Masters Degrees (History)

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Die begrip "people's history" en die betekenis en toepassing daarvan in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks
(University of the Free State, 1996) Kruizinga, Jelle Christiaan; Moll, J. C.; Frijhoff, W. Th. M.
English: People's history as part of radical social history is part of a movement known as the "new history". The "new history" is a reaction against traditional historical writing that deals particularly with the political aspects of the past and the lives of so called important persons. In reaction to traditional historical writing, people's history deals with the subjective life experience of ordinary people in the past. Who and what the ordinary people are, depends on the country and context in which people's history is written, but includes groups like workers, women and blacks. Ordinary people are usually those who have either little power or no power and who are frequently being exploited or oppressed. People's history is a rather vague term, but this vagueness brings about freedom in the writing of history. Influences on the development of "people's history" include: the rise of the mass political movements especially sine the nineteenth century, radical-liberal and Fabian interest in the livelihood of ordinary people, and the French "Annales"-school's emphasis on total history. In spite of influences from many countries, people's history developed to its full potential in Britain, under the guidance of Marxist inspired historians. From 1966 with the establishment of the first History Workshop in Britain, people's history spread to countries like the USA, Germany, where "people's history" is called "Alltagsgeschicte", and to South Africa. In all of these countries people's history shows a distinctive character. A debate over the role of structuralism versus human agency divided Marxist historians in various countries into two groups. The structuralists were of the opinion that the real life experience of ordinary people in the past is of no importance to the study of history. People's history accuse structuralists of placing too much emphasis on abstract impersonal factors. Writers of people's history advocate an empirical method through which human agency will be acknowledged. In South Africa, people's history developed, in the late seventies, as on the one side a reaction against structuralist radical history and on the other side as a reaction against Liberal and Afrikanernationalist history writing. The revolutionary climate of the eighties helped to establish "people's history as a historiographical tradition in South Africa. People's history is of the opinion that historians are always influenced by their personal ideological beliefs and value systems and will therefore reflect wittingly or unwittingly on their work. The emancipation of ordinary people from exploitation and oppression is a political aim to which "people's history" would like to make a deliberate contribution. Presentism is often the result of people's history's involvement with contemporary political issues. Certain postmodernist tendencies like the rejection of the grand narratives and the modernization theory as well as the need to decentralise history, are all part of people's history. Particularly the rejection of the base-superstructure model, through the prominence given to n-on-class factors such as culture, ideology et cetera, is a rejection by people's history of rigid Marxism. Except for people's history's political motives within the broader society, it also aims at democratising the subject of History and its writing. The history workshops, attempts to decentralise knowledge of the past and the encouragement of different groups to write people's history, is an important contribution towards the democratisation of History. Creativity and imagination, for instance the use of oral history, is necessary for people's historians to discover sources on the past of ordinary people. People's history makes use of qualitative rather than quantitative sources and methods to show best what role the ordinary people played in the past. In essence people's history is a rejection of the idea of objectivity, and therefore rather advocates radical plurality in history as a starting point for a discourse on the complexity of the human past.
Open Access
Die Diamond Fields Advertiser en die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke krisisse, 1896-1898
