History

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Open Access
1914: Rebellie of protes? Vryheid teen imperialisme, Paul Grobbelaar: book review
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2014) Wessels, Andre
Abstract not available
Open Access
The 23rd African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) conference in Bloemfontein: a Polokwane political hangover?
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010-06) Twala, Chitja
The ANCYL played a significant role in the history of the ANC, therefore the actions of its members at their 23rd conference in Bloemfontein were disturbing for the ANC. Already in the build-up it was clear that rivalries between factions were rife and before the conference started there had been disruptions. The article highlights the reasons behind the rivalry and the ANC’s leadership’s handling of the situation. The rivalry was not due to ideological differences but to support for personalities. The ANC leaders and ex-ANCYL leaders aired their dissatisfaction with the unruly conduct and the pursuit of political self-advancement. Many members rejected the outcome of the leadership election and the congress was adjourned. The ANC intervened and at a closed session later that month the election of the five officials and the National Executive Commission was maintained. A number of organizational, policy and leadership issues were discussed. The divisions were, however, still apparent. The conference in Bloemfontein was obviously a political hangover of the ANC’s conference at Polokwane.
Open Access
The A to Z of the Anglo-Boer War, Fransjohan Pretorius: book review
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Wessels, Andre
Abstract not available
Open Access
Apartheid and the anticipation of apocalypse: the supreme strategies of the National Party government and the African National Congress, 1980-1989: an historical perspective
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Stemmet, Jan-Ad
By 1980 the National Party government of South Africa and the most prominent anti-apartheid organisation, the African National Congress (ANC), had moulded multidimensional strategies of epic proportions with which to seize and maintain power. The government perceived the global campaign against South Africa’s political status quo as a so-called total onslaught operating in all possible socio-economic and political spheres. In reaction it engineered a strategy to counter it in all possible spheres the total strategy. Its implementation implied a reorganisation of South African politics and society on an unimaginable scale. Simultaneously the most important anti-government organisation was overhauling itself. After the turmoil of the late 1970s, the African National Congress determined that the climate was ripe to launch a multidimensional offensive against the minority regime. The execution of these strategies, during the 1980s, culminated in sweeping violent political conflict and socio-economic unrest. A political power play was effected with the actions and reactions of each side thrusting South Africa ever closer to the brink of a man-made apocalypse. These separate strategies will be analysed in an historical perspective.
Open Access
Applying principles of historical critique: authentic oral history?
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Oelofse, Marietjie
To reconstruct the past, oral historians are concerned with the depths of memory as a potential source of information, evidence and meaning at their disposal. Unfortunately, memory can never be absolutely certain, wherein lies its weakness as a source of knowledge of the past. The researcher has the important task of implementing historical interpretation and principles of historical critique in searching for authenticity in sources. Taking into account the nature of memory and the factors that may negatively affect its objectivity, the article will examine which reliable techniques and methods may be implemented by the oral historian to minimise problems and inaccuracies, as well as examine oral evidence for factual credibility.
Open Access
Die begrip "people's history" en die betekenis en toepassing daarvan in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks
(University of the Free State, 1996) Kruizinga, Jelle Christiaan; Moll, J. C.; Frijhoff, W. Th. M.
