but involved personal attitudinal, institutional and paradigm changes. By applying the grounded theory approach it was possible that all relevant theoretical contrasts could emerge as a possible theory. Political change in South Africa since 1994 has led to the transformation and democratization of sporting bodies and the acceptance of non-racialism in sport. But since 1995 Rugby World Cup transformation is viewed with suspicion from both the Blacks and Whites. The thesis attempts to address this vicious cycle of wrong perceptions. The conflict in sport is so intense because South Africa is culturally a mixed society. But clinging to the past both Blacks and Whites are dangerous obstacles to transformation. In fact, sport should be seen as a great equaliser in society. The research framework has been constructed from the data collected from the recorded narrative of the participants. The interpretation of the data created the context of emerging themes.
Open Access
A critical analysis of the relationship between political transformation and corruption
(University of the Free State, 2013-01) Cloete, Emmanuel Pringle; Bauer, C.; Coetzee, T.
This thesis sets out to confirm the relationship between corruption and political transformation. The thesis commences by investigating different modes of political change with particular emphasis on the characteristics, nature and content of political transformation. With the relationship of the above phenomena being the focal point, the thesis extensively examines the concept of corruption by interrogating different definitions, its causes and consequences. It was also the aim of the study to context the role of ethics/morality as well as that of leadership within the relationship. The study applied a deductive and qualitative approach in exploring case studies in three African states prior to shifting focus to South Africa where both public sector departments as well as private sector experiences come under scrutiny. Apart from the broader South African environment, selected departments of the Eastern Provincial Government were also placed under the microscope as a continuation of the case-study approach. Drawing on the theories on the one hand and the case studies on the other, significant evidence could be found to categorically confirm the relationship between corruption and transformation. Overall this study is part of a growing body of research dealing with the effect of corruption in countries undergoing processes of political change. The study concludes by providing recommendations aimed at the development of an effective anti-corruption framework.
Open Access
'n Vergelykende pluraliteitsanalise van die hantering van kulturele diversiteit, toegepas op Suid-Africa, die Verenigde State van Amerika en Australië
(University of the Free State, 2014) Van der Merwe, Jacobus Hercules; Van der Merwe, C. J.; Grobler, J. E. H.
English: This study investigates the management of the conflict and struggles that arise when a variety of cultural groups reside in one society, under one political system (plurality). As various groups endeavour to establish their particular value system as the prevailing value system of the society, the value system of one or more of the other groups is compromised. Tension, conflict and struggle ensue. Where this struggle becomes violent, hundreds of thousands of lives can be lost. During the middle of the twentieth century, the idea emerged that plurality can be accommodated in a positive manner. Over time, this idea crystallized into the theory (or ideology) of Pluralism. The purpose of this study was to identify measures that were applied over a period of more than three centuries (1652 to 1962) in three different areas (currently known as the USA, South Africa and Australia) to manage plurality; and to determine how such measures influenced these societies in the long-term. A theory (more accurately, an ideology) like Pluralism is not the ideal instrument for objective analysis, because of its inherent value bias. This study therefore developed an empirical analytical framework through which to analyse the measures employed to handle plurality, and the effects thereof. It was felt that using this framework to conduct a comparative analysis would shed more light on both the measures that were applied over a long period in various societies, and the longterm effect of the various measures on these societies. It would also assist in projecting the probable effect of certain measures if applied to a specific society, under specific circumstances. However, the emphasis of this study is on the development of the analytical framework and the application thereof on the historical data of the chosen areas and societies from the beginning of the seventeenth century to just after the middle of the twentieth century, with a cut-off date of 1962. Although the framework was not applied to other societies, in other periods, due to the colossal nature of such an exercise, the results of this historical analysis indicate that the analytical framework developed in this study could open perspectives that could not be obtained through other methods. In the course of applying the framework illustratively to the chosen historical data, this study describes the various cultural groups involved, as well as their differences regarding numbers, language and culture. Conflicts that arose are noted, as well as the measures employed to deal with the plurality. Furthermore, from the methods that were used in various time frames, deductions are made regarding the morality that was current in those times. From an ideologically pluralistic perspective, some of the identified measures employed to cope with plurality could be regarded as negative, in that they were intended to suppress or eliminate plurality – mostly accompanied by some form of violence – whereas others could be regarded as positive, in their attempt to take plurality into consideration when determining the overarching values of the society, and even to strengthen and broaden the plurality. Finally, the morality of the actions of the various governments was judged against the prevailing morality of their times. In this study it was established that the governments of the three territories applied more or less the same methods in more or less the same periods to handle plurality under the influence of the contemporary international morality.
