History
Permanent URI for this community
Browse
Browsing History by Author "Barnard, S. L."
Now showing 1 - 11 of 11
Results Per Page
Sort Options
Item Open Access Genl. J. C. G. Kemp 1914-1946: rebel of politieke leier?(University of the Free State, 2002) Ligthelm, Johan Hendrik; Barnard, S. L.𝑬𝒏𝒈𝒍𝒊𝒔𝒉 At the start of the First World War In 1914, Jan Christoffel Greyling Kemp was a courageous and talented Anglo-Boer War hero, 42 years old and a major in the newly started Union Defence Force. His military colleagues were many of his ex-compatriots from 1899-1902, such as Lt.col Manie Maritz and others. Twelve years prior, at the signing of the Peace Agreement at Vereeniging, Kemp stayed a "die-hard" and for him the republican ideal never faded. As a result, when the war started there was a great deal of tension, discontent and feelings of resentment, more so because of Gen. Louis Botha and the Government's decision that South-Africa should fight on the side of Great Britain in the war against Germany. Fuelling these feelings further was the Government's plans to annex the German-Southwest-Afrlca. Many republican idealists felt that it was the ideal opportunlty, with Britain so busy with the war effort in Europe, to further the cause of getting back South-Afrlca's independence. Kemp, following the advice of Gen. C.F. Beyers, in protest against the Government's war polley, relinquished his officers rank on the 13th September 1914. Following this, he also made a pact with Gen. Koos de la Rey. should the government decide in favour of the German-Southwest·Afrlca annexation, to launch a military coup from Kemp's camp at Pothchefstroom. So getting rid of Botha in government and calling for a republic at the same time. However, this peaceful protest ended in nothing and coupled to the decision of Maritz to rebel and the subsequent start of marshal law, Kemp and others decided to do something more active. Beyers sent Kemp to Maritz, who was the then commanding officer at Upington. On the 2nd of November 1914 Kemp and a very meagre rationed 610 men left Vleeschkraal. This became an epic trek through the Kalahari, not just because of insufficient food and water, but also because of being hounded by Government's forces. Only pure Afrikaner determination and pure Afrikaner steel saw them completing this journey on the 26th of November 1914, when Kemp and his commando reached Maritz. Together they had some military successes at Nous and Lutzputs, but failed at an attack on Upington. At his stage, suffering from dreadful fever together with the end of the Rebellion in South-Africa Kemp decided to surrender to the Government Forces on the 2nd of February 1915. For his part in the Rebellion Kemp was sentenced on the 23rd of July 1915, to a fine of £1000 and 7 years prison sentence, the most severe punishment of all the rebel leaders. However, on the 22nd of November 1915 Kemp was released from prison on the condition that he may not participate in any politics. But already as early as 1917 he attended political meetings with Tielman Roos in the Western Transvaal. Here, with hls already well known zest and enthusiasm he worked hard for the National Party of Gen. J.B.M. Hertzog and in doing so got himself elected in 1920 as a Member of Parliament for Wolmaransstad constituency. The Parliament seat he kept until his death In 1946. With the start of the new Hertzog cabinet, after winning the general-election In 1924, Kemp got the portfolio as Minister of Agriculture, which was designated to him again In 1929 and 1933. In the 10 years or so that he had this portfolio he made a name for himself, not only the boss in words but also in deeds. He took over an exceedingly difficult Department of Agriculture and by introducing new laws and using the Government aid he tried all within his power to bring all the different aspects of Agriculture to it's highest level. With his usual enthusiasm, energy and zest, which few of his colleagues could match, he soon had the backing of the entire agricultural community, although some people questioned his autocratic behaviour. He supported the coalition agreement In 1933 between Hertzog and Smuts, but sadly in 1935, due to ill health, asked Hertzog to relieve him of his duties as Minister of Agriculture. He got the portfolio as Minister of Land Affairs, which he kept until 1939. Again rising to the occasion with his usual enthusiasm and energy he tried very hard to uplift the conditions of poverty amongst the Afrikaners and building up of settlements. Within the confinement of the now United Party, where the majority of politicians did not further the Afrikaner cause, he did his utmost to be the peace maker. He took this role so seriously, even speaking up for Smuts where previously he never had anything good to say about him and soon the staunchest of Afrikaners believed him to be a traitor. In 1938 It was the long awaited Jubilee year and the organising of the symbolic "Ossewa- trek", culminating in the festivities at the Voortrekkermonument. During the festivities in Pretoria Kemp was then the Acting Minister of Defence. During this time he took an active role in getting Roberts Heights renamed to Voortrekkerhoogte, something that certain groups did not appreciate. On the 4th of September 1939 Jan Kemp once again stood next to Hertzog and voted on the proposal to keep South-Africa neutral in the Second World War. Smuts however won with a majority of 13 votes against the proposal and in doing so also succeeded in overthrowing