English: People's history as part of radical social history is part of a movement known as the "new history". The "new history" is a reaction against traditional historical writing that deals particularly with the political aspects of the past and the lives of so called important persons. In reaction to traditional historical writing, people's history deals with the subjective life experience of ordinary people in the past. Who and what the ordinary people are, depends on the country and context in which people's history is written, but includes groups like workers, women and blacks. Ordinary people are usually those who have either little power or no power and who are frequently being exploited or oppressed. People's history is a rather vague term, but this vagueness brings about freedom in the writing of history. Influences on the development of "people's history" include: the rise of the mass political movements especially sine the nineteenth century, radical-liberal and Fabian interest in the livelihood of ordinary people, and the French "Annales"-school's emphasis on total history. In spite of influences from many countries, people's history developed to its full potential in Britain, under the guidance of Marxist inspired historians. From 1966 with the establishment of the first History Workshop in Britain, people's history spread to countries like the USA, Germany, where "people's history" is called "Alltagsgeschicte", and to South Africa. In all of these countries people's history shows a distinctive character. A debate over the role of structuralism versus human agency divided Marxist historians in various countries into two groups. The structuralists were of the opinion that the real life experience of ordinary people in the past is of no importance to the study of history. People's history accuse structuralists of placing too much emphasis on abstract impersonal factors. Writers of people's history advocate an empirical method through which human agency will be acknowledged. In South Africa, people's history developed, in the late seventies, as on the one side a reaction against structuralist radical history and on the other side as a reaction against Liberal and Afrikanernationalist history writing. The revolutionary climate of the eighties helped to establish "people's history as a historiographical tradition in South Africa. People's history is of the opinion that historians are always influenced by their personal ideological beliefs and value systems and will therefore reflect wittingly or unwittingly on their work. The emancipation of ordinary people from exploitation and oppression is a political aim to which "people's history" would like to make a deliberate contribution. Presentism is often the result of people's history's involvement with contemporary political issues. Certain postmodernist tendencies like the rejection of the grand narratives and the modernization theory as well as the need to decentralise history, are all part of people's history. Particularly the rejection of the base-superstructure model, through the prominence given to n-on-class factors such as culture, ideology et cetera, is a rejection by people's history of rigid Marxism. Except for people's history's political motives within the broader society, it also aims at democratising the subject of History and its writing. The history workshops, attempts to decentralise knowledge of the past and the encouragement of different groups to write people's history, is an important contribution towards the democratisation of History. Creativity and imagination, for instance the use of oral history, is necessary for people's historians to discover sources on the past of ordinary people. People's history makes use of qualitative rather than quantitative sources and methods to show best what role the ordinary people played in the past. In essence people's history is a rejection of the idea of objectivity, and therefore rather advocates radical plurality in history as a starting point for a discourse on the complexity of the human past.
Open Access
Die beheer, behandeling en lewe van die krygsgevangenes gedurende die Anglo-Boereoorlog, 1899 - 1902
(University of the Free State, 1975) Oosthuizen, S. P. R.; Van Schoor, M. C. E.
Afrikaans: Die lewe en behandeling van die Boerekrygsgevangenes van die Anglo-Boereoorlog behoort tot 'n haas onbekende hoofstuk in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis. Daar bestaan wel enkele publikasies in die vorm van dagboeke, herinneringe of artikels deur oud-krygsgevangenes, maar die werklike kennis oor die vele fasette van hul behandeling en bedrywighede, bly steeds aan die vergetelheid toevertrou. Dit verskaf egter stof tot dankbaarheid dat hierdie skrywers tog die verhaal van hul krygsgevangenskap neergeskryf het en hierdeur lesers 'n vlugtige blik in die kamplewe gegee het. Die probleem met al die gepubliseerde werke is uiteraard dat elkeen slegs die ervarings van 'n enkele persoon in één van die vele kampe beskryf en om hierdie rede nooit 'n verteenwoordigende beeld van die lewe en bedrywighede, die wel en wee van die krygsgevangenes as 'n groep gedurende hul gevangenskap verskaf nie. Skrywer van hierdie proefskrif het gevolglik hom dit ten doel gestel om uit die beskikbare bronne soveel as moontlik 'n algemene beeld van die behandeling en lewe van die Boerekrygsgevangenes saam te stel. Dit skep uiteraard groot probleme, aangesien die optrede teenoor krygsgevangenes van offisier tot offisier, of van kamp tot kamp verskil het. Krygsgevangenes het ook uiteenlopend op dieselfde behandeling gereageer. Plaaslike omstandighede, toestande te velde, probleme met transport, beskikbaarheid van lewensmiddele, standpunte en beskouinge van individuele Britse offisiere het alles invloed op die behandeling van gevangenes uitgeoefen. Gebeure in die onderskeie kampe sou die optrede teenoor al die gevangenes dus nie noodwendig ten goede of ten nadele tref nie. Oor die algemeen was daar egter 'n groot ooreenkoms in die behandeling van optrede in die verskillende kampe en was dieselfde reëls en regulasies op almal van toepassing. In die lig hiervan is in hierdie studie getrag om die verskillende fasette van die lewe van die krygsgevangenes in hul nuutgevormde samelewingsverband te ontleed en die invloed van die inwerkinge van 'n verskeidenheid faktore in hul lewens te bepaal.
