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Item Open Access Die ekonomiese herstel van die Afrikaner in die Oranjerivier-Kolonie 1902-1907(University of the Free State, 1964) Van Rensburg, Abraham Paul Janse; Van Schoor, M. C. E.Gedurende Mei 1965 het daar in Die Huisgenoot uit die pen van dr. D.W. Krüger twee geïnspireerde artikels oor die heroïese verset van die Afrikaner¹ teen Brittanje gedurende die Anglo-Boereoorlog verskyn. Hierdie grootse siening van 'n deel van die heldeverlede van die Afrikanervolk het vir my as spoorslag gedien om vas te stel hoe hierdie helde helde van die slagveld en konsentrasiekampe ná die oorlog die daaglikse lewenstryd hervat en voortgesit het. Die studie is ook aangepak omdat, naas die Anglo-Boereoorlog, wat a¹ so dikwels as navorsingsprojek gedien het, die ekonomiese aspek van die Afrikaner se herstel in hierdie tydoerk nog nooit in al sy geledinge in oënskou geneem is nie. 𝗩𝗘𝗥𝗪𝗬𝗦 𝗡𝗔 𝗗𝗜𝗘 𝗔𝗔𝗡𝗚𝗘𝗛𝗘𝗚𝗧𝗘 𝗗𝗢𝗞𝗨𝗠𝗘𝗡𝗧 𝗩𝗜𝗥 '𝗡 𝗩𝗢𝗟𝗟𝗘𝗗𝗜𝗚𝗘 𝗢𝗣𝗦𝗢𝗠𝗠𝗜𝗡𝗚!Item Open Access Genl. J. C. G. Kemp 1914-1946: rebel of politieke leier?(University of the Free State, 2002) Ligthelm, Johan Hendrik; Barnard, S. L.𝑬𝒏𝒈𝒍𝒊𝒔𝒉 At the start of the First World War In 1914, Jan Christoffel Greyling Kemp was a courageous and talented Anglo-Boer War hero, 42 years old and a major in the newly started Union Defence Force. His military colleagues were many of his ex-compatriots from 1899-1902, such as Lt.col Manie Maritz and others. Twelve years prior, at the signing of the Peace Agreement at Vereeniging, Kemp stayed a "die-hard" and for him the republican ideal never faded. As a result, when the war started there was a great deal of tension, discontent and feelings of resentment, more so because of Gen. Louis Botha and the Government's decision that South-Africa should fight on the side of Great Britain in the war against Germany. Fuelling these feelings further was the Government's plans to annex the German-Southwest-Afrlca. Many republican idealists felt that it was the ideal opportunlty, with Britain so busy with the war effort in Europe, to further the cause of getting back South-Afrlca's independence. Kemp, following the advice of Gen. C.F. Beyers, in protest against the Government's war polley, relinquished his officers rank on the 13th September 1914. Following this, he also made a pact with Gen. Koos de la Rey. should the government decide in favour of the German-Southwest·Afrlca annexation, to launch a military coup from Kemp's camp at Pothchefstroom. So getting rid of Botha in government and calling for a republic at the same time. However, this peaceful protest ended in nothing and coupled to the decision of Maritz to rebel and the subsequent start of marshal law, Kemp and others decided to do something more active. Beyers sent Kemp to Maritz, who was the then commanding officer at Upington. On the 2nd of November 1914 Kemp and a very meagre rationed 610 men left Vleeschkraal. This became an epic trek through the Kalahari, not just because of insufficient food and water, but also because of being hounded by Government's forces. Only pure Afrikaner determination and pure Afrikaner steel saw them completing this journey on the 26th of November 1914, when Kemp and his commando reached Maritz. Together they had some military successes at Nous and Lutzputs, but failed at an attack on Upington. At his stage, suffering from dreadful fever together with the end of the Rebellion in South-Africa Kemp decided to surrender to the Government Forces on the 2nd of February 1915. For his part in the Rebellion Kemp was sentenced on the 23rd of July 1915, to a fine of £1000 and 7 years prison sentence, the most severe punishment of all the rebel leaders. However, on the 22nd of November 1915 Kemp was released from prison on the condition that he may not participate in any politics. But already as early as 1917 he attended political meetings with Tielman Roos in the Western Transvaal. Here, with hls already well known zest and enthusiasm he worked hard for the National Party of Gen. J.B.M. Hertzog and in doing so got himself elected in 1920 as a Member of Parliament for Wolmaransstad constituency. The Parliament seat he kept until his death In 1946. With the start of the new Hertzog cabinet, after winning the general-election In 1924, Kemp got the portfolio as Minister of Agriculture, which was designated to him again In 1929 and 1933. In the 10 years or so that he had this portfolio he made a name for himself, not only the boss in words but also in deeds. He took over an exceedingly difficult Department of Agriculture and by introducing new laws and using the Government aid he tried all within his power to bring all the different aspects of Agriculture to it's highest level. With his usual enthusiasm, energy and zest, which few of his colleagues could match, he soon had the backing of the entire agricultural community, although some people questioned his autocratic behaviour. He supported the coalition agreement In 1933 between Hertzog and Smuts, but sadly in 1935, due to ill health, asked Hertzog to relieve him of his duties as Minister of Agriculture. He got the portfolio as Minister of Land Affairs, which he kept until 1939. Again rising to the occasion with his usual enthusiasm and energy he tried very hard to uplift the conditions of poverty amongst the Afrikaners and building up of settlements. Within the confinement of the now United Party, where the majority of politicians did not further the Afrikaner cause, he did his utmost to be the peace maker. He took this role so seriously, even speaking up for Smuts where previously he never had anything good to say about him and soon the staunchest of Afrikaners believed him to be a traitor. In 1938 It was the long awaited Jubilee year and the organising of the symbolic "Ossewa- trek", culminating in the festivities at the Voortrekkermonument. During the festivities in Pretoria Kemp was then the Acting Minister of Defence. During this time he took an active role in getting Roberts Heights renamed to Voortrekkerhoogte, something that certain groups did not appreciate. On the 4th of September 1939 Jan Kemp once again stood next to Hertzog