(University of the Free State, 1982) Gous, Herma Henriette; Van Schoor, M. C. E.
Afrikaans: Hierdie studie handel oor die Diamond Fields Advertiser se interpretasie van die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke krisisse van die jare 1896 tot 1898 wat die Anglo- Boereoorlog voorafgegaan het. Die stryd tussen Brittanje en Transvaal om die behoud van Britse oppergesag in Suid-Afrika aan die een kant en die Transvaalse onafhanklikheid aan die ander kant het neerslag in die Kaapse politiek gevind. Die Jameson-inval wat die omverwerping van die Kruger-regering ten doel gehad het, het die blanke bevolking van Suid-Afrika in twee pOlitieke-kampe gedryf. Die Afrikaner in die Kaapkolonie is in hul simpatie met die Krugerregering verenig. Die Engelse koloniste het hulle agter die South African League en Rhodes geskaar in simpatie met die Uitlanders en ter ondersteuning van Britse oppergesag in Suid-Afrika. Die Diamond Fields Advertiser onder redaksie van Albert CartWright het egter geweier om hom onvoorwaardelik met enige van bogenoemde twee groepe te vereenselwig. Die koerant het wel die behoud van Britse oppergesag, 'n Suid-Afrikaanse federasie onder die Britse vlag en die toekenning van volle burgerregte aan die Uitlanders voorgestaan. Die gebruik van geweld ten einde bogenoemde oogmerke te bereik, is egter heftig deur die Diamond Fields Advertiser afgekeur. Cartwright het die gedagte dat Brittanje se posisie as die oppergesag in Suid-Afrika deur sameswering van die Boererepublieke en die Kaapse Afrikaners bedreig is, verwerp. Insgelyks het hy geweier om te glo dat die Britse regering of die Uitlanders enige vyandige oogmerke teen die Transvaalse onafhanklikheid gekoester het. Chamberlain se optrede t.o.v. Transvaal voor en na die Jameson-inval is in die lig van bogenoemde oortuiging geïnterpr~teer. Cartwright het bv. geweier om te glo dat Britse regeringsamptenare by die Rhodes-sameswering betrokke was. Chamberlain se versekering dat hy oor geen vooraf-kennis van die Jameson-inval beskik het nie,is sonder enige bevraagtekening deur die Diamond Fields Advertiser aanvaar. Terwyl Chamberlain gedurende die onmiddellike maande na die Jameson-inval met die gedagte van oorlog teen Transvaal gespeel het, het Cartwright nie alleen 'n gematigde optrede bepleit nie, maar volgehou dat Chamberlain nie geweld sou oorweeg nie. Ook gedurende die krisis van April 1897 het die Diamond Fields Advertiser gematigde Britse beleid t.o.v. Transvaal voorgestaan, alhoewel die koerant die Transvaalse wetgewing, wat tot die krisis gelei het, heftig veroordeel het. Cartwright het uit vrees dat die Britse regering met geweld in Transvaal sou ingryp, daarop aangedring dat die ander Suid-Afrikaanse state gesamentlik 'n protes aan die Kruger- regering moes rig. Cartwright se beleid vir die Diamond Fields Advertiser is gemotiveer deur 'n begeerte na vrede en eenheid vir Suid- Afrika. Dit was die onderliggende rede agter die koerant se teenkanting teen Rhodes se terugkeer na die Kaapse politiek na sy betrokkenheid by die Jameson-inval. Dit was ook die rede waarom dje Diamond Fields Advertiser die South African League se slagkrete ten gunste van die behoud van Britse oppergesag en sy beskuldigings van dislojaliteit teen die Afrikanerbond teengestaan het. Terwyl die gevoel van vyandigheid tussen Engels- en Afrikaanssprekendes in die Kaapkolonie hoog geloop het, het Cartwright as redakteur van die Diamond Fields Advertiser die vorming van 'n gematigde progressiewe party, wat oor die taalgrense heen sou strek, bepleit. Die Kaapse politieke klimaat op die vooraand van die Anglo-Boereoorlog het hom egter nie tot gematigdheid geleen nie. Die verkiesing van die Kaapse wetgewende vergadering in 1898 is deur die Progressiewe Party, onder aanvoering van Rhodes, in 'n stryd om Britse imperialisme teenoor Afrikaner-republikanisme omskep. Die Diamond Fields Advertiser het egter geweier om as 'n volgeling van óf Rhodes, óf Kruger, wat onderskeidelik bogenoemde stryd verpersoonlik het, geklassifiseer te word. Dit was die hoofrede agter die oorname van die Diamond Fields Advertiser deur die Progressiewes in Februarie 1898.
Open Access
Die aandeel van Ds. J. C. du Plessis in verband met 'n nasionale onderwysbeleid vir die Republiek van Suid-Afrika, met spesiale verwysing na sy werk in die I.K.K. en O.V.S.O.V.
(University of the Free State, 1979-12) Greyvenstein, Diederick Johannes; Vermaak, D.