of the Hertzog government. Kemp now found himself once again an ordinary member of Parliament. In 1940 with the Introduction of the new United National Party, adv. J.G. Strijdom and Kemp became co-leaders of Transvaal. Getting on in years however did not stop Kemp from being an active member of parliament. During the following years he continued to plead for a stand of neutrality and the ideal of an independent Republic of South Africa never faded. Although he kept on warning against the use of force to achieve this goal. In 1946 his health deteriorated and he tried bravely to keep the flame alive. Urging his people to greater sacrifices for the ideals of a Republic, the ideal he and his eentemporaries had given so much for since 1914. Sadly on the 31st of December 1946 he passed away in Plet Retief. Kemp as a person had what they would call a great personality. During his polltlcal career he had few that surpassed his energy or enthusiasm for his ideals. In his political career he made just as many friends as foes and in the South African history there were few people who damned the consequences, as he did. He was a great political leader with foresight and empathy, but also just an ordinary man, loved by one and all. His objective struggle went hand in hand with his humanity. He was convincing and boisterous, but also amiable. ___________________________________________________________________Item Restricted Die Jordaan-familie: 'n historiese ontleding van hulle genealogie en die vestiging van 'n toerismeroete(University of the Free State, 2005-04) Jordaan, Marthinus Johannes Steyn; Barnard, S. L.; Ferreira, O. J. O.English: The origin of the name Jordaan dates back to the Creation, with the name Jordaan as a surname dating back to 970 AD. This study analyses the history of the Jordaan family since the origination of the surname Jordaan in the southwest of France in the Beziers district, through to the arrival of the two Jordaan brothers in South Africa as Huguenots, up until the uneven distribution of the three Jordaan bloodlines in South Africa, and their subsequent distribution until approximately 1955. The history of the Jordaan family in South Africa can only be thoroughly analysed by revising the history of the Waldensian movement, the rise of the Huguenots and Protestantism in France and other European countries, as well as the history of the DElC. This study focuses on the continuous interplay of actions and reactions between the Waldensian and Huguenot movement on the one hand and the French king and the Roman Catholic Church on the other. The study explains how these actions and reactions led to the eventual arrival of the two Jourdan brothers as Huguenots in South Africa in 1688. The project also reveals that despite the large loss of life amongst members of the Waldensian movement since the twelfth century, as well in as the Huguenot movement that ran parallel to the views of Luther and Calvin, these religious movements still exist to this day in certain parts of the world. The suppression of these two movements, particularly in France, gave rise to a mass exodus of French citizens to different parts of the world. The eventual arrival of the two Jourdan brothers in South Africa would, amongst other things, leave a lasting impression on their descendents and others in South Africa. Also in the various communities where members of the Jordaan family resided, there is to this day still evidence of their presence. From the time of the arrival of the two Jourdan brothers in South Africa, they joined the other Huguenots in the Cape in the fight against the DElC authority for religious, educational and economic rights in their new place of residence. This study describes the circumstances in which the Jourdan brothers found themselves and what they did to ensure economic survival. As the number of descendents of the ancestors, Jean Jourdan and lsabeau le Long, increased, the gradual dispersion of the Jourdan family members in South Africa began. The dispersion commenced in approximately 1741 and was almost complete by 1955. The study indicates how the dispersion took place, and also describes the cultural heritage left by the Jordaan family members. Formulas are used to express the percentage of Huguenot blood remaining in the Jordaan family. A map showing the distribution of members of the Jordaan family, as well as a map indicating streets and other places named after members of the Jordaan family, is also provided. The relationship between cultural heritage tourism relating to the Jordaan family and the genealogy of the family is also discussed. The discourse on the origins of the concepts of culture, heritage and cultural heritage is discussed broadly. This section goes on to discuss the concept of cultural heritage tourism, which is a new concept in South Africa. The last section of this study discusses the requirements to be considered when planning a cultural heritage route for the Jordaan family. There are various factors to be taken into account when it comes to planning and setting up the route and constructing an interpretation centre along the recommended cultural heritage route for the Jordaan family. A suggested model for cultural heritage in South Africa is proposed on the basis of legislation and other provisions. The planning of a cultural heritage route for the Jordaan family, including aspects of sustainability, carrying capacity, the difference between tourist and pilgrim and the establishment of