and voted on the proposal to keep South-Africa neutral in the Second World War. Smuts however won with a majority of 13 votes against the proposal and in doing so also succeeded in overthrowing of the Hertzog government. Kemp now found himself once again an ordinary member of Parliament. In 1940 with the Introduction of the new United National Party, adv. J.G. Strijdom and Kemp became co-leaders of Transvaal. Getting on in years however did not stop Kemp from being an active member of parliament. During the following years he continued to plead for a stand of neutrality and the ideal of an independent Republic of South Africa never faded. Although he kept on warning against the use of force to achieve this goal. In 1946 his health deteriorated and he tried bravely to keep the flame alive. Urging his people to greater sacrifices for the ideals of a Republic, the ideal he and his eentemporaries had given so much for since 1914. Sadly on the 31st of December 1946 he passed away in Plet Retief. Kemp as a person had what they would call a great personality. During his polltlcal career he had few that surpassed his energy or enthusiasm for his ideals. In his political career he made just as many friends as foes and in the South African history there were few people who damned the consequences, as he did. He was a great political leader with foresight and empathy, but also just an ordinary man, loved by one and all. His objective struggle went hand in hand with his humanity. He was convincing and boisterous, but also amiable. ___________________________________________________________________Item Restricted Die Jordaan-familie: 'n historiese ontleding van hulle genealogie en die vestiging van 'n toerismeroete(University of the Free State, 2005-04) Jordaan, Marthinus Johannes Steyn; Barnard, S. L.; Ferreira, O. J. O.English: The origin of the name Jordaan dates back to the Creation, with the name Jordaan as a surname dating back to 970 AD. This study analyses the history of the Jordaan family since the origination of the surname Jordaan in the southwest of France in the Beziers district, through to the arrival of the two Jordaan brothers in South Africa as Huguenots, up until the uneven distribution of the three Jordaan bloodlines in South Africa, and their subsequent distribution until approximately 1955. The history of the Jordaan family in South Africa can only be thoroughly analysed by revising the history of the Waldensian movement, the rise of the Huguenots and Protestantism in France and other European countries, as well as the history of the DElC. This study focuses on the continuous interplay of actions and reactions between the Waldensian and Huguenot movement on the one hand and the French king and the Roman Catholic Church on the other. The study explains how these actions and reactions led to the eventual arrival of the two Jourdan brothers as Huguenots in South Africa in 1688. The project also reveals that despite the large loss of life amongst members of the Waldensian movement since the twelfth century, as well in as the Huguenot movement that ran parallel to the views of Luther and Calvin, these religious movements still exist to this day in certain parts of the world. The suppression of these two movements, particularly in France, gave rise to a mass exodus of French citizens to different parts of the world. The eventual arrival of the two Jourdan brothers in South Africa would, amongst other things, leave a lasting impression on their descendents and others in South Africa. Also in the various communities where members of the Jordaan family resided, there is to this day still evidence of their presence. From the time of the arrival of the two Jourdan brothers in South Africa, they joined the other Huguenots in the Cape in the fight against the DElC authority for religious, educational and economic rights in their new place of residence. This study describes the circumstances in which the Jourdan brothers found themselves and what they did to ensure economic survival. As the number of descendents of the ancestors, Jean Jourdan and lsabeau le Long, increased, the gradual dispersion of the Jourdan family members in South Africa began. The dispersion commenced in approximately 1741 and was almost complete by 1955. The study indicates how the dispersion took place, and also describes the cultural heritage left by the Jordaan family members. Formulas are used to express the percentage of Huguenot blood remaining in the Jordaan family. A map showing the distribution of members of the Jordaan family, as well as a map indicating streets and other places named after members of the Jordaan family, is also provided. The relationship between cultural heritage tourism relating to the Jordaan family and the genealogy of the family is also discussed. The discourse on the origins of the concepts of culture, heritage and cultural heritage is discussed broadly. This section goes on to discuss the concept of cultural heritage tourism, which is a new concept in South Africa. The last section of this study discusses the requirements to be considered when planning a cultural heritage route for the Jordaan family. There are various factors to be taken into account when it comes to planning and setting up the route and constructing an interpretation centre along the recommended cultural heritage route for the Jordaan family. A suggested model for cultural heritage in South Africa is proposed on the basis of legislation and other provisions. The planning of a cultural heritage route for the Jordaan family, including aspects of sustainability, carrying capacity, the difference between tourist and pilgrim and the establishment of interpretation centres in strategic places along the route, is discussed. The different proposals mean that there will no doubt be differing opinions on the subject. It is also possible that there will be different interpretations of the topic, which would stimulate the discourse for wider debate. Differing opinions do not necessarily mean that there will be a right or a wrong opinion .Item Open Access Land reform: a comparative analysis of the Zimbabwean and South