Afrikaans: Die doel van die ondersoek is om die aandeel van ds. J.C. du Plessis na te vors ten opsigte van die verkryging van ‘n nasionale beleid vir die onderwys van blankes in Suid-Afrika deur spesiaal te verwys na sy rol in die Interkerklike Komitee (I.K.K.) en die Oranje-Vrystaatse Onderwysersvereniging (O.V.S.O.V.). Ter aanvang word kortliks verwys na die begrip nasionale onderwysbeleid en Wet 39 van 1967. Beginsels wat meer toeligting ontvang is die Christelike, nasionale, moedertaal-, differensiasie- en ouermedeseggenskapbeginsel. Die ontstaan van die vervlegting van die samelewingsverbande, kerk en skool van die Afrikaner wat die grondslag vorm vir onderwysbemoeiing deur die kerk word ook inleidend bespreek. Daar word op gewys dat dié noue verband tussen kerk en skool dateer uit die Hérvorming en tydens die volksplanting aan die Kaap op die onderwys alhier oorgedra is. Enkele wysgerige beginsels, te wete: die soewereiniteits- en vervlegtingsbegineels van gesagstrukture wat ten grondslag lê van die noue verband tussen die Afrikaner se kerk en skool en verklaar waarom die kerk en veral die N.G. Kerk, hom so indirek bemoei met die onderwys, geniet aandag. ‘n Voorbeeld van die kerk se bemoeienis met die onderwys is die stigting van die I.K.K. Hiervan was ds. Du Plesciis eers lid en later voorsitter. Van die O.V.S.O.V. wat heelwat later sy steun aan die I.K.K. toegesê het, het ds. Du Plessis na aftrede as predikant sekretaris geword. Na voltooiing van sy studies was ds. Du Plessis predikant op Jagersfontein en Bethlehem waar hy gou betrokke geraak het in onderwysaangeleenthede. Hierna word hy beroep na Beaufort-Wes in Kaapland waar hy sy segregrasieskema ten opsigte van Blanke en Kleurlingskole en koshuise deurvoer. Tydens hierdie periode red hy die Kaapse opvoedingskommissie van ontbinding en word die voorsitter daarvan. Ds. Ou Plessis word later die Kaapse verteenwoordiger op die I.C.N.U. van die F.A.K. en beywer hom vir C.N.O. As voorsitter van die Sinodale opvoedingskommissie het hy die omstrede De Villiers-onderwysverslag van 1948, die voorloper van ‘n nasionale onderwysbeleid, deeglik bestudeer en in tydskrifte toegelig. Toe ds. Du Plessis as predikant in die Transvaal gewerk het, het hy die provinsie se Sinodale Opvoedingskommissie geaktiveer om uitvoering te gee aan die Verslag se aanbevelings veral ten opsigte van ‘n nasionale onderwysbeleid vir gekoördineerde en gedifferensieerde onderwys vir blankes in Suid-Afrika. Die drie Afrikaanse susterskerke het vir die doel die I.K.K. gestig wat talle onderhoude met die onderwysowerhede gevoer het vir die verkryging van on nasionale onderwysbeleid. Hierdie I.K.K. het die omstrede memorandum opgestel vir die opheffing en beëindiging van verdeelde onderwysbeheer op middelbare vlak. Na heelwat onderhandelinge met die betrokke onderwysowerhede, is die MORtert-Mosie in Februarie 1955 in die Parlement ingedien waarna die regering geleidelik in die rigting van 'n nasionale onderwysbeleid beweeg het. Toe ds. Du Plessis in 1956 sy emeritaat aanvaar het, het hy as voorsitter van die I.K.K. bedank. Hierna het hy die pos as hoofsekretaris van die Oranje-Vrystaatse Onderwysersvereniging aanvaar. Sy invloed en bekwaamheid as hoofsekretaris het baie beteken vir die onderwys. Sy tydskrifartikels in Die Skoolblad waarvan hy die redakteur was, het etlike honderde getel wat die weg probeer voorberei het vir die verkryging van 'n nasionale onderwysbeleid vir die Republiek van Suid-Afrika. In 1966 lê hy die tuig neer as hoofsekretaris van die O.V.S.O.V., maar bly nog aan as redakteur van Die Skoolblad tot einde 1969. Ds. Du Plessis het onteenseglik ‘n groot bydrae gelewer tot die verkryging van 'n nasionale beleid vir die onderwys van blankes in Suid- Afrika.
Open Access
Drankpagte gedurende die eerste honderd jaar van die bewind van die N.O.I.K. aan die Kaap
(University of the Free State, 1955) Krause, Gideon Jacobus; Oberholster, J. J.