Open Access
Radicalisation to commit terrorism from a political socialisation perspective in Kenya and Uganda
(University of the Free State, 2014-06) Botha, Anneli; Solomon, Hussein; Neethling, Theo
English: Preventing and combating terrorism should start with understanding what drives an individual to resort to terrorism, taking into consideration that not all people experience the same external circumstances – not even people growing up in the same household. In order to understand radicalisation, this study asks the question to what extent political socialisation can explain the participation of individuals in terrorist organis ations in Kenya and Uganda. Is there a difference in the applicable factors between the divergent ideological frameworks of the Allied Democratic Forces and the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda, and al - Shabaab and the Mombasa Republican Council in Kenya? T o establish this, 285 interviews were conducted with members of these four organisations and the families of al - Shabaab members who had been killed or incarcerated, or who had disappeared in Kenya. This study found that political socialisation, starting wi th the family, peers, school, media, earlier political experiences and the terrorist group, played a distinctive role in each of these organisations. In addition to the differences, which create a distinctive profile for each organisation, the study also n oted remarkable similarities, starting with personality types, position in the family and education (or the lack thereof). With this in mind, can law enforcement and social organisations be guided to identify and reach individuals at risk? The process of a nswering this question starts with calling on governments and their security forces to understand the uniqueness of each organisation. In other words, to copy and paste counterterrorism strategies between countries is counterproductive. The only inclusive finding across organisations and between countries has to do with the manner in which countries and their security forces respond to these organisations. Strategies based on ethnic and religious profiling, mass arrests and even torture proved to be extreme ly counterproductive. On this note, the study found that both Kenya and Uganda have been unable to establish an inclusive national identity. Instead, religious and ethnic identity drives political exclusion and relative deprivation. One of the key findings of this study is that only a very small minority is driven by purely economic circumstance. A core component among individuals being radicalised relates to the fact that people lose their trust in politicians and the political system, while anger and fru stration are directed at security agencies that are presented as agents protecting the current regime at any cost. Consequently, instead of preventing and combating terrorism, these approaches ensure that people experiencing the mentioned strategies – and even their family members – are radicalised. The prevention of unconventional political participation should therefore start with creating a political landscape in which people, especially those being marginalised, can express themselves freely. Additional ly , the legitimacy of the political process can only be ensured if the political landscape is free and fair. Therefore, the legitimacy of the government, the measures security agencies implement to respond to these threats, and the potential for unconventi onal political participation are interlinked. The study also found that education is a key factor in ensuring legitimate participation in the political process and the most effective strategy to prevent relative deprivation.
Open Access
Changing international realities and the configuration of the South African National Defence Force in the 21st century
(University of the Free State, 2015-01) Olivier, Laetitia; Neethling, T. G.; Vreÿ, F.