African processes since democratization(University of the Free State, 2008-05) Nyawo, Vongai Zvidenga; Barnard, S. L.English: As a process generally designed to redress colonial imbalances in land resources, address issues of good governance, poverty reduction and promote sustainable economic growth, the phenomenon of redistributing land is not peculiar to Southern Africa. Although implemented with variant methodologies and resultant implications, depending on a country's ideologies and circumstances on the ground, land reform has been previously experienced in various global countries such as Australia, Brazil, Kenya, Nicaragua, Peru, Chile and others. This research is primarily intended to explore how the process of land reform has been handled in two multi-facetedly contiguous Southern African countries, namely Zimbabwe and South Africa. The central contention of the study being that, manifold forces have propelled and hampered land reform in the two countries and that methodologies employed have intentionally and inadvertently provoked a multiplicity of problems and challenges. With a shared experience of colonial conquest, occupation, dispossession, land alienation and the need to re-gain independence through armed resistance, the land issue has always been pivotal to the continuing struggle of both countries. Over the years, prime land would change hands through discriminatory acts like the 1913 Native Land Act and its sequels in South Africa and the Land Husbantry Act in Zimbabwe. Black people would be pushed to impoverished, dry, drought stricken Bantustans, homelands, reserves and tribal trust lands. To regain their freedom and their land, wars were fought and eventually independence granted through negotiated settlement. At the dawn of independence, one of the top priorities for the black led governments was to equitably redistribute land resources. The study amply demonstrates that en route land reform itself has been fraught with all kinds of hurdles emanating from within and from without. From the onset, the negotiated settlements would control free choices of land policies for the nascent black governments. The negotiated constitutions brought with them strings attached, guarantees for the minority and ensured that the legacy of colonialism was maintained. As a result, only politically and financially cheaper approaches to land reform were employed at the expense of the urgency with which reform was needed to reduce poverty, among other needs. In Zimbabwe, in the first decade of independence, land was redistributed through the Willing Seller Willing Buyer mode (WSWB) via the market. Later, the government sought to hasten the land redistribution pace through the LRRPII and the Fast Track Programme with disastrous results. In South Africa, with the objective to restore land rights (restitution), redistribute land and reform tenure, the WSWB approach is still being used. To supplement the WSWB, affirmative action is also engaged which includes reallocating state land, drawing up additional legal reforms, availing state aid programmes and limiting large farms. There has been very limited expropriation of land by the South African government as opposed to Zimbabwe. Lately, Zimbabwe has nationalized all land and issued 99 year leases to farmers. The international community has adversely influenced land policy selection in the two countries under discussion through withdrawal of donations, exerting political pressures using sanctions and calling for regime change. Taking the colonial histories of the two countries as a point of departure, this study seeks to give an appraisal of land reform and to interrogate critically post-independence land reform methodologies and implications thereof. In its overall approach, the research endeavours to trace, state clearly and explicitly, compare, contrast and identify elements of land reform policies to find out their nature and value in order to understand and explain the programme. The research partially concludes that land reform shall go down in the annals of history as a correctional measure that has, arguably, introduced a new complex dimension in Zimbabwean politico-economics as well as influenced Southern Africa and the international world to view the region with fresh, pragmatic eyes.Item Open Access The transformation in the status of the black worker in the Free State Gold Mines, 1946-1995(University of the Free State, 1998-11) Bezuidenhout, Wendy; Barnard, S. L.There are many roleplayers in the transformation process of the black gold mine-worker in the South African mining industry. These include the South African government, the mining companies, the Chamber of Mines, white mine-workers and finally the black workers themselves. The black labourers were first subsistence farmers, who came to the gold mines on an involuntary and temporary basis. When they could no longer survive on their subsistence economy, they looked to the mines for a steady income. Meanwhile, their lives were transformed as they came into contact with Western civilization. The migrant labour pattern has had tremendous effects on the general way of life of the black man in South Africa. He was not only transformed as a labourer, but as a person as well. For many decades the black labourer was not allowed to become involved in trade union activity. NUM was only granted access to Harmony Gold Mine in 1988 and then the workers united and demanded better wages, as well as improved living and working conditions. The important role NUM played in the transformation process of the black workers should not be overlooked. For the black workers there was strength in numbers. The Free State Goldfields came into production in the 1950s and the mining industry arrived al a crossroad. It could maintain the unskilled status quo of the black labour force or transform the industry and grant black labourers the same rights as whites. Political barriers and economic necessity prevented the industry from taking a new course and established labour structures were implemented on the Free State mines. The colour-bar was only removed in the mining industry in 1988 and black miners