Open Access
Blanke besetting en bevolkingsgroei van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika vanaf 1652 tot 1960
(University of the Free State, 1968-01) Vrey, Willem Jacobus Hendrik; Keyter, J. de W.
Abstract not available
Open Access
Bloemfontein gedurende die bewind van president F.W. Reitz, 1889-1895: 'n kultuurhistoriese studie
(University of the Free State, 2015-04-07) Botes, Sussana Marianna; Wessels, A.; Ferreira, O. J. O.
English: Francis William Reitz served as the fifth State President of the Boer republic of the Orange Free State from January 1889 to December 1895. This study discusses both the material and nonmaterial culture of Bloemfontein and the way of life of the inhabitants, during President Reitz’s time in office. During the Reitz period the town of Bloemfontein developed rapidly and the community underwent far-reaching changes. The arrival of the first railway in Bloemfontein in 1890 was the main incentive for the town’s rapid development and created new markets, resulting in greater prosperity and an increase in population. This in turn resulted in a growth in housing, the development of infrastructure and improvements in many areas. By the end of the Reitz period the Free State capital was a prosperous town with a relatively wide range of businesses, impressive public buildings, stately houses, several good schools, a wide range of religious denominations and a model black township. The advent of the railway marked the end of the town’s previous isolation, and contact with other towns and people was expanded. The white population was of cosmopolitan origin but the Dutch-speaking Afrikaners, English-speaking inhabitants, Germans and Jews, all played a leading role in the community. In general persons of different nationalities were on good terms with each other and white people of different nationalities were welcomed heartily to the Bloemfontein community of those days. The relationship between white and black inhabitants was that of master and servant and blacks were subjected to many regulations and restrictions. Therefore the social conditions of the brown and black people were inclined to be poor. Bloemfontein only had a very small Indian community, and in 1890 the Indians were prohibited from farming or conducting businesses in the Orange Free State, with the result that most of the Indian traders soon left Bloemfontein. New Indian settlement was largely discouraged. Dutch was the official language of the Boer republic, but English was so widely spoken in Bloemfontein that the Free State capital had a predominantly English character. By this time Dutch was already gradually developing into Afrikaans. In the 1890s Bloemfontein, with its dry healthy climate, was widely known as a health resort, especially for people with lung diseases and consumption. Patients from all over the world came to the Free State capital in search of better health. But despite the healthy climate, poor sanitary conditions and polluted water sometimes led to epidemics, such as diphtheria, typhoid fever and smallpox, and an increase in the death rate. Drought, locust plagues and the division of former large farms into smaller units, gave rise to an increased influx of poor-white people (especially Afrikaners) to the capital, in search of jobs. The social life of the more prosperous part of the white population was informal and lively and there was no shortage of recreation and entertainment. After the coming of the railway many overseas entertainers performed in Bloemfontein. The capital also had its own talented singers and musicians, and a variety of cultural societies and organizations enriched the lives of the inhabitants further. The strong Late Victorian influence was reflected in the clothing, interior decoration, furniture, food, garden layout and social traditions of Bloemfontein’s inhabitants. The church and religion influenced almost every aspect of the people’s lives, as they regarded religion to be of prime importance. Both the government and church were involved with education and in 1895 the Orange Free State became the first South African country to implement a system of compulsory education for white children. The Anglican Church played a vital role in the education of brown and black people.