Open Access
Environmentalism in South Africa, 1972-1992: an historical perspective
(University of the Free State, 1998-11) Steyn, Maria Sophia; Wessels, Andre
English: The latter half of the twentieth century has seen an unprecedented growth in humankind's concern for the natural environment and its finite capability to absorb unchecked industrial and demographic growth. This concern was first and foremost a global phenomenon and led directly to the emergence of global environmentalism from the late 1960s onwards. A key component in the history of the global environmental movement was the initiatives taken by the United Nations (UN) aimed at getting the governments of the world involved in and committed to strategies to remedy widespread environmental degradation. To achieve this goal the UN convened what turned out to be the two watershed events in global environmentalism, namely the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment (UNCHE) in Stockholm in 1972 and the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. The purpose of this study is to provide an account of the history of the environmental movement in South Africa and the country's participation in the global environmental movement between UNCHE in 1972 and UNCED in 1992. South Africa's position in the global environmental movement between 1972 and 1992 was dubious at best. Due to the government's domestic policy of apartheid, South Africa was isolated in the international political arena, which impacted negatively on the country's involvement in global environmentalism. With only limited participation allowed in global environmentalism, the South African environmental movement did not stay in touch with the important changes that occurred on an international level in that it failed to identify and address the paradigm shift towards sustainable development from 1987 onwards. Although isolated, South Africa did participate in some aspects of the global environmental movement, notably those that involved the conservation of fauna and flora, while the government proved less willing to participate in global initiatives which could possibly place restrictions on the economic development of the country. South African environmentalism developed differently from its counterparts in other countries between 1972 and 1992, owing to the limited participation of both governmental and non-governmental role-players in the global environmental movement, and because of the political situation within South Africa in the same period. Although the government and the environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) responded to some aspects of the new environmental agenda that emerged alongside global environmentalism in the late 1960s, South African .environmentalism between 1972 and 1988 remained largely focused on the conservation of fauna and flora. Important new trends in the official administration of environmental affairs were addressed with the creation of a state department for environmental affairs and the adoption of general environmental legislation. However, in contrast to national movements elsewhere in the world, the South African environmental movement between 1972 and 1988 was characterised by its apolitical nature. The environment only became a political issue in South Africa from 1988 onwards with the founding of Earthlife Africa and like-minded ENGOs which linked the widespread environmental degradation in South Africa with the government's domestic policy of apartheid. Through their activities the new environmentalist ENGOs broadened the scope of the environmental agenda of South African environmentalism and opened the movement up to new role-players such as antiapartheid organisations, political parties and labour unions. However, despite these new developments between 1988 and 1992, by 1992 the South African environmental movement was still a long way from reversing the detrimental human impact on the natural environment. The developments in South African environmentalism between 1972 and 1992 were therefore but the first tentative steps towards improving the South African environment.
Open Access
Die geskiedenis van Winburg tot 1902
(University of the Free State, 1974) Venter, Wilhelm Herman; Oberholster, J. J.
Abstract not available
Open Access
Die "gesuiwerde" Nasionale Party 1935-1940
(University of the Free State, 1972) Le Roux, Jan Hendrik; Oberholster, J. J.
Afrikaans: Met hierdie verhandeling word gepoog om 'n uiteensetting te gee van die totstandkoming van die "Gesuiwerde" Nasionale Party en sy bestaan gedurende die jare 1934 en 1940. Ten einde die stigting van die Party na behore te begryp, was dit nodig om kortliks die gebeure rondom koalisie en samesmelting in 1933 en 1934 na te speur. Op die stigting van die Party het ses troebele jare gevolg, waarin daar diverse invloede op die Afrikaner en die Party ingewerk het. die eenheidsideaal wat met soveel ywer nagestreef is, het die Party steeds ontwyk. Na die uitbreek van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het die sogenaamde Herenigde Nasionale Party of Volksparty tot stand gekom wat, hoewel nie volkome hereniging van die Afrikaner op politieke gebied gebring het nie, tog 'n nuwe era van samewerking ingelui het. Die tydperk wat deur hierdie verhandeling gedek word, is reeds sydelings in verskeie werke oor die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke geskiedenis belig. Veral het M. P. A. Malan in Die Nasionale Party van Suid-Afrika en G. D. Scholtz in sy biografie van dr. N. J. van der Merwe waardevolle inligting oor die tydperk verstrek. Dit is egter getrag om veel dieper te delf. Heelwat gebeure kon slegs aan die hand van koerantberigte nagespeur word. Die Burger, Die Volksblad en die Transvaler wat as partymondstukke van die Nasionale Party gedien het, was in hierdie verband die hoofbronne waaruit stof versamel is. Daarbenewens egter is eerstehandse kennis verkry uit die private dokumenteversamelings van die E. H. Louw, E. G. Jansen, M. P. A. Malan en die kongresnotules en Nasionale Party stukke wat in die Instituut vir Eietydse Geskiedenis aan die Universiteit van die Oranje-Vrystaat bewaar word. Die N. J. van der Merwe-versameling in die Vrystaatse Argief was van buitengewone belang, maar ongelukkig was die privaat-versameling van genl. J. B. M. Hertzog en dr. D. F. Malan nie vir navorsing beskikbaar nie.
Open Access
A historical perspective of the information scandal
(University of the Free State, 2016-11) Haasbroek, Joshua Kruger; Stemmet, J-A.; Oelofse, M. M.