could only then obtain a blasting certificate and advance in their workplace. Working in a gold mine, was and still is dangerous. However, the mines have an envious record of maintaining high safety standards and providing excellent medical facilities for their workers. At Harmony Gold Mine, pioneering work is done in the field of AIDS and the Harmony Hospital is quite modern and well-equipped. Training facilities and career opportunities for the black workers have improved tremendously over the last few years. The black gold mine-worker of the nineties is better-trained, more productive and more informed than many years ago. They are still migrant workers, but their contracts have been extended to a period of 12 months. Conditions in the hostels improved likewise and facilities like M-Net and quarters for married workers are provided The black workers' diets are scientifically determined and many sports facilities are readily available. The black labourers have not reached a utopia. Migrancy has its negative effects on family life, alcohol abuse IS a problem and the HIV virus poses a severe threat Improved productivity has led to down-scaling of the work force and unemployment IS rampant. Black gold mine-workers in the nineties have become integrated in the industry and in the economy of South Africa. A phenomenon which was postponed for many years and which leaves behind a history of hardship and struggle.Item Open Access Blanke besetting en bevolkingsgroei van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika vanaf 1652 tot 1960(University of the Free State, 1968-01) Vrey, Willem Jacobus Hendrik; Keyter, J. de W.Abstract not availableItem Open Access The transformation of Black school education in South Africa, 1950-1994: a historical perspective(University of the Free State, 2008-11) Rakometsi, Mafu Solomon; Barnard, S. L.; De Wet, N. C.English: The new education dispensation in South Africa has its roots in the turbulent years in education. The transformation of Black school education in South Africa led to the actions and counter actions that interrelated to mould a political climate that paved the way for the education where everybody has the right to learn. The National Party government introduced Bantu Education in 1953 and this aroused strong condemnation from the Black people who were virtually unanimous in their opposition to it. There was incessant disorder in education as a result of separate education for Blacks. The Bantu Education Act was passed following the Eiseien Commission of Enquiry whose recommendations were in line with the principles of Christian National Education. Political developments inter alia, the celebrations of the so" anniversary of the Union of South Africa, the declaration of the Union of South Africa as a Republic as well as the Sharpeville shooting in 1960, impacted on education. Bantu Education principles were extended to Coloured and Indian education. Segregated education for the Coloured and Indian learners was also met with vehement opposition. The National Party government introduced the homeland system to fortify its policy of segregated schools and separate economies. The National Party government encouraged the self governing homelands to opt for independence. Learners from all homelands could not easily access education in the urban areas; this was even worse for the learners whose designated homelands had chosen independence. The insistence of the government that English and Afrikaans must enjoy equal status as the media of instruction in the Black schools sparked the Soweto learners' riots. The South African society responded differently to the epoch making Soweto learners' upheavals. A militant culture developed among the learners and this led to the formation of national learners' organisations. The learners played a prominent role in education politics whilst the parents' role was relegated to the periphery. The void left by parents in education resulted into chaos. There were calls for reforms in education as a result of the intermittent school unrests of the 1980s. The reformist programme of the National Party government led to the appointment of the De Lange Commission of Enquiry and the inauguration of the new Department of Education and Training for Blacks. The 1983 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa which led to the creation of the tri-cameral parliamentary system also resulted in the formation of the United Democratic Front by the people who felt that the Black people had been left in the cold by the new Constitution. This ushered in an era of militancy among learners and sporadic riots that disrupted education. The education crisis deepened with calls for "liberation first, and education later." This led to the formation of the National Education Crisis Committee, and its forerunner the Soweto Parents Crisis Committee. There were fresh calls for "people's education for people's power." As part of its reform programme, the National Party government allowed big business participation in alleviating the challenges that plagued Black education. The African National Congress (ANC) had been calling for sanctions and disinvestment in an attempt to force the National Party government to relinquish apartheid and segregated education. The Black political parties did not agree on this strategy. It remains debatable whether the sanctions facilitated the demise of apartheid in any significant way. There were attempts to unite different teachers' union by the Congress of South African Trade Unions and the ANC, but the mergers proved complicated. The militancy of emergent teachers' unions undermined discipline and stability in education. Education in South Africa was facing a lot of challenges at the dawn of the new political dispensation.Item Open Access The transformation of the South African Police from a paramilitary force to a service delivery agency 1980-1998: a historical assessment(University of the Free State, 2007-11) Buys, Jane Elize; Barnard, S. L.English: The focus of the study falls on the transformation of the South African Police Force from a paramilitary organization to that of a service