English: The South African National Defence Force (SANDF) is currently in the process of evaluating its policies, strategies and force design in order to ensure that it is optimally postured and configured to successfully carry out its ordered tasks in the 21st century. Success will depend on how well the SANDF analyses the environment in which it will have to function, as well as how well it prioritises its objectives when making decisions about the most appropriate approach to the development of a national security strategy, force planning and the role of the military as one of the components of national power. The study examines developments in the South African defence debate since 1994. Two key policy documents, namely the South African White Paper on Defence of 1996 and the South African Defence Review of 1998, established the national defence posture and defined the functions and tasks of the Department of Defence. The primary organising principle behind these documents was its commitment to designing the SANDF for its socalled primary role, namely the preservation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of South Africa against an external military threat. This principle was ultimately used as a yardstick to determine the SANDF’s force design, force structure and capability requirements. The focus on the primary tasks of the SANDF has, over time, proven to be misaligned with the governmental objectives to be achieved and it has become evident that the force design and structure as prescribed in these documents fail to adequately address the current and future operational requirements of the SANDF. Furthermore, many defence analysts have pointed out that critical issues such as the continuing misalignment between the allocated defence budget and expected defence outcomes have also not been addressed. This has created a dilemma in which the SANDF, despite the acquisition of state-of-the-art air and naval assets in 1998, is still not optimally configured, adequately trained or equipped or sufficiently funded to execute and sustain its required operational tasks. Furthermore, due to significant changes that have taken place in the security environment since 1994, it has become evident that the principles on which the SANDF was originally designed might no longer be relevant to current defence requirements. The study includes an analysis of the 21st century’s security environment – a threat environment that is, and will be, characterised by political and social complexity and a variety of modes of warfare that will converge in unexpected ways. Defence forces will have to develop capabilities to conduct a wide range of missions simultaneously while retaining the capacity to operate across the full spectrum of warfare – from traditional warfighting and peacekeeping to disaster management and support to other government departments. These requirements demand a reassessment of the current SANDF force design and force structure as the current frameworks have proven to be misaligned with current Government deployment requirements and the characteristics of the prevailing African security environment. The study is based on the premise that significant changes should be made to the current SANDF force design and structure. The 2014 Defence Review highlights the fact that the SANDF is, and will be, expected to play a variety of roles in Africa, and that it will often be deployed in ‘secondary’ functions such as peacekeeping, border management and humanitarian support. Despite this shift to a more holistic and multifunctional approach to defence, which addresses both traditional and non-traditional roles of the military during Joint, Interdepartmental, Interagency and Multinational (JI2M) operations, the 2014 Defence Review continues to structure the SANDF in accordance with traditional single service organisational structures. These structures, the SA Army, the SA Navy, the SA Air Force and the South African Medical Health Services are not optimally configured to meet the demands of JI2M deployments. Defence planners refer to the adage that structure follows strategy, therefore, if the SANDF is expected to function in a joint environment, its force design and force structure should reflect this ‘jointness’ as the essence of its design principles. The study concludes that the logical cost-effective solution to the configuration of the SANDF would be the adoption of a modular force design, based on composite brigades that could be utilised as interchangeable building blocks which can be tailor-made for specific deployments, rather than to continue with the cumbersome traditional practice of using the services as building blocks. Modular force design will enable the SANDF to have a mass organic, scalable, joint precision effect, at an increasingly higher level than before, and enable the SANDF to balance the principles of concentration of force with economy of effort.
Open Access
ŉ Vergelykende pluraliteitsanalise van die hantering van kulturele diversiteit, toegepas op Suid-Afrika, die Verenigde State van Amerika en Australië
(University of the Free State, 2015-08-07) Van der Merwe, Jacobus Hercules; Van der Merwe, C. J.; Grobler, J. E. H.