English: The Information Scandal, also known as Muldergate Scandal, originated when Prime Minister John Vorster and members of the Department of Information realised that international and local opinion were hostile towards the white dominated regime and its apartheid laws. The unwanted image of apartheid resulted in the deterioration of vital international links, trade, and cooperation with foreign nationalities. In order to combat this negative representation of South Africa, the Department of Information resorted to an unorthodox propaganda campaign in the 1970s. The Minister of the Department of Information, Dr Connie Mulder, and the Secretary of Information, Dr Eschel Rhoodie, believed unconventional methods of influencing opinions were justified for South Africa's survival. The Department of Information's propaganda campaign started to gain traction in 1974 when Vorster concurred to allocate a huge amount of resources to the programme. In the five years that the clandestine propaganda campaign was active, approximately 180 information projects were operational and cost millions of rand to fund. By 1977 cracks were starting to appear in the clandestine operation. A report leaked by the Auditor-General, Gerald Barrie, revealed the misuse of state funds. The Department of Information was convinced that no one would notice if irregularities of R64 million occurred. However, between 1977 and 1979 journalists exposed many of the secret operations. The Scandal ruined the political careers of Vorster, with the Head of the Bureau of State Security (BOSS), General Hendrik van den Bergh, as well as Mulder and Rhoodie. Muldergate left the Minister of Defence, P.W. Botha, with an opportunity to depose Mulder and later Vorster, ultimately securing the position of Prime Minister. While Rhoodie left the country to become a fugitive, Vorster and Mulder were taking the full brunt of the allegations. In the process, Mulder lost his leadership position within the NP, while Vorster retired as Prime Minister in 1978 and became the Ceremonial President of South Africa. Later that same year, Vorster was forced to resign from his new post in disgrace after the Erasmus Commission found him accountable of being actively involved in the Information Debacle. After more than thirty years since the Information Scandal settled, this study conveys a comprehensive history of the disinformation campaign. The main research objective of this dissertation is to view the events of the Information Scandal as they unfolded, and after exploring the events of the Information Scandal, to be able to answer two main questions. Firstly, the approach the Department of Information applied and the impact that the propaganda campaign had on its targeted audience with an attempt to reveal whether the campaign was initially successful, or not. The second question addresses the consequences of the scandal when it met public scrutiny: how did the scandal influenced the individuals, the political sphere of South Africa and the international community's reaction. In the analysis of the Information Scandal from a contemporary perspective, the dissertation uncovers new insights into the betrayals, cover ups and deceit. It explains the use of unorthodox propaganda and its consequences from a historical point of view in assessing the successes, failures and options faced by those involved in the scandal. Hence, it creates a comprehensive historical narrative of the Information Scandal. The most notable feature of this research is how a mainly Afrikaner regime battled and tried to keep itself in power in a changing democratic world by means of persuasion and deceit.
Open Access
Historical perspective of women as victims of human rights violations and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa (TRC), 1996-1998
(University of the Free State, 2011-11) Mbatha, Ntando Phindile Zamashandu; Oelofse, M. M.
In South Africa, women are in most cases reduced to secondary citizens. This enhances misconceptions that women did not play a significant role during the apartheid era. Even during the apartheid era, the struggle against unjust laws was seen as a man’s job; women were expected to sit at home and raise children. However, this perception is a fallacy. It became clear by the narratives shared during the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa (TRC) that women played a role; a very important one. Therefore, the history of South Africa is incomplete without the acknowledgement of women’s role. Using the TRC as a case study, this research attempts to illustrate and analyse the role of women in reconstructing the past. It is true that many historians and researchers have written about the TRC; however, the issue of women as victims of human rights violations has been seen as ‘unfinished business’. It is therefore the researcher’s aim to stimulate more research on the subject of women as victims and their role during the apartheid era, as well as their statements and testimonies to the TRC. The purpose of this study is to highlight the role played by women during the struggle against apartheid as it emerged from the testimonies of women – with the majority African women - and to remove the belief that only men played a role in the liberation struggle in South Africa. The researcher focused on the victim hearings of the Human Rights Violations Committee and also the Special Hearings for women that were held during the TRC proceedings. Women became more recognised, especially after the Special Hearings which opened up an understanding by South Africans of the role women played and the human rights violations they endured. Thus, this research will provide some information on a field that has been under-explored, in the hope that this will elicit future research. Particularly, the study aims to highlight the role women played, as well as to remind the nation of what women went through, as their role must not be forgotten and become insignificant after the TRC process came to an end. Three case studies will be looked at, of three women who testified before the TRC. The aim is to obtain their view and perspectives on the whole TRC process; how they experienced it, whether they experienced any form of healing and if, given the chance, to do it again would they be willing to do so. Oral interviews were conducted with these three women. The reader should notice the difference between the ways the three interviews were conducted. This also highlights the fact that the women’s stories are a sensitive issue and should thus be treated accordingly. The qualitative research method was employed, as the study is concerned with the recordings of these victims who experienced violations of human rights during the period 1960-1994, which was the period under investigation by the TRC. Oral history methodology is also employed as the study is about the personal memories and narratives of the victims. In essence, it uncovers not only the verbal articulations, but also the non-verbal clues. The value of oral history in this context is the fact that it gives a voice to the voiceless and in the process giving a platform to women to share their narratives which have in the past been left untold. Additionally, the researcher made use of the traditional methods of historical research. This required consultation with various sources and the collection of all possible information dealing with women and the TRC. The focus was on primary and secondary sources, including special reports, the internet, journals, books and audiovisual material, oral testimonies, as well as personal interviews. The mini-thesis is structured into the following chapters: Chapter one