delivery agency. The history of the Police Force prior to 1990 was that of a paramilitary force, thus autocratic and bureaucratic of nature with a strong military discipline. The Police Force was seen by the majority of the black population as an instrument to enforce the apartheid policy of the National Party government, and was thus branded as the enforcer of the apartheid policy. The black population in South Africa was mobilized by the banned organizations, namely the ANC, PAC, SACP and others to proceed with the liberation struggle to obtain political power. Through mobilization and indoctrination to make the country ungovernable and to eventually obtain political power, the banned liberation organizations came into direct conflict and confrontation with the Police Force that had to guarantee the safety of the state at all costs. The Police Force was also seen by the majority of the black population as not accountable to the communities and only to the government of the day. The Police Force, its top structure and the average police official were of the opinion that in the era of 1960 to 1990, the Police Force acted on behalf of the state and not to protect the party that governed. With the militarization of the South African society during the 1970s with the establishment of the State Security Council (SSC) to combat the total onslaught by terrorists and communists on every facet of society, the Police Force acted more military. The Police Force increasingly and continuously worked together with the South African Defence Force (SADF) internally as well as externally, in border wars of the then Rhodesia and South West Africa. The co-operation with the SADF contributed to the Police Force becoming more military, especially when the type of training, weaponry, equipment and military operations are assessed. The states of emergency in South Africa during the 1980s also contributed to the Police Force being classified and characterized as more military in certain cases than the paramilitary. With the advent of 1990, the release of Nelson Mandela, the era of negotiations between the National Party government and the previous banned liberation organizations, of which the ANC was the most important, the South African society was placed on an irreversable path of transformation. All government departments, including the Police Force, had to be transformed. The Police Force, as it stood at the evening of 1990, was not acceptable to the majority of the black population. The ANC as main negotiator wanted to transform the Police Force to a demilitarized, impartial, representative and accountable Police Force in South Africa, with the emphasis on effective service delivery to all communities. The Police Force should thus transform from a paramilitary institution to that of a service delivery agency for all South Africans. Two components of the Police Force that needed urgent transformation were the Security Branch and the Riot Control Units. These two components were contaminated by the role that they played to maintain the security situation in South Africa, thus to protect the state. Transformation and restructuring of the Police Force effectuated that more focus should be placed on preventing crime and the establishment of a human rights culture in a new democracy. These changes were stipulated in the Constitution and the new South African Police Service Act of 1995. The new South African Police Service Act finally broke with the past by changing the name of the Police Force to that of the Police Service. Where the Police Force was centralized, the Police Service was decentralized to provincial, area and station level. A new rank structure, uniform and insignia for the Police Service were instituted to demilitarize the Police. The amalgamation of the former TBVC states’ police forces and the incorporation of the freedom fighters, namely MK and APLA members, into the new South African Police Service, had to take place with transformation. The emphasis of the new Police Service was on community policing and crime prevention. Where the Police Force focussed on reactive policing, thus the investigation of crime, the Police Service had to focus on proactive policing, thus the prevention of crime. Community Police Forums (CPFs) were also established to ensure that the police would come into contact with the needs of their local communities and to deliver an effective service to them. To make the Police Service more acceptable and service delivery orientated, it had to become more representative of the population it had to serve. The focus thus, after democracy, was on equal conditions of employment of all races and genders and an affirmative action policy that was implemented in the Public Service to appoint previously disadvantaged persons in higher posts. With the implementation of affirmative action in the Police Service no effective training was presented to previously disadvantaged persons to become effective managers. This had a very big negative impact on service delivery to the communities that the Police Service had to serve. Problems that impacted on the ability of the Police Service to deliver an effective service in a democratic South Africa, were inter alia the increase in corruption among police officials, the morale, attitude and behaviour of police officials and the increase in stress, depression and suicides amongst police officials. The new Police Service had as one of its primary tasks the prevention of crime. The tremendous increase in crime levels in South Africa as reflected in the crime statistics of the Police Service, contributed to the perception that the Police Service could not combat crime alone and that it was continuously dependent on the co-operation of other government departments, such as the Department of Justice, the JCPS clusters and the Business Against Crime (BAC) initiatives.Item Open Access Die beheer, behandeling en lewe van die krygsgevangenes gedurende die Anglo-Boereoorlog, 1899 - 1902(University of the Free State, 1975) Oosthuizen, S. P. R.; Van Schoor, M. C. E.Afrikaans: Die lewe en behandeling van die Boerekrygsgevangenes van die Anglo-Boereoorlog