interpretation centres in strategic places along the route, is discussed. The different proposals mean that there will no doubt be differing opinions on the subject. It is also possible that there will be different interpretations of the topic, which would stimulate the discourse for wider debate. Differing opinions do not necessarily mean that there will be a right or a wrong opinion .Item Open Access Land reform: a comparative analysis of the Zimbabwean and South African processes since democratization(University of the Free State, 2008-05) Nyawo, Vongai Zvidenga; Barnard, S. L.English: As a process generally designed to redress colonial imbalances in land resources, address issues of good governance, poverty reduction and promote sustainable economic growth, the phenomenon of redistributing land is not peculiar to Southern Africa. Although implemented with variant methodologies and resultant implications, depending on a country's ideologies and circumstances on the ground, land reform has been previously experienced in various global countries such as Australia, Brazil, Kenya, Nicaragua, Peru, Chile and others. This research is primarily intended to explore how the process of land reform has been handled in two multi-facetedly contiguous Southern African countries, namely Zimbabwe and South Africa. The central contention of the study being that, manifold forces have propelled and hampered land reform in the two countries and that methodologies employed have intentionally and inadvertently provoked a multiplicity of problems and challenges. With a shared experience of colonial conquest, occupation, dispossession, land alienation and the need to re-gain independence through armed resistance, the land issue has always been pivotal to the continuing struggle of both countries. Over the years, prime land would change hands through discriminatory acts like the 1913 Native Land Act and its sequels in South Africa and the Land Husbantry Act in Zimbabwe. Black people would be pushed to impoverished, dry, drought stricken Bantustans, homelands, reserves and tribal trust lands. To regain their freedom and their land, wars were fought and eventually independence granted through negotiated settlement. At the dawn of independence, one of the top priorities for the black led governments was to equitably redistribute land resources. The study amply demonstrates that en route land reform itself has been fraught with all kinds of hurdles emanating from within and from without. From the onset, the negotiated settlements would control free choices of land policies for the nascent black governments. The negotiated constitutions brought with them strings attached, guarantees for the minority and ensured that the legacy of colonialism was maintained. As a result, only politically and financially cheaper approaches to land reform were employed at the expense of the urgency with which reform was needed to reduce poverty, among other needs. In Zimbabwe, in the first decade of independence, land was redistributed through the Willing Seller Willing Buyer mode (WSWB) via the market. Later, the government sought to hasten the land redistribution pace through the LRRPII and the Fast Track Programme with disastrous results. In South Africa, with the objective to restore land rights (restitution), redistribute land and reform tenure, the WSWB approach is still being used. To supplement the WSWB, affirmative action is also engaged which includes reallocating state land, drawing up additional legal reforms, availing state aid programmes and limiting large farms. There has been very limited expropriation of land by the South African government as opposed to Zimbabwe. Lately, Zimbabwe has nationalized all land and issued 99 year leases to farmers. The international community has adversely influenced land policy selection in the two countries under discussion through withdrawal of donations, exerting political pressures using sanctions and calling for regime change. Taking the colonial histories of the two countries as a point of departure, this study seeks to give an appraisal of land reform and to interrogate critically post-independence land reform methodologies and implications thereof. In its overall approach, the research endeavours to trace, state clearly and explicitly, compare, contrast and identify elements of land reform policies to find out their nature and value in order to understand and explain the programme. The research partially concludes that land reform shall go down in the annals of history as a correctional measure that has, arguably, introduced a new complex dimension in Zimbabwean politico-economics as well as influenced Southern Africa and the international world to view the region with fresh, pragmatic eyes.Item Open Access The Namoha Battle, Qwa-Qwa (1950) : a case study of the significance of oral history(University of the Free State, 2005-05) Semela, Mokena Stephen; Barnard, S. L.; Stemmet, J-A.No abstract available.Item Open Access The reasons for the annexation of Lesotho 1868 a new perspective(University of the Free State, 1998-05) Lelimo, Martin Moloantoa; Barnard, S. L.The annexation of Lesotho in 1868 by Great Britain has been interpreted by previous historians in various ways. Most have emphasised the economic, humanitarian and moral factors which compelled Wadehouse to declare Basotho to be British subjects. While these factors were real and cannot be ignored, the more important immediate cause of the annexation at that point in time were