English: This study investigates the management of the conflict and struggles that arise when a variety of cultural groups reside in one society, under one political system (plurality). As various groups endeavour to establish their particular value system as the prevailing value system of the society, the value system of one or more of the other groups is compromised. Tension, conflict and struggle ensue. Where this struggle becomes violent, hundreds of thousands of lives can be lost. During the middle of the twentieth century, the idea emerged that plurality can be accommodated in a positive manner. Over time, this idea crystallized into the theory (or ideology) of Pluralism. The purpose of this study was to identify measures that were applied over a period of more than three centuries (1652 to 1962) in three different areas (currently known as the USA, South Africa and Australia) to manage plurality; and to determine how such measures influenced these societies in the long-term. A theory (more accurately, an ideology) like Pluralism is not the ideal instrument for objective analysis, because of its inherent value bias. This study therefore developed an empirical analytical framework through which to analyse the measures employed to handle plurality, and the effects thereof. It was felt that using this framework to conduct a comparative analysis would shed more light on both the measures that were applied over a long period in various societies, and the longterm effect of the various measures on these societies. It would also assist in projecting the probable effect of certain measures if applied to a specific society, under specific circumstances. However, the emphasis of this study is on the development of the analytical framework and the application thereof on the historical data of the chosen areas and societies from the beginning of the seventeenth century to just after the middle of the twentieth century, with a cut-off date of 1962. Although the framework was not applied to other societies, in other periods, due to the colossal nature of such an exercise, the results of this historical analysis indicate that the analytical framework developed in this study could open perspectives that could not be obtained through other methods. In the course of applying the framework illustratively to the chosen historical data, this study describes the various cultural groups involved, as well as their differences regarding numbers, language and culture. Conflicts that arose are noted, as well as the measures employed to deal with the plurality. Furthermore, from the methods that were used in various time frames, deductions are made regarding the morality that was current in those times. From an ideologically pluralistic perspective, some of the identified measures employed to cope with plurality could be regarded as negative, in that they were intended to suppress or eliminate plurality – mostly accompanied by some form of violence – whereas others could be regarded as positive, in their attempt to take plurality into consideration when determining the overarching values of the society, and even to strengthen and broaden the plurality. Finally, the morality of the actions of the various governments was judged against the prevailing morality of their times. In this study it was established that the governments of the three territories applied more or less the same methods in more or less the same periods to handle plurality under the influence of the contemporary international morality.
Open Access
An analysis of regime capacity and a nascent environmental conflict in the Orange-Senqu, the Nile and the Niger River basins
(University of the Free State, 2017) Mahlakeng, Mahlakeng Khosi; Solomon, H.
𝑬𝒏𝒈𝒍𝒊𝒔𝒉 For much of the past century, the hydropolitical landscape of African transboundary river basins has been affected by water scarcity. The analysis of hydropolitics is referred to here as the politics of water, which symbolises the most complex relations and interactions between states that share river basins. According to Elhance (2000:202), such hydropolitics is a function of two variables: the rate of change in the hydrologic system and the institutional capacity to absorb that change. The United Nations (UN) identified the Orange-Senqu, the Nile and the Niger River basins, along with six other African river basins susceptible to potential water-induced conflict, as being at risk of tensions and/or conflict. The discourse and interest of this study in water as a potential source of conflict concentrates largely on the Orange-Senqu, the Nile and the Niger river basins. This study takes a comparative perspective of these transboundary river basins and outlines foreseeable transboundary river challenges for regional security, considering the impact of environmental scarcity. The selection of these basins is prompted by these regions being marked by serious environmental challenges that are detrimental to combustible hydropolitics over such shared water resources. Moreover, these cases are situated in three different regions and are aligned to different already functional regimes, with protocols and/or charters on shared watercourse. As such, they make for a helpful comparative case study analysis. These cases provide ideal and fascinating examples of the links between climate variability and change, water resources, human security, conflict, adaptation and regime capacity. The transboundary Orange-Senqu River Basin, located in the Southern African region is, after the Congo and the Zambezi river basins, the third largest river catchment in Africa. The basin stretches over four countries that includes all of Lesotho, a large portion of South Africa, southern Namibia and southwestern Botswana. The Orange-Senqu basin faces challenges of water scarcity due to soil erosion, wetland degradation, pollution, irrigation, mining, industries, population growth, power generation and domestic consumption. The unequal distribution of freshwater resources is also a fundamental factor posing a threat to the economic and social development of the Southern African region. The Nile River Basin (NRB), located in the region of North East Africa is an international river shared by eleven riparian countries. These are Burundi, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Sudan and South Sudan. This makes it the world’s longest river at about 6,700km or 4,100 miles. The NRB faces considerable challenges including rapid population growth, water scarcity as the NRB countries are known for their arid and semi-arid conditions, poverty, environmental degradation and uneven distribution of the Nile waters. The NRB is centrally challenged by disputes over the unequal use of water between upstream and downstream riparian countries. The Niger River, located in West Africa, is the third longest river in Africa after the Nile and Congo, flowing for 4,200 km and extending into 10 countries (Guinea, Côte d’Ivoire, Mali, Burkina Faso, Algeria, Benin, Niger, Chad, Cameroon and Nigeria). The Niger River Basin also faces challenges of population growth (with a total population of approximately 100 million and a growth rate of around 3%), agricultural run-off, oil production (the source of a host of environmental issues) and climate change, among other challenges. Regarding the institutions and institutional capacity required to promote cooperation among member countries and ensure the integrated development of resources, the study focuses on the Orange-Senqu River Commission (ORASECOM), the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI), and the Niger Basin Authority (NBA). ___________________________________________________________________
Open Access
International politics in an era of democratic peace: the enduring quality of Waltzian structural realism
(University of the Free State, 2017-01) Coetzee, Eben; Solomon, H.