behoort tot 'n haas onbekende hoofstuk in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis. Daar bestaan wel enkele publikasies in die vorm van dagboeke, herinneringe of artikels deur oud-krygsgevangenes, maar die werklike kennis oor die vele fasette van hul behandeling en bedrywighede, bly steeds aan die vergetelheid toevertrou. Dit verskaf egter stof tot dankbaarheid dat hierdie skrywers tog die verhaal van hul krygsgevangenskap neergeskryf het en hierdeur lesers 'n vlugtige blik in die kamplewe gegee het. Die probleem met al die gepubliseerde werke is uiteraard dat elkeen slegs die ervarings van 'n enkele persoon in één van die vele kampe beskryf en om hierdie rede nooit 'n verteenwoordigende beeld van die lewe en bedrywighede, die wel en wee van die krygsgevangenes as 'n groep gedurende hul gevangenskap verskaf nie. Skrywer van hierdie proefskrif het gevolglik hom dit ten doel gestel om uit die beskikbare bronne soveel as moontlik 'n algemene beeld van die behandeling en lewe van die Boerekrygsgevangenes saam te stel. Dit skep uiteraard groot probleme, aangesien die optrede teenoor krygsgevangenes van offisier tot offisier, of van kamp tot kamp verskil het. Krygsgevangenes het ook uiteenlopend op dieselfde behandeling gereageer. Plaaslike omstandighede, toestande te velde, probleme met transport, beskikbaarheid van lewensmiddele, standpunte en beskouinge van individuele Britse offisiere het alles invloed op die behandeling van gevangenes uitgeoefen. Gebeure in die onderskeie kampe sou die optrede teenoor al die gevangenes dus nie noodwendig ten goede of ten nadele tref nie. Oor die algemeen was daar egter 'n groot ooreenkoms in die behandeling van optrede in die verskillende kampe en was dieselfde reëls en regulasies op almal van toepassing. In die lig hiervan is in hierdie studie getrag om die verskillende fasette van die lewe van die krygsgevangenes in hul nuutgevormde samelewingsverband te ontleed en die invloed van die inwerkinge van 'n verskeidenheid faktore in hul lewens te bepaal.Item Open Access Emily Hobhouse en die naweë van die Anglo-Boereoorlog. 'n studie van altruisme en pasifisme(University of the Free State, 1956-09) Kriel, Johannes David; Uys, C. J.Afrikaans: Die besluit om 'n aspek van Emily Hobhouse se lewe en werk as proefskrif aan te bied, is deur 'n tweeledige doelstelling bepaal. Eerstens, om te verhoed dat die veelbewoë geskiedenis van hierdie groot vrouefiguur tot vergetelheid sal verval; tweedens, om die aangrypende en afgryslike verhaal van die konsentrasiekampe gedurende die Anglo-Boereoorlog en die naweë van die stryd objektief voor te stel. Die biografiese besonderhede wat benadruk word, behoort m.i. ook nuwe lig te werp op die milieu en geslag deur Emily Hobhouse verteenwoordig. Sy het inderdaad in 'n tydperk swanger aan aangrypende gebeurtenisse geleef:Oorloë en hongersnood; epidemies en verwoesting; inflasie, emigrasie en ekonomiese insinking. Daarbenewens het sy ook die ontstaan van die massa-ideologieë van die twintigste eeu aanskou: Imperialisme in Brittanje, fascisme in Italië, nasionaal-sosialisme in Duitsland, kommunisme in Rusland en nasionalisme in Suid-Afrika. Terselfdertyd was sy ook tweemaal persoonlik ooggetuie van die verval van beskaafde volkere tot oorlog, en barbarisme. Dwarsdeur die donker tydkperk van geestelike en sedelike verval waarin Emily Hobhouse geleef het, loop haar lewe soos 'n silwerdraad. Die dramatiese in haar loopbaan is geleë in die stryd tussen lig en duisternis - die tweekamp enersyds, tussen haar eie Godgerigte lewenswandel en andersyds, die ontaarde wanskapenheid van die mens in oorlogstyd. Wat haar persoonlike lewe betref, het ek dit my nie ten doel gestel om 'n biografie in die gewone sin van die woord te lewer nie; ek het slegs die suiwer-menslike eienskappe wat rigting gegee het aan haar werk as altruïs, pasifis en maatskaplike hervormer beklemtoon. Sonder afbreek aan Ruth Fry en Annette Terblanche se werkies oor die gevierde "meisie van Engeland" te probeer doen, om dit my voor as of daardeur weinig lig op Emily Hobhouse se werklike historiese belangrikheid gewerp word. Daarom het ek onderneem om 'n gedokumenteerde studie oor juis hierdie aspek van haar lewe die lig te laat sien. 'n Doelbewuste poging is aangewend om haar plek in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis nader te bepaal. Die nuwe stof wat gebruik word, behels o.m. Emily Hobhouse se eie ongepubliseerde herinneringe, die omvattende Steyn-versameling, w.o. talle koerantberigte, asook nuusberigte uit die Leyds-, Preller- en Fisher-versamelings. Die hoofstukke "Verskroeide Aarde"-beleid en "Die Doodsengel Wink" is oorspronklik geskryf en deur my promotor gelees voor die verskyning van dr. J. C. Otto se proefskrif, "Die Konsentrasiekampe" (1954). Dr. Otto het hom hoofsaaklik verlaat op bronne in die Transvaalse Argief; hy benadruk gevolglik die Transvaalse sy van die hele aangeleentheid. Omdat dit my bedoeling en oogmerk was om veral die Vrystaatse kampe, deur Emily Hobhouse self besoek, te bespreek, het ek besluit om genoemde hoofstukke in hierdie proefskrif te behou al het dr. Otto dieselfde veld gedeeltelik gedek. Dr. Otto het ook nie Emily Hobhouse se aandeel aan die uiteindelike verbetering van die kampe aangetoon nie, omdat dit nie binne die bestek van sy verhandeling geval het nie. Dieselfde geld vir die opruiming van die kampe wat in hierdie werk - sover my bekend - vir die eerste keer behandel word. Vir hierdie hoofstukke is hoofsaaklik geput uit die Steynversameling, kontemporêre publikasies en amptelike stukke. Die sgn. "Repatriation Muddle" word slegs terloops deur skrywers soos G. B. Beak, W. Worsfold e.a. vermeld. Sover my bekend is nog nooit tevore getrag om die onderwerp volledig as 'n losstaande geheel te skets nie. Om die rede het ek onderneem om dit wetenskaplik as agtergrond vir die hooftema, Emily Hobhouse te behandel. Ek vertrou dat ek in my doel geslaag het en wel iets nuuts tot die histiografie van Suid-Afrika bygedra het.Item Open Access Britain and the labour question in South Africa: the interaction of State, Capital, labour and colonial power, 1867-1910(University of the Free State, 