Britain's regional geo-political concerns: namely, the need Fa prevent the Orange Free State from breaking out of the neo-colonial framework imposed on it by Britain through the Bloemfontein Convention of 1854. In other words, if the OFS were to overrun Lesotho and head for the Transkei coast, it could then establish independent relations with foreign powers through Port St. John's. This factor has been played down or even forgotten by most historians. The new perspective articulated in this thesis seeks to place it back on centre-stage. In order to put the final act of annexation into proper historical perspective, this thesis explores carefully the various treaties and relations which existed between Lesotho and Britain from 1842 onwards. During the period 1842-47, Britain was pleased to assert Lesotho' s right to its land and protection for its citizens against the encroachments of the white settlers of Transorangia. This period of the Treaty States gave way to that of the Orange River Sovereignty in 1848, when Sir Harry Smith annexed the entire region for Britain and tried to establish proper mechanisms for peace and justice for both black and white. As this experiment failed, a scapegoat was needed. Moshoeshoe, previously viewed as the source of peace and as a man prepared to compromise for the common good, now became in Smith's view the source of tension and a proud ruler who needed to be put in his place. Attacked twice by the British, Moshoeshoe was not humbled militarily; through skilful diplomacy, he regained the confidence of Governor Cathcart. As Britain had already decided upon a policy of abandoning the Orange River Sovereignty, the only question which needed to be answered was this: What status would Moshoeshoe, her traditional ally, enjoy under the new dispensation. Clerk, entrusted with the task of disentangling Britain from the ORS, gave Moshoeshoe strong assurances concerning his land claims while at the same time he told the white settlers the opposite, thus leaving the border situation confused and unresolved. Clerk also agreed to the white settlers' request for an embargo on arms and ammunition against the Basotho. Britain's "neutrality" was thus highly advantageous to the newly formed Orange Free State. Nonetheless, during the First Basotho-Boer War of 1858, the Basotho emerged victorious due to their numerical superiority and the Boer's realisation .that they could win individual battles but they could not subdue the Basotho. The British, through Governor Grey, gave more land to the Free State however in the hope of persuading it to join a white federation of states. Moshoeshoe had thus won the war but lost the peace. Though disillusioned with the British, Moshoeshoe knew that in the long run, he had no choice but to seek closer ties with Britain ifhe was to have any hope of resisting the land hungry white settlers. In 1861, Moshoeshoe formally asked to become a subject of the Queen. This request was followed up carefully but, unfortunately, came to nothing. Seven more years were to pass and the Basotho would be terribly humbled in battle during the Second and Third Basotho-Boer Wars before the British finally acted to save the Basotho from complete defeat, fearing as has been said that a victorious OFS would then push on to the coast/and break out of the encirclement imposed on it by Britain. The historical legacy of injustice from this period has never been forgotten by the Basotho nation. The issue of Lesothos Conquered Territory, lost to the Orange Free State with the blessing of Britain, is still alive and perhaps the time has finally arrived for justice to be done now that South Africa is finally ruled by a government elected by all of her people.Item Open Access The development and role of the Qwa-Qwa campus of the University Of the North, 1982-1998: a historical case study(University of the Free State, 1999) Semela, Mokena Stephen; Barnard, S. L.; Rademeyer, J. S.The Universities are European institutions. It is the product of Europe's High Middle Ages, 12th and 13th centuries. It has developed and transmitted scientific and scholarly knowledge and developed from Christian schools.¹ In the process of developing universities lost their semi-spirituality and more and more were seen as institutions that could make a direct contribution to the acceleration of economic growth or the promotion of social justice. Knowledge itself was seen as the primary product of higher education not students.² The modern university however, is not concerned with the knowledge only, but is more closely interrelated with its surroundings, it is part of the context in which it operates. According to Khotseng³, the point of university education is not for knowledge's sake or providing elitist education to the selected few, but for the broad requirements of improving the quality of life of all people in the society. ⁴ The best universities are those which strove for excellence in teaching, expertise and research at an international level as well as within the communities they serve. The universities in South Africa owed their origin to pioneer efforts of private citizens rather than state initiative. They are not state institutions but state-aided. In establishing its own system of university education South Africa has followed the practice of those countries which have mfuirnized the exercise of state power at the university level. Each university is a corporate body established by an Act of Parliament which endows the Council with general control of all the affairs of the university.