Open Access
Britain and the labour question in South Africa: the interaction of State, Capital, labour and colonial power, 1867-1910
(University of the Free State, 2014-07) Swiegers, Gertrude Maylene; Wessels, Andre
English: This study focuses on Britain’s role in labour relations in South Africa and the influence of Britain on the interaction between state, capital and labour in the country from 1867 to 1910. The research places renewed emphasis on the labour question in early South African labour history by concentrating on Britain as an important role player in the labour environment. This will allow for a better understanding of labour dynamics in South Africa and highlight the attempts of Britain to influence labour policy during the period. The thesis explores the impact of Britain on the labour question in South Africa by investigating the direct and indirect role of the British government, the public and press in Britain, civil society and its influence on British policy, the impact of British emigrants on South Africa, as well as the use of the South African labour question by the British opposition. Britain’s role in recruiting and managing the labour supply in South Africa is outlined, as well as the impact of political events and colonial policy on labour in South Africa. The main sources of labour in South Africa are discussed, as well as the British role in securing these labour sources. African administration, the role of taxation and land in labour supply, and the British role and reaction to these issues are also highlighted, along with the interaction of the British government with the other parties in the labour relationship, namely capital, the colonial states and labour. Labour is an important issue in contemporary South African society and the study will hopefully, through the investigation of early labour history, also shed light on contemporary labour issues. This early period, 1867 to 1910, is controversial and critically important in the transition to modern South Africa since it established the foundations of labour relations in the country. The policies, legislation and labour framework established during this period would lead to extensive strike actions in the years after the establishment of the Union in South Africa, and would shape labour politics and state-labour relationships for decades to come.
Open Access
Die Britse militêre strategie vir oorlog in Suid-Afrika, 1899
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Wessels, Andre
On the eve of the outbreak of the Anglo-Boer War on 11 October 1899, the British Army had no comprehensive strategy for the war in South Africa. In this article the reasons why no detailed strategic planning was done, are discussed. The limited strategic planning that was done is analysed, and it is pointed out that in the run-up to the war, British planning was influenced by geographic factors in the potential war zone, by the position of the Orange Free State (would that Boer republic side with the Transvaal or stay neutral?), and by matters pertaining to the defence of Natal and of the Cape Colony. Finally, it is indicated what line of advance was eventually decided upon; albeit that after Gen. Sir Redvers Buller had arrived in South Africa, he decided to deviate from the original plan.
Open Access
Die Britse veroweringsaanspraak op die Oranje-Vrystaat, 1900
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011-09) De Bruin, Jaco; Wessels, Andre; Henning, Johan
On 28 May 1900, Lord Roberts issued a proclamation (back-dated to 24 May 1900) stating that the Orange Free State (OFS) Boer republic was annexed as the Orange River Colony (ORC). This article deals with the British allegations that they had conquered the OFS, as early as the end of May 1900. It deals especially with the legality of these averments in the context of the law of nations. The opinions of a number of legal authorities are evaluated and applied to the situation prevailing in the OFS. Several other proclamations and opinions are also taken into consideration, as well as the events in the Brandwater Basin in July and August 1900, when a very significant number of the OFS forces in the field surrendered. The positions of and comments by General CR de Wet and President MT Steyn are evaluated, and the decisions handed down in a number of post-war court cases are considered. New light is shed on the legal status of the Boer representatives taking part in the negotiations leading up to the signing of the Peace of Vereeniging on 31 May 1902.
Open Access
Buitelandse vlagvertoonbesoeke aan Suid-Afrikaanse hawens (3): Die eerste dekade van die nuwe RSA, 1994-2004
(Department of History, University of the Free State, 2007) Wessels, Andre
In this, the third of three articles that deals with flag-showing visits by overseas warships ("grey diplomats") to the Republic of South Africa (RSA), a review is given of all such visits that took place from 27 April 1994 to 27 April 2004; i.e. the first ten years of fully-fledged democracy in the country. In the months that followed on the April 1994 elections, a large number of foreign warships, as well as naval support ships, visited South African harbours, an indication that the RSA had indeed been welcomed back by the international community. In 1996 there was even more naval contact, and 1997 – when the South African Navy celebrated its 75th birthday - was the busiest naval year in the history of South Africa since 1972. In 1998-9 there was a fall in the number of "grey diplomats" that visited the RSA, but 2000 was another boom year. Since then, every year has brought a relatively large number of foreign warships to the RSA. Since 1994, the RSA is an important role-player in the international arena, especially with regard to African affairs, and the large number of overseas flag-showing visits to South African ports is a clear indication of the country"s importance.