2014-07) Swiegers, Gertrude Maylene; Wessels, AndreEnglish: This study focuses on Britain’s role in labour relations in South Africa and the influence of Britain on the interaction between state, capital and labour in the country from 1867 to 1910. The research places renewed emphasis on the labour question in early South African labour history by concentrating on Britain as an important role player in the labour environment. This will allow for a better understanding of labour dynamics in South Africa and highlight the attempts of Britain to influence labour policy during the period. The thesis explores the impact of Britain on the labour question in South Africa by investigating the direct and indirect role of the British government, the public and press in Britain, civil society and its influence on British policy, the impact of British emigrants on South Africa, as well as the use of the South African labour question by the British opposition. Britain’s role in recruiting and managing the labour supply in South Africa is outlined, as well as the impact of political events and colonial policy on labour in South Africa. The main sources of labour in South Africa are discussed, as well as the British role in securing these labour sources. African administration, the role of taxation and land in labour supply, and the British role and reaction to these issues are also highlighted, along with the interaction of the British government with the other parties in the labour relationship, namely capital, the colonial states and labour. Labour is an important issue in contemporary South African society and the study will hopefully, through the investigation of early labour history, also shed light on contemporary labour issues. This early period, 1867 to 1910, is controversial and critically important in the transition to modern South Africa since it established the foundations of labour relations in the country. The policies, legislation and labour framework established during this period would lead to extensive strike actions in the years after the establishment of the Union in South Africa, and would shape labour politics and state-labour relationships for decades to come.Item Open Access The Namoha Battle, Qwa-Qwa (1950) : a case study of the significance of oral history(University of the Free State, 2005-05) Semela, Mokena Stephen; Barnard, S. L.; Stemmet, J-A.No abstract available.Item Open Access Oil politics in Ecuador and Nigeria: a perspective from environmental history on the struggles between ethnic minority groups, multinational oil companies and national governments(University of the Free State, 2003-11) Steyn, Maria Sophia; Wessels, AndreEnglish: Oil-related struggles by ethnic minority groups against their national governments and multinational oil companies active in their traditional territories in South America and Africa have made headlines across the world in recent years. Fuelled in particular by a post-Cold War world order with its emphasis on environmental and human rights, and the rediscovery of minority groups, oil-producing ethnic minority groups set out in the course of the 1990s to confront perceived and real political, economic, social and environmental marginalisation suffered due to the perpetuation of historical inequalities which became more pronounced and intensified with the onset of oil developments and production in their traditional territories. While the adverse human and environmental consequences of oil production in their traditional territories triggered these oil-related ethnic minority struggles in South America and Africa in the 1990s, their struggles should not be viewed merely in environmental and human rights terms. On the contrary, they are as much struggles against long histories of political, economic and social marginalisation suffered at the hands of their national governments and the dominant cultures in their countries, as they are struggles against the multinational oil companies active in their traditional land. The purpose of this study is to explore the environmental and human impacts of oil developments on oil-producing ethnic minority groups in South America and Africa, by focusing on the oil-related struggles of the Cofan and the Siona -Secoya Indians in Ecuador and that of Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni in Nigeria. The Cofan, the Siona-Secoya and the Ogoni were marginalized over an extended period that commenced with the onset of colonial rule in 1533 in Ecuador and the late nineteenth century in Nigeria. Consequently their struggles waged in the course of the 1990s against Texaco and the Ecuadorian government, and Shell and the Nigerian government respectively, are essentially political, economic and environmental struggles to confront both real and perceived domination and marginalisation on numerous levels. In political terms, the Cofan and the Siona-Secoya confronted the real political marginalisation of Indian communities in Ecuador that had relegated Indians to the lowest strata of Ecuadorian society for centuries, while the Ogoni in Nigeria confronted real and perceived political domination in a Nigerian society characterised by political domination by majority ethnic groups. Political marginalisation is very closely related to economic and environmental marginalisation, since both Ecuador and Nigeria depend entirely on natural resource exploitation for their economic survival. As a result, oil production in the territories of the Cofan, the Siona-Secoya and the Ogoni have over time contributed greatly to the national economies of Ecuador and Nigeria, but these minorities have generally not shared in the economic benefits of oil production, while at the same time being forced to cope with the adverse environmental impacts of unregulated and uncontrolled oil developments and production by Texaco and Shell respectively. However, while the Ogoni in general aspire to share in the modernising benefits associated with an oil economy, the Cofan and the Siona-Secoya in Ecuador wage their oil-related struggle in order to counter their forceful incorporation into a modern economy, to protect their traditional