⁵ The post-apartheid era in South Africa and the advent of reconstruction and development campaigns have ushered in a revitalised interest in universitycommunity interaction. The South African universities are now transforming their roles within an emerging socio-economic and cultural milieu. This era sees the universities reaching out to millions of citizens. By so doing they are becoming community-centred institutions whose existence and relevance are to be determined by the manner in which they respond to the needs of their catchment areas. This process of change has brought into focus the crucial importance of the university's role in society and the societal clairvoyance of the university. In a quintessence the functions of the university should be guided by societal needs and the specific national actuality.Item Open Access The trajectory of land reform in Zimbabwe: post-independence era 1980-2000(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010-06) Nyawo-Shava, V. Z.; Barnard, S. L.There is a general consensus that land reform in post settler colonies fits like a glove. Since extensive land alienation occurred in Zimbabwe, which resulted in the occupation of larger, more fertile, arable healthy pieces of land by minority whites and occupation of the unproductive, crowded, marginal and deteriorating lands by blacks, independence has given the land question a new force. Going through available literature on Zimbabwe’s land reform progress, there is the impression that, during the liberation struggle, the land question was more of a political issue than anything else. It was about fighting exploitative governmental agrarian policies, fighting for ancestral land, fighting for the power with which land ownership came. With the advent of independence, the land question, as Moyo opines, has been popularized within the “growth with equity” parameters set out by the new regime allowing for a significant amount of land redistribution.3 Thus, through reading library sources and literature in private collections, as well as carrying out interviews, this article seeks to demonstrate the essentiality and centrality of the land question in post independence Zimbabwe. Also to register that the land question presently has grown bigger and wider to entail, among other things, land redistribution, solutions to promote rural development of communal lands, political stability of a nation as well as the economics that goes with land utilization, land tenure, grazing schemes, population control, restitution, gender issues and the list goes on.Item Open Access The transformation in the status of the black worker in the Free State Gold Mines, 1946-1995(University of the Free State, 1998-11) Bezuidenhout, Wendy; Barnard, S. L.There are many roleplayers in the transformation process of the black gold mine-worker in the South African mining industry. These include the South African government, the mining companies, the Chamber of Mines, white mine-workers and finally the black workers themselves. The black labourers were first subsistence farmers, who came to the gold mines on an involuntary and temporary basis. When they could no longer survive on their subsistence economy, they looked to the mines for a steady income. Meanwhile, their lives were transformed as they came into contact with Western civilization. The migrant labour pattern has had tremendous effects on the general way of life of the black man in South Africa. He was not only transformed as a labourer, but as a person as well. For many decades the black labourer was not allowed to become involved in trade union activity. NUM was only granted access to Harmony Gold Mine in 1988 and then the workers united and demanded better wages, as well as improved living and working conditions. The important role NUM played in the transformation process of the black workers should not be overlooked. For the black workers there was strength in numbers. The Free State Goldfields came into production in the 1950s and the mining industry arrived al a crossroad. It could maintain the unskilled status quo of the black labour force or transform the industry and grant black labourers the same rights as whites. Political barriers and economic necessity prevented the industry from taking a new course and established labour structures were implemented on the Free State mines. The colour-bar was only removed in the mining industry in 1988 and black miners could only then obtain a blasting certificate and advance in their workplace. Working in a gold mine, was and still is dangerous. However, the mines have an envious record of maintaining high safety standards and providing excellent medical facilities for their workers. At Harmony Gold Mine, pioneering work is done in the field of AIDS and the Harmony Hospital is quite modern and well-equipped. Training facilities and career opportunities for the black workers have improved tremendously over the last few years. The black gold mine-worker of the nineties is better-trained, more productive and more informed than many years ago. They are still migrant workers, but their contracts have been extended to a period of 12 months. Conditions in the hostels improved likewise and facilities like M-Net and quarters for married workers are provided The black workers' diets are scientifically determined and many sports facilities are readily available. The black labourers have not reached a utopia. Migrancy has its