Open Access
Composing apartheid: music for and against apartheid, Grant Olwage (Ed.): book review
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Wessels, Andre
Abstract not available
Open Access
The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the Tripartite Alliance: a marriage of (in)convenience?
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2012-06) Twala, Chitja; Kompi, Buti
Since its formation in 1985, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) had played a significant role in the political landscape of South Africa. From the start, COSATU appeared to be in support of the then banned African National Congress (ANC) when it adopted the Freedom Charter. This article highlights the relationship which exists between COSATU and the ANC as part of the Tripartite Alliance. The persistent animosity between the members of these two organisations is discussed.
Open Access
Die Diamond Fields Advertiser en die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke krisisse, 1896-1898
(University of the Free State, 1982) Gous, Herma Henriette; Van Schoor, M. C. E.
Afrikaans: Hierdie studie handel oor die Diamond Fields Advertiser se interpretasie van die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke krisisse van die jare 1896 tot 1898 wat die Anglo- Boereoorlog voorafgegaan het. Die stryd tussen Brittanje en Transvaal om die behoud van Britse oppergesag in Suid-Afrika aan die een kant en die Transvaalse onafhanklikheid aan die ander kant het neerslag in die Kaapse politiek gevind. Die Jameson-inval wat die omverwerping van die Kruger-regering ten doel gehad het, het die blanke bevolking van Suid-Afrika in twee pOlitieke-kampe gedryf. Die Afrikaner in die Kaapkolonie is in hul simpatie met die Krugerregering verenig. Die Engelse koloniste het hulle agter die South African League en Rhodes geskaar in simpatie met die Uitlanders en ter ondersteuning van Britse oppergesag in Suid-Afrika. Die Diamond Fields Advertiser onder redaksie van Albert CartWright het egter geweier om hom onvoorwaardelik met enige van bogenoemde twee groepe te vereenselwig. Die koerant het wel die behoud van Britse oppergesag, 'n Suid-Afrikaanse federasie onder die Britse vlag en die toekenning van volle burgerregte aan die Uitlanders voorgestaan. Die gebruik van geweld ten einde bogenoemde oogmerke te bereik, is egter heftig deur die Diamond Fields Advertiser afgekeur. Cartwright het die gedagte dat Brittanje se posisie as die oppergesag in Suid-Afrika deur sameswering van die Boererepublieke en die Kaapse Afrikaners bedreig is, verwerp. Insgelyks het hy geweier om te glo dat die Britse regering of die Uitlanders enige vyandige oogmerke teen die Transvaalse onafhanklikheid gekoester het. Chamberlain se optrede t.o.v. Transvaal voor en na die Jameson-inval is in die lig van bogenoemde oortuiging geïnterpr~teer. Cartwright het bv. geweier om te glo dat Britse regeringsamptenare by die Rhodes-sameswering betrokke was. Chamberlain se versekering dat hy oor geen vooraf-kennis van die Jameson-inval beskik het nie,is sonder enige bevraagtekening deur die Diamond Fields Advertiser aanvaar. Terwyl Chamberlain gedurende die onmiddellike maande na die Jameson-inval met die gedagte van oorlog teen Transvaal gespeel het, het Cartwright nie alleen 'n gematigde optrede bepleit nie, maar volgehou dat Chamberlain nie geweld sou oorweeg nie. Ook gedurende die krisis van April 1897 het die Diamond Fields Advertiser gematigde Britse beleid t.o.v. Transvaal voorgestaan, alhoewel