gives a background to the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa, explaining what the purpose of the Commission and what gross violations of human rights entail. A profile of women who testified at the TRC is also provided. Chapter two focuses on the Special Hearings for women held in three regions; the aims of these hearings and how this process made the TRC more gender sensitive. Chapter three highlights what women revealed during the victim hearings and Special Hearings for women. Other victim hearings where women testified were also scrutinised, for example, the Prison Hearings. The three case studies were dealt with in this section. Chapter four focuses on what we now know about human rights violations against women that were revealed by the TRC process. The last chapter provides an evaluation, where the researcher evaluates the whole study, as well as giving pointers for future research. The documents of the TRC are housed in the National Archives and Records Service of South Africa (NARS) in Pretoria. Researchers and the public may gain access to all the video tapes of Human Rights Violations Hearings, as well as the TRC Special Report SABC Programme that is housed in NARS. The translations of all the victim hearings are available on the internet and it is through these translations that the wider public may gain access to the TRC victim hearings. It is important to note that this study is not about the whole process of the TRC. It is known to the researcher that the TRC had three committees; however, for the purpose of this study, only the Human Rights Violations Committee will be discussed, with some background mention of the other Committees. The study covers the period 1996-1998. It is common knowledge that the TRC came into existence in 1995 with the introduction of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act No. 34 (the Act); however, it started its activities only in 1996 with the first victim hearings being held in April of that year. Since the TRC had a limited time frame (1960-1994) imposed on it by the Act, the TRC process covered a mere fraction of the apartheid era, dealing with only human rights violations which, as set out by the Act, were: killing, abduction, torture and severe ill-treatment. Therefore, this study was also limited to the time-frame of the TRC. The TRC covered a large number of activities which could not be exhausted. Given the scope of this mini-thesis, only a fraction of the information was used by the researcher which resulted in a careful selection of victim hearings that assisted in emphasising the aim of the study. Therefore, the activities and testimonies examined in this study were by no means the only processes with which the TRC was involved. Though this study focuses on the TRC process and women, this should not be seen as a complete study or the final word on the topic. The aim is not to provide answers, but to stimulate further research on the issue of women and the TRC. There are still unanswered questions concerning the story of women and the TRC in general. This is thus not the whole story; however, it provides a perspective on the above-mentioned topic. Therefore, it is advisable that this study be seen as not the last word on the subject. It is hoped that the study will stimulate further historical investigation into the area as more information is made available. The value of this research is the fact that it is fresh and there is still continuing debate on the subject. The contemporary nature of this study also means that most of the women who came before the TRC are still alive. Consequently, they can be contacted and further interviews and research can be conducted with them.
Open Access
Historiese perspektiewe op die verhouding tussen die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk van Suid-Afrika en apartheid, 1980-1990
(University of the Free State, 2012-10-19) Van der Merwe, Barend Jacobus; Oelofse, M. M.
English: The human faith in God is an influential practice which also influences the material and political choices of humans. Religion provides large numbers of people with a basic justification for their lives and can also have a determining influence on the way in which communities put themselves in order as a whole. Believers, and for the purpose of this study specifically Christians, want to experience that their faith practically influence the world in which they live and that it brings hope to mankind. For this reason differences in political views bring along divergent interpretations of the will of God for mankind. The Dutch Reformed Church (DRC, i.e. the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk, NGK) of South Africa is a very old and influential church. Although the DRC historically has a special tie with the white Afrikaans-speaking people of South Africa, it was especially during the 20th century that the DRC developed into a national church which provided a theological justification for the apartheid policy of the National Party (NP) and which also maintained the process of apartheid by the development of separate churches for separate races. Especially during the 1980s the DRC experienced enormous pressure from overseas, as well as nationally, to reform. Activism against the apartheid policy took on various forms. Criticism against the theology of the DRC was an important way in which to force the DRC, as well as the government to review the apartheid policy. Although the process took a long time, the 1980s was characterised by the extensive transformation of the apartheid policy in the political arena which caused division among white Afrikaners and the schism of the NP with the establishment of the Conservative Party (CP). In 1986 the DRC, by accepting the policy document Church and Society, decided that the apartheid policy did not rest with any worthy theological appeal. The Church however refused to declare the apartheid policy to be a sin, and therefore contrary to the will of God. Large numbers of Christians across the world did however view the apartheid policy in that light. The refusal of the DRC to take similar steps caused it to still be regarded by numerous observers as a reactionary force in the South African society. The decision of the DRC to abolish the theological justification of the apartheid policy was directly responsible for the establishment of the Afrikaans Protestant Church (APC, i.e. the Afrikaanse Protestantse Kerk, APK) in 1987. The division in the DRC regarding the resolutions of 1986 however continued as these resolutions paved the way for white and black South Africans to associate with each other in a radical way which for many years had not been possible in South Africa. Consequently the social and political sovereignty of the white Afrikaners, as well as the power balance in South Africa, were threatened. This caused important leaders in the DRC to challenge the 1986 resolutions of the Church. Although die DRC gradually adapted to the changes in the country, several theologians and enlightened leaders within the DRC took the lead in the debate. On synodal level influential decisions were taken by the DRC during the 1980s, but the fact that the DRC church family in general and the DRC in particular could not succeed in becoming one church as had been the case historically, reflects negatively on the Church and restrains the Church in becoming a real force for reconciliation and integration in South Africa. A study of the above-mentioned not only provides insights into the transition from a minority government in South Africa to a democracy, but also into the complex interaction between the DRC and the former NP government.