English: International politics continue to be marked (or, more properly) marred by debilitating continuities. Across time and space, and against the vogue of inside-out explanations of international politics (with democratic peace theory as the example par excellence), the study points toward the enduring quality of Waltzian structural realism in theorising and explaining international-political outcomes. The study, accordingly, shows the enduring usefulness of systems theories of international politics and, as against this, the inadequacy of reductionist theories in accounting for international-political outcomes. Waltzian concepts and expectations such as the tyranny of small decisions, balance-of-power theory, emulation and competition, and strange bedfellows are borne out by an examination of the past, present and (as far as possible) future of international politics. The study also shows the lack of empirical and theoretical vindication for democratic peace theory. In making a case for the poverty of democratic peace theory and, as against this, the enduring quality of Waltzian structural realism, the study examines international politics from the period ranging from Ancient Greece to the future of international politics, illustrating that we have much to learn from Waltz’s structural realist theory. Short of the system being transformed, and on account of the evidence presented in this study, Waltzian structural realism is set to remain the basic theory of international politics. In more ways than one, the future of international politics is set to look very much like the past.
Open Access
The effectiveness of development aid in Lesotho for good governance and political transformation
(University of the Free State, 2017-05) Nko, Edward Ret'selisitsoe; Coetzee, Tania
English: The thesis commences with the discussion that looks at the process of development aid as a catalyst for good governance and political transformation. This includes the practice of capacity building and reforms of institutions of governance and transformation, but also the technical introduction of institutions of accountability and development agenda. It sets also in motion the idea of policy reform agenda and capacity building to encourage the further channelling of development aid to achieving development outcomes. The thesis sets out that development aid is still continuing in Lesotho but the country is unable to pull out of the poverty cycles or to economically and socially achieve minimum standards of development and self-sustainability. In these circumstances, it will appear apparent that overseas development aid is likely to continue as is becoming a primary source of income in Lesotho. The study demonstrates that aid is a catalyst for development which in order to be effective, must be directed to supporting good governance and political transformation. Aid thus has been given on the belief set that it’s a means for capacity building to assist the developing countries to achieve far reaching goals that would help them in attaining development, economic growth and pulling out of poverty. The tone of this study discusses aspects of aid and development that can explain these patterns of growth, building on recent critical studies of aid and development in good governance and political transformation mostly across other African countries. It points to features that are inherent in foreign aid, but have become increasingly relevant with the recent changes in development discourse that seem to produce economic gains and greater social development outcomes. This study will make use of a descriptive and explanatory correlation method of research aimed at evaluating the contribution of development aid to good governance and transformation in Lesotho. It thus describes and seeks to understand the development aid discourse and its contribution to good governance and political transformation. It also makes use of the theories of development, governance and transformation to draw conclusions relating to how development aid can be effective if good governance and political transformation can be achieved. The study forms a large part of the global argument that draws relationship between aid effectiveness and good governance and political transformation. The study’s conclusion provides recommendations about how to appropriately ensure the continuation of development aid to achieve good governance and political transformation based on the case of Lesotho. The recommendations lay parameters for the success of Lesotho’s aid effectiveness agenda and sustainable development outcomes.