die koerant die Transvaalse wetgewing, wat tot die krisis gelei het, heftig veroordeel het. Cartwright het uit vrees dat die Britse regering met geweld in Transvaal sou ingryp, daarop aangedring dat die ander Suid-Afrikaanse state gesamentlik 'n protes aan die Kruger- regering moes rig. Cartwright se beleid vir die Diamond Fields Advertiser is gemotiveer deur 'n begeerte na vrede en eenheid vir Suid- Afrika. Dit was die onderliggende rede agter die koerant se teenkanting teen Rhodes se terugkeer na die Kaapse politiek na sy betrokkenheid by die Jameson-inval. Dit was ook die rede waarom dje Diamond Fields Advertiser die South African League se slagkrete ten gunste van die behoud van Britse oppergesag en sy beskuldigings van dislojaliteit teen die Afrikanerbond teengestaan het. Terwyl die gevoel van vyandigheid tussen Engels- en Afrikaanssprekendes in die Kaapkolonie hoog geloop het, het Cartwright as redakteur van die Diamond Fields Advertiser die vorming van 'n gematigde progressiewe party, wat oor die taalgrense heen sou strek, bepleit. Die Kaapse politieke klimaat op die vooraand van die Anglo-Boereoorlog het hom egter nie tot gematigdheid geleen nie. Die verkiesing van die Kaapse wetgewende vergadering in 1898 is deur die Progressiewe Party, onder aanvoering van Rhodes, in 'n stryd om Britse imperialisme teenoor Afrikaner-republikanisme omskep. Die Diamond Fields Advertiser het egter geweier om as 'n volgeling van óf Rhodes, óf Kruger, wat onderskeidelik bogenoemde stryd verpersoonlik het, geklassifiseer te word. Dit was die hoofrede agter die oorname van die Diamond Fields Advertiser deur die Progressiewes in Februarie 1898.
Open Access
Die aandeel van Ds. J. C. du Plessis in verband met 'n nasionale onderwysbeleid vir die Republiek van Suid-Afrika, met spesiale verwysing na sy werk in die I.K.K. en O.V.S.O.V.
(University of the Free State, 1979-12) Greyvenstein, Diederick Johannes; Vermaak, D.
Afrikaans: Die doel van die ondersoek is om die aandeel van ds. J.C. du Plessis na te vors ten opsigte van die verkryging van ‘n nasionale beleid vir die onderwys van blankes in Suid-Afrika deur spesiaal te verwys na sy rol in die Interkerklike Komitee (I.K.K.) en die Oranje-Vrystaatse Onderwysersvereniging (O.V.S.O.V.). Ter aanvang word kortliks verwys na die begrip nasionale onderwysbeleid en Wet 39 van 1967. Beginsels wat meer toeligting ontvang is die Christelike, nasionale, moedertaal-, differensiasie- en ouermedeseggenskapbeginsel. Die ontstaan van die vervlegting van die samelewingsverbande, kerk en skool van die Afrikaner wat die grondslag vorm vir onderwysbemoeiing deur die kerk word ook inleidend bespreek. Daar word op gewys dat dié noue verband tussen kerk en skool dateer uit die Hérvorming en tydens die volksplanting aan die Kaap op die onderwys alhier oorgedra is. Enkele wysgerige beginsels, te wete: die soewereiniteits- en vervlegtingsbegineels van gesagstrukture wat ten grondslag lê van die noue verband tussen die Afrikaner se kerk en skool en verklaar waarom die kerk en veral die N.G. Kerk, hom so indirek bemoei met die onderwys, geniet aandag. ‘n Voorbeeld van die kerk se bemoeienis met die onderwys is die stigting van die I.K.K. Hiervan was ds. Du Plesciis eers lid en later voorsitter. Van die O.V.S.O.V. wat heelwat later sy steun aan die I.K.K. toegesê het, het ds. Du Plessis na aftrede as predikant sekretaris geword. Na voltooiing van sy studies was ds. Du Plessis predikant op Jagersfontein en Bethlehem waar hy gou betrokke geraak het in