Open Access
A history of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in South African politics, 2013-2018
(University of the Free State, 2022) Soldaat, Mohau Martin; Masakure, C.; Passemiers, L. P. C.
English: This dissertation uses books, chapters in books, newspaper clippings, internet sources and party documents to locate the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) history in South African politics from 2013 to 2018. The dissertation investigates the rationale behind the formation of the EFF and evaluates the political role that the EFF has played in South African politics from 2013-2018. It examines the rationale behind the formation of the EFF, maps the role of the EFF in South African politics, and further evaluates its participation in the 2014 national and 2016 local elections. It further looks into the role of the EFF in parliament and its impact from 2014 to 2018. It concludes that the EFF has played a critical role in South African politics. It illustrates that the EFF has positioned itself in the broader scope of South African politics through its active role in parliament and participation in the 2014 national and 2016 local government elections, respectively. The EFF played a critical role in taking votes from the voting constituencies and others of the ANC. In these two elections (2014 and 2016), the EFF has shown upward mobility, my dissertation compared the two in terms of voter turnout and votes that the EFF got. One noticeable phenomenon is the misuse of democratic centralism, which denies other leaders within the party to appear as equal and as important as Julius Malema.
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Die krygsoptrede van Boer en Brit in Noordoos-Kaapland gedurende die Anglo-Boereoorlog, 1899-1900
(Universiteit van die Vrystaat, 1986) Botha, Christoffel Johannes Francois; van Schoor, M. C. E.
Alhoewel daar al talle werke oor die Anglo-Boereoorlog ver= skyn het, is daar nie veel oor die krygsoptrede van Boer en Brit in Noordoos-Kaapland geskryf nie. Die doel van hier= die studie is om meer lig op die krygsoptrede van Boer en Brit in hierdie streke te laat val. Die gebeure tydens die Anglo-Boereoorlog bied interessante feite en gegewens, en die navorsing wat vir hierdie verhandeling gedoen is, was dan ook besonder insiggewend. 'n Studie van die krygsoptrede in Noordoos-Kaapland bring opnuut die besef dat die hele Suid-Afrika in n mindere of meerdere mate by die oorlog betrek was. In die geval van Noordoos-Kaapland was dit aan die begin van die oorlog be=slis in 'n meerdere mate die ·geval. Aanvanklik wou dit voor=kom of die Boeremagte se krygsoptrede die gewenste uitwerking op die Britse leerleiding se veldtogplanne gehad het, maar die latere Britse herstel en opmars het die teendeel bewys. Die sukses wat die Britse magte hier behaal het, was slegs van beperkte omvang en optrede van die Boeremagte het hulle in staat gestel om weer Noordoos-Kaapland te beset. Dit kan nie as 'n krygsoptrede wat die gang van die oorlog bepaal het beskou word nie, maar eerder as 'n sinnelose vermorsing van tyd en mannekrag. Daar is heelwat primêre en sekondêre bronne wat oor die onderwerp geraadpleeg kon word - veral primêre bronne soos die Leyds-versameling, die Renier-versameling, Kommandant-generaal-versameling, 𝘓𝘰𝘳𝘥 𝘙𝘰𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘵𝘴 𝘗𝘢𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘴 en die Blouboeke was van groot waarde vir hierdie studie. As sekondêre bronne het die werke van LS Amery en J H Breytenbach as belangrike rigtinggewende werke gedien. 𝗩𝗘𝗥𝗪𝗬𝗦 𝗡𝗔 𝗗𝗜𝗘 𝗔𝗔𝗡𝗚𝗘𝗛𝗘𝗚𝗧𝗘 𝗗𝗢𝗞𝗨𝗠𝗘𝗡𝗧 𝗩𝗜𝗥 '𝗡 𝗩𝗢𝗟𝗟𝗘𝗗𝗜𝗚𝗘 𝗢𝗣𝗦𝗢𝗠𝗠𝗜𝗡𝗚!