Open Access
The status of the public protector within the governance framework in South Africa
(University of the Free State, 2019) Phera, Molefinyana Solomon; Coetzee, T.
𝑬𝒏𝒈𝒍𝒊𝒔𝒉 The Public Protector (PP) is a genus of the Ombudsman and its status within governance has been a controversial subject in the national discourse in South Africa. This institution was created in terms of Section 181 of the Constitution as part of the coterie of institutions mandated to protect and strengthen constitutional democracy. These institutions are colloquially called the Chapter 9 institutions. They have been described as not forming part of government, although they are an integral part of the governance system in South Africa. It has become necessary to study the status of one of these institutions, namely the PP, within the governance framework in South Africa. The governance framework consists of the institutions that form the trias politica, the co-operative government and the organs of state, as defined in Section 239 of the Constitution. This research has indicated that the PP, like all other Chapter 9 institutions, exists outside the trias politica and co-operative government framework, but it is an organ of state as defined in Section 239. As a result of this complex status of the PP within the governance framework, the researcher has defined its place as being part of co- operative governance, although it is not part of co-operative government, as defined in Chapter 3 of the Constitution. This characterisation of the status of the PP means that it is not part of the intergovernmental framework and it is not restricted by the legal and structural strictures of this framework, but it is required to co-operate with other organs of state to achieve its objectives of protecting and strengthening constitutional democracy and promoting good governance. This study has been a normative exercise, which places the PP within the trilogy of normative frameworks: the governance and Ombudsman theoretical frameworks; good governance as a normative function; and the normative values that inform the ethics of the PP as a genus of the Ombudsman. The study’s findings and recommendations seek to further elucidate and embed the status of the PP within the governance framework in South Africa. Therefore, it makes an original contribution to the interdisciplinary science of Governance and Political Transformation. ___________________________________________________________________
Open Access
Accountability within the governance of intergovernmental relations in South Africa
(University of the Free State, 2020) Pholo, Goitsione Moses Pholo; Coetzee, T.
This study intended to investigate accountability, as advanced by public officials, elected officials, public and private sectors, stakeholders and the citizenry within the framework of governance and intergovernmental relations (IGR) in South Africa. In the process of the investigation, the study as guide solely by addressing the indicators outlined in its problem statement, and the aims and objectives as the frame of reference for the investigation. Accordingly, the study was of the view that there were basic and key concepts of accountability within the governance of intergovernmental Relations (IGR) that needed to develop the public officials, elected officials, stakeholders and the citizenry in order to deliver an accountable state and governance to the electorate. These basic and key concepts of accountability as indicated in paragraph designed and simplified user-friendly integrated governance model (IGM) to guide the intended users. In order to attain the maximum targets set by the study, the abovementioned indicators were adopted for the implementation and monitoring by the intended users to ensure optimum accountability measures within the governance of intergovernmental Relations (IGR). The study set out four indicators to guide the investigation as the means of the frame of reference, and they (i) Demonstrated accountable governance perspectives, which included the intensity of relations, governmental distance, power dependence and bargaining power within the three spheres of government, (ii) Conducted the analysis on the intergovernmental governance and determined the outcomes to live up to the standards, as well as expectations for executed functions, as outlined by the Constitution (1996), (iii) Developed the new integrated governance model (IGM) as an instrument, to guide the intended users towards ensuring the maximum implementation of the accountability measures within the intergovernmental governance, and (iv) Developed the set of practical enforceable findings, conclusions and recommendations for public officials, elected officials, stakeholders and the citizenry within the intergovernmental governance. The outcomes of the findings and recommendations supplemented the intended integrated governance model IGM) for ease of reference to the users. Therefore, the findings, conclusions, recommendations, as well as the integrated governance model (IGM) are the profound solution and the pillar of the study. Hence, the integrated governance model (IGM) of the study made the unique contribution and significance of this investigation.