onderwysaangeleenthede. Hierna word hy beroep na Beaufort-Wes in Kaapland waar hy sy segregrasieskema ten opsigte van Blanke en Kleurlingskole en koshuise deurvoer. Tydens hierdie periode red hy die Kaapse opvoedingskommissie van ontbinding en word die voorsitter daarvan. Ds. Ou Plessis word later die Kaapse verteenwoordiger op die I.C.N.U. van die F.A.K. en beywer hom vir C.N.O. As voorsitter van die Sinodale opvoedingskommissie het hy die omstrede De Villiers-onderwysverslag van 1948, die voorloper van ‘n nasionale onderwysbeleid, deeglik bestudeer en in tydskrifte toegelig. Toe ds. Du Plessis as predikant in die Transvaal gewerk het, het hy die provinsie se Sinodale Opvoedingskommissie geaktiveer om uitvoering te gee aan die Verslag se aanbevelings veral ten opsigte van ‘n nasionale onderwysbeleid vir gekoördineerde en gedifferensieerde onderwys vir blankes in Suid-Afrika. Die drie Afrikaanse susterskerke het vir die doel die I.K.K. gestig wat talle onderhoude met die onderwysowerhede gevoer het vir die verkryging van on nasionale onderwysbeleid. Hierdie I.K.K. het die omstrede memorandum opgestel vir die opheffing en beëindiging van verdeelde onderwysbeheer op middelbare vlak. Na heelwat onderhandelinge met die betrokke onderwysowerhede, is die MORtert-Mosie in Februarie 1955 in die Parlement ingedien waarna die regering geleidelik in die rigting van 'n nasionale onderwysbeleid beweeg het. Toe ds. Du Plessis in 1956 sy emeritaat aanvaar het, het hy as voorsitter van die I.K.K. bedank. Hierna het hy die pos as hoofsekretaris van die Oranje-Vrystaatse Onderwysersvereniging aanvaar. Sy invloed en bekwaamheid as hoofsekretaris het baie beteken vir die onderwys. Sy tydskrifartikels in Die Skoolblad waarvan hy die redakteur was, het etlike honderde getel wat die weg probeer voorberei het vir die verkryging van 'n nasionale onderwysbeleid vir die Republiek van Suid-Afrika. In 1966 lê hy die tuig neer as hoofsekretaris van die O.V.S.O.V., maar bly nog aan as redakteur van Die Skoolblad tot einde 1969. Ds. Du Plessis het onteenseglik ‘n groot bydrae gelewer tot die verkryging van 'n nasionale beleid vir die onderwys van blankes in Suid- Afrika.
Open Access
Die ekonomiese herstel van die Afrikaner in die Oranjerivier-Kolonie 1902-1907
(University of the Free State, 1964) Van Rensburg, Abraham Paul Janse; Van Schoor, M. C. E.
Gedurende Mei 1965 het daar in Die Huisgenoot uit die pen van dr. D.W. Krüger twee geïnspireerde artikels oor die heroïese verset van die Afrikaner¹ teen Brittanje gedurende die Anglo-Boereoorlog verskyn. Hierdie grootse siening van 'n deel van die heldeverlede van die Afrikanervolk het vir my as spoorslag gedien om vas te stel hoe hierdie helde helde van die slagveld en konsentrasiekampe ná die oorlog die daaglikse lewenstryd hervat en voortgesit het. Die studie is ook aangepak omdat, naas die Anglo-Boereoorlog, wat a¹ so dikwels as navorsingsprojek gedien het, die ekonomiese aspek van die Afrikaner se herstel in hierdie tydoerk nog nooit in al sy geledinge in oënskou geneem is nie. 𝗩𝗘𝗥𝗪𝗬𝗦 𝗡𝗔 𝗗𝗜𝗘 𝗔𝗔𝗡𝗚𝗘𝗛𝗘𝗚𝗧𝗘 𝗗𝗢𝗞𝗨𝗠𝗘𝗡𝗧 𝗩𝗜𝗥 '𝗡 𝗩𝗢𝗟𝗟𝗘𝗗𝗜𝗚𝗘 𝗢𝗣𝗦𝗢𝗠𝗠𝗜𝗡𝗚!
Open Access
Die Nasionale Party van Suid-Afrika se laaste dekade as regerende party, 1984-1994
(University of the Free State, 2010-11) Aucamp, Jacobus Marthinus; Coetzer, P. W.; Du Pisanie, J. A.
Abstract not available
Open Access
Die Dorslandtrek: 'n historiese-geografiese studie, 1870-1954
(University of the Free State, 2015-10-01) Burger, Nicolaas Albertus; Oberholster, J. J.
Abstract not available