negative effects on family life, alcohol abuse IS a problem and the HIV virus poses a severe threat Improved productivity has led to down-scaling of the work force and unemployment IS rampant. Black gold mine-workers in the nineties have become integrated in the industry and in the economy of South Africa. A phenomenon which was postponed for many years and which leaves behind a history of hardship and struggle.Item Open Access The transformation of Black school education in South Africa, 1950-1994: a historical perspective(University of the Free State, 2008-11) Rakometsi, Mafu Solomon; Barnard, S. L.; De Wet, N. C.English: The new education dispensation in South Africa has its roots in the turbulent years in education. The transformation of Black school education in South Africa led to the actions and counter actions that interrelated to mould a political climate that paved the way for the education where everybody has the right to learn. The National Party government introduced Bantu Education in 1953 and this aroused strong condemnation from the Black people who were virtually unanimous in their opposition to it. There was incessant disorder in education as a result of separate education for Blacks. The Bantu Education Act was passed following the Eiseien Commission of Enquiry whose recommendations were in line with the principles of Christian National Education. Political developments inter alia, the celebrations of the so" anniversary of the Union of South Africa, the declaration of the Union of South Africa as a Republic as well as the Sharpeville shooting in 1960, impacted on education. Bantu Education principles were extended to Coloured and Indian education. Segregated education for the Coloured and Indian learners was also met with vehement opposition. The National Party government introduced the homeland system to fortify its policy of segregated schools and separate economies. The National Party government encouraged the self governing homelands to opt for independence. Learners from all homelands could not easily access education in the urban areas; this was even worse for the learners whose designated homelands had chosen independence. The insistence of the government that English and Afrikaans must enjoy equal status as the media of instruction in the Black schools sparked the Soweto learners' riots. The South African society responded differently to the epoch making Soweto learners' upheavals. A militant culture developed among the learners and this led to the formation of national learners' organisations. The learners played a prominent role in education politics whilst the parents' role was relegated to the periphery. The void left by parents in education resulted into chaos. There were calls for reforms in education as a result of the intermittent school unrests of the 1980s. The reformist programme of the National Party government led to the appointment of the De Lange Commission of Enquiry and the inauguration of the new Department of Education and Training for Blacks. The 1983 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa which led to the creation of the tri-cameral parliamentary system also resulted in the formation of the United Democratic Front by the people who felt that the Black people had been left in the cold by the new Constitution. This ushered in an era of militancy among learners and sporadic riots that disrupted education. The education crisis deepened with calls for "liberation first, and education later." This led to the formation of the National Education Crisis Committee, and its forerunner the Soweto Parents Crisis Committee. There were fresh calls for "people's education for people's power." As part of its reform programme, the National Party government allowed big business participation in alleviating the challenges that plagued Black education. The African National Congress (ANC) had been calling for sanctions and disinvestment in an attempt to force the National Party government to relinquish apartheid and segregated education. The Black political parties did not agree on this strategy. It remains debatable whether the sanctions facilitated the demise of apartheid in any significant way. There were attempts to unite different teachers' union by the Congress of South African Trade Unions and the ANC, but the mergers proved complicated. The militancy of emergent teachers' unions undermined discipline and stability in education. Education in South Africa was facing a lot of challenges at the dawn of the new political dispensation.Item Open Access The transformation of Black school education in South Africa, 1950-1994: a historical perspective(University of the Free State, 2008-11) Rakometsi, Mafu Solomon; Barnard, S. L.; De Wet, N. C.Abstract not availableItem Open Access The transformation of the South African Police from a paramilitary force to a service delivery agency 1980-1998: a historical assessment(University of the Free State, 2007-11) Buys, Jane Elize; Barnard, S. L.English: The focus of the study falls on the transformation of the South African Police Force from a paramilitary organization to that of a service delivery agency. The history of the Police Force prior to 1990 was that of a paramilitary force, thus autocratic and bureaucratic of nature with a strong military discipline. The Police Force was seen by the majority of the black population as an instrument to enforce the apartheid policy of the National Party government, and was thus branded as the enforcer of the apartheid