lifestyles which are the defining elements of their cultures, and to obtain the right to shape modernity according to their own needs and on their own terms. There is no question that oil production by Texaco and Shell has had a detrimental environmental and human impact on the Cofan and the Siona-Secoya, and the Ogoni respectively, and that the Ecuadorian and Nigerian governments have paid scant attention to the environmental management and regulation of their oil industries, which exacerbated the adverse environmental impacts of oil production in the Oriente in Ecuador and Ogoniland in Nigeria. However, Texaco and Shell were slow to acknowledge and address these adverse environmental impacts of their oil-related activities in the two countries, with Shell only doing so in 1996 in reaction to negative public reaction in Europe to the company's involvement in Ogoniland (and the Brent Spar incident of 1995), while there is to date no real commitment to social and environmental responsibility from Texaco. In addition, very little is being done by the Ecuadorian and Nigerian governments to implement and enforce stringent environmental controls in their oil industries. Until this is done there is no real possibility of a successful outcome to the Cofan and Siona-Secoya, and the Ogoni struggles, and consequently these three minority groups will continue to be subjected to the adverse environmental impacts of oil production and/or its legacy in the forseeable future.Item Open Access Die Dorslandtrek: 'n historiese-geografiese studie, 1870-1954(University of the Free State, 2015-10-01) Burger, Nicolaas Albertus; Oberholster, J. J.Abstract not availableItem Open Access The transformation of Black school education in South Africa, 1950-1994: a historical perspective(University of the Free State, 2008-11) Rakometsi, Mafu Solomon; Barnard, S. L.; De Wet, N. C.Abstract not availableItem Open Access Bloemfontein gedurende die bewind van president F.W. Reitz, 1889-1895: 'n kultuurhistoriese studie(University of the Free State, 2015-04-07) Botes, Sussana Marianna; Wessels, A.; Ferreira, O. J. O.English: Francis William Reitz served as the fifth State President of the Boer republic of the Orange Free State from January 1889 to December 1895. This study discusses both the material and nonmaterial culture of Bloemfontein and the way of life of the inhabitants, during President Reitz’s time in office. During the Reitz period the town of Bloemfontein developed rapidly and the community underwent far-reaching changes. The arrival of the first railway in Bloemfontein in 1890 was the main incentive for the town’s rapid development and created new markets, resulting in greater prosperity and an increase in population. This in turn resulted in a growth in housing, the development of infrastructure and improvements in many areas. By the end of the Reitz period the Free State capital was a prosperous town with a relatively wide range of businesses, impressive public buildings, stately houses, several good schools, a wide range of religious denominations and a model black township. The advent of the railway marked the end of the town’s previous isolation, and contact with other towns and people was expanded. The white population was of cosmopolitan origin but the Dutch-speaking Afrikaners, English-speaking inhabitants, Germans and Jews, all played a leading role in the community. In general persons of different nationalities were on good terms with each other and white people of different nationalities were welcomed heartily to the Bloemfontein community of those days. The relationship between white and black inhabitants was that of master and servant and blacks were subjected to many regulations and restrictions. Therefore the social conditions of the brown and black people were inclined to be poor. Bloemfontein only had a very small Indian community, and in 1890 the Indians were prohibited from farming or conducting businesses in the Orange Free State, with the result that most of the Indian traders soon left Bloemfontein. New Indian settlement was largely discouraged. Dutch was the official language of the Boer republic, but English was so widely spoken in Bloemfontein that the Free State capital had a predominantly English character. By this time Dutch was already gradually developing into Afrikaans. In the 1890s Bloemfontein, with its dry healthy climate, was widely known as a health resort, especially for people with lung diseases and consumption. Patients from all over the world came to the Free State capital in search of better health. But despite the healthy climate, poor sanitary conditions and polluted water sometimes led to epidemics, such as diphtheria, typhoid fever and smallpox, and an increase in the death rate. Drought, locust plagues and the division of former large farms into smaller units, gave rise to an increased influx of poor-white people (especially Afrikaners) to the capital, in search of jobs. The social life of the more prosperous part of the white population was informal and lively and there was no shortage of recreation and entertainment. After the coming of the railway many overseas entertainers performed in Bloemfontein. The capital also had its own talented singers and musicians, and a variety of cultural societies and organizations enriched the lives of the inhabitants further. The strong Late Victorian influence was reflected in the clothing, interior decoration, furniture, food, garden layout and social traditions of Bloemfontein’s inhabitants. The church and religion influenced almost every aspect of the people’s lives, as they regarded religion to be of prime importance. Both the government and church were involved with education and in 1895 the Orange Free State became the first South African country to implement a system of compulsory education for white children. The Anglican Church played a vital role in the education of brown and black people.Item Open Access Die Nasionale Party van Suid-Afrika se laaste dekade as regerende party, 1984-1994(University of the Free State, 2010-11) Aucamp, Jacobus Marthinus; Coetzer, P. W.; Du Pisanie, J. A.Abstract not available