Open Access
A governance perspective on policies and practices combating youth unemployment in South Africa
(University of the Free State, 2021-10) Phokontsi, Gaelebale Lilly; Swanepoel, M. P.; Coetzee, T.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the effectiveness of South African youth development policies in ensuring the development and empowerment, especially regarding employment, of young people in the country. The research is based on policies such as the National Youth Development Agency (NYDA) Act of 2008, the National Youth Policy 2015-2020, and the National Development Plan: Vision 2030, which is a policy that ensures effective service delivery in a cost-effective manner, while ensuring that the rights of all citizens of South Africa are protected. The study observed that unemployment is high amongst youth in South Africa and that this has a direct bearing on poverty levels and standards of living. The impact and effects of the strategies that are adopted to prevent youth unemployment are not reported in a manner that outlines their effectiveness and efficiency in dealing with youth development and employment. This scenario posed a problem for the research. Hence, the study focused on these policies to address the challenges facing youth and to attempt to synergise the policy implementation process for efficiency and accountability in governance. The study utilised qualitative research and the critical approach, as this is social studies research. Phenomenology was used to grasp the situation. The approach is meant to make an objective judgement and ensure an emancipation agenda, which exposed the needs and struggles of the youth. To achieve its objectives, the study introduced and defined concepts such as policy, policy process, policy analysis and policy theory, which were key in the analysis of policy. Within the policy process, the study focused on policy stages, such as problem identification, agenda setting, policy formulation, policy analysis, and policy implementation. Furthermore, the study defined the concept governance and its theories because these theories were later used in the application to decide on the relevant theory, which could work in addressing the youth development issues and challenges discussed in the study. Amongst the theories was the rational choice theory, the elite theory, the interpretive theory, the network systems theory and the developmental theory. The governance principles and modes were brought in as part of the discussion because modes are critical for decision-making and failure to adhere to the principles results in government’s inability to provide for and protect the basic human rights of the youth. The study outlined the challenges faced by youth in South Africa to justify the investigation because young people are drowning in problems that seem to mushroom into greater socio-economic and political problems, which the government is unable to handle. Then, content gathered through the policy and governance theory was applied to determine the relevant theory that could be applied to remedy the dire situation through theory application challenges. This includes the deployment of unskilled implementers; the role of the NYDA as an implementing agency; the supply-side approach of the government; the government’s consultation and engagement processes; poor monitoring systems; the centralised education curriculum; and poor planning versus the implementation of government programmes. The process enabled the research to conclude that network governance should be applied in South Africa and the theory is in line with the District Development Model (DDM), adopted by the government in 2019. The motivation for network governance stems from the findings of the study that youth development challenges are related to policy process, specifically implementation. The failure in implementation can be traced back to NYDA’s capacity to influence process. Government possess inadequate monitoring and evaluation strategies. The education system which is central to development and capacity building of youth requires review and realignment. Despite acknowledgement of the importance of good governance principles, government failed in application of these principles. The confusion related to the definition of the concept youth by various policies impedes service to youth. Hence, the view that network system of governance is relevant and necessary to tackle youth unemployment from a collective worldview. Network governance is promoted because it promotes a collaborative, collective, and inclusive approach to youth development. It calls for collective decision-making and allows transparency and openness in the implementation of youth programmes. The study acknowledges the strength of network governance because stakeholders share responsibilities, expertise, skills, institutional capacity and planning sessions. Communication and consultations are key in network governance. Through the findings, the study made various recommendations in relation to governance, leadership, capacity building for the NYDA, and the review and realignment of the education system. The outline of the effectiveness of network governance is highlighted through the Youth Development Framework, which was developed to guide the implementation of network governance in addressing youth unemployment. The Framework highlights the role of stakeholders from the key sectors, such as the social, public, academic and private sector, as youth development problems cannot be resolved by the public sector singlehandedly. Collaboration is key to youth development and empowerment. Finally, it can be deduced that youth unemployment is the result of poor governance and poor policy implementation. The government must strive towards collaborative governance to succeed in empowering young people.