policy. The black population in South Africa was mobilized by the banned organizations, namely the ANC, PAC, SACP and others to proceed with the liberation struggle to obtain political power. Through mobilization and indoctrination to make the country ungovernable and to eventually obtain political power, the banned liberation organizations came into direct conflict and confrontation with the Police Force that had to guarantee the safety of the state at all costs. The Police Force was also seen by the majority of the black population as not accountable to the communities and only to the government of the day. The Police Force, its top structure and the average police official were of the opinion that in the era of 1960 to 1990, the Police Force acted on behalf of the state and not to protect the party that governed. With the militarization of the South African society during the 1970s with the establishment of the State Security Council (SSC) to combat the total onslaught by terrorists and communists on every facet of society, the Police Force acted more military. The Police Force increasingly and continuously worked together with the South African Defence Force (SADF) internally as well as externally, in border wars of the then Rhodesia and South West Africa. The co-operation with the SADF contributed to the Police Force becoming more military, especially when the type of training, weaponry, equipment and military operations are assessed. The states of emergency in South Africa during the 1980s also contributed to the Police Force being classified and characterized as more military in certain cases than the paramilitary. With the advent of 1990, the release of Nelson Mandela, the era of negotiations between the National Party government and the previous banned liberation organizations, of which the ANC was the most important, the South African society was placed on an irreversable path of transformation. All government departments, including the Police Force, had to be transformed. The Police Force, as it stood at the evening of 1990, was not acceptable to the majority of the black population. The ANC as main negotiator wanted to transform the Police Force to a demilitarized, impartial, representative and accountable Police Force in South Africa, with the emphasis on effective service delivery to all communities. The Police Force should thus transform from a paramilitary institution to that of a service delivery agency for all South Africans. Two components of the Police Force that needed urgent transformation were the Security Branch and the Riot Control Units. These two components were contaminated by the role that they played to maintain the security situation in South Africa, thus to protect the state. Transformation and restructuring of the Police Force effectuated that more focus should be placed on preventing crime and the establishment of a human rights culture in a new democracy. These changes were stipulated in the Constitution and the new South African Police Service Act of 1995. The new South African Police Service Act finally broke with the past by changing the name of the Police Force to that of the Police Service. Where the Police Force was centralized, the Police Service was decentralized to provincial, area and station level. A new rank structure, uniform and insignia for the Police Service were instituted to demilitarize the Police. The amalgamation of the former TBVC states’ police forces and the incorporation of the freedom fighters, namely MK and APLA members, into the new South African Police Service, had to take place with transformation. The emphasis of the new Police Service was on community policing and crime prevention. Where the Police Force focussed on reactive policing, thus the investigation of crime, the Police Service had to focus on proactive policing, thus the prevention of crime. Community Police Forums (CPFs) were also established to ensure that the police would come into contact with the needs of their local communities and to deliver an effective service to them. To make the Police Service more acceptable and service delivery orientated, it had to become more representative of the population it had to serve. The focus thus, after democracy, was on equal conditions of employment of all races and genders and an affirmative action policy that was implemented in the Public Service to appoint previously disadvantaged persons in higher posts. With the implementation of affirmative action in the Police Service no effective training was presented to previously disadvantaged persons to become effective managers. This had a very big negative impact on service delivery to the communities that the Police Service had to serve. Problems that impacted on the ability of the Police Service to deliver an effective service in a democratic South Africa, were inter alia the increase in corruption among police officials, the morale, attitude and behaviour of police officials and the increase in stress, depression and suicides amongst police officials. The new Police Service had as one of its primary tasks the prevention of crime. The tremendous increase in crime levels in South Africa as reflected in the crime statistics of the Police Service, contributed to the perception that the Police Service could not combat crime alone and that it was continuously dependent on the co-operation of other government departments, such as the Department of Justice, the JCPS clusters and the Business Against Crime (BAC) initiatives.