Open Access
Die Maleierkamp van Kimberley 1882 - 1957
(University of the Free State, 1992) Africa, Edward John; Geyser, O.
English: Shortly after the discovery of the dry diggings, the London and South African Exploration Company was registered in order to acquire lands in South Africa for mining and exploring In March 1871, the London and South African Exploration Company and the Hopetown Diamond Company merged into a limited liability company under the former title. Their head office was in London, with a local office in, Kimberley. J.B. Currey, the local manager, was responsible for reporting to the London Board of Directors, which formulated the company's policy. The property comprised the farms Bultfentel n, Dorstfontein and Alexanderfontei n. The townships of Beaconsfield and Newton formed part of the estate. By the issue of proclamation no. 71 of 1871, portions of the farms Vooruitzight, Bultfontein and Dorstfontein were declared public diggings in October 1871. The influx of fortune-seekers and unskilled Iabourers resulted in a large cosmopolitan population arising on the diggings. The huge demand for labour, and the comparatively high wages attracted thousands of migrant Natives. The accumulation of a large heterogeneous population led to the emergence of a permanent proletariat. There was a marked increase in crime, and the maintenance of law and order placed high demands on the limited police force. A band of exceptionally dedicated clergymen from various denominations grasped the opportunity to spread the Gospel amongst the diversified population. Since the inception of the diamond fields, the inhabitants occupied stands, erven and holdings at Bultfontein, Dorstfontein and Newton under leasehold, tenure or licences. Under this form of licence, the tenant had no proprietary right. The Malay Camp was entirely leasehold property. It was situated in the Newton township in the middle of the estate. The camp was started by Malay transport drivers who flocked to the diggings in search of work or in the hope of wealth. Originally the Malay Camp was more or less an exclusive Muslim residential area. This was the best residential portion of Kimberley. Gradually Newton became occupied principally by coloured people and Mohammedans, both of Indian and Cape extraction. After 1880 the Malay Camp developed into a densely populated racially mixed residential area. Even in the best of times, the Malay Camp was justly considered one of the worst slums in South Africa. The unfortunate poverty-stricken inhabitants were forced to live in run-down hovels unfit for human habitation. The overcrowded, squalid neighbourhood was the most vulnerable in times of epidemics. Gradually a growing consensus took root among whites regarding the removal of non-whites from the Malay Camp to municipal native locations and segregated residential areas on the outskirts of Kimberley. The petitioners lodged complaints with the authorities about the lack of sanitary facilities, the appalling housing conditions and the fear for the outbreak and spreading of infectious diseases. Councillors and health officers were resolute as to the removal and demolition of the dilapidated Malay Camp. On 22 September 1899, the De Beers Consolidated Mines, Ltd. purchased the properties of their former landlords, the London and South African Exploration Company. By virtue of the Deed of Donation, the City council became the rightful owner of the De Beers Estate. In terms of clauses 10 and 11 of the Deed of Donation the municipality undertook - and bound itself - to terminate and cancel all stand licences held by non-Europeans by 31 December 1953, without prior consultation or negotiations with the Malay Camp residents, and to demolish the area not later than 31 December 1959. The official notice to quit was strongly condemned by the standholders. The said racial discriminatory clauses of the agreement were criticized by the perturbed community. The implementation of the Slum Act and the Group Areas Act precipitated the clearance and demolition of the Malay Camp. The slum clearance which was started in the 1940's, made way for the development of the new Cïvic Centre. The centre was to provide a complex for Kimberley's social, cultural and administrative activities. It arose from the rubble where some five hundred decaying houses were occupied by the poorer non-European groups for some eighty years, prior to the forced removal and disintegration of a cosmopolitan society and the establishment of a municipal administrative conglomerate.
Open Access
Mapping liberation through song: the impact of anti-apartheid popular music and protest/liberation songs in South Africa and the diaspora, 1950-1994
(University of the Free State, 2021-11) Jaftha, Keanan Christine; Twala, C.
This study aims to analyse the role that popular music and protest/liberation songs played in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa, spanning across the era of apartheid rule from 1948 until 1994. This study discusses multiple aspects of popular music opposing apartheid, and non-commercial music as drivers for liberation. Consequently, this study will provide a multi-dimensional view of the mechanisms promoting protest songs, the artists that opposed apartheid through song, State censorship as a response to resistance, and the role of the international community. From the inception of apartheid, the liberation struggle was fought on various fronts. This study contends that the influence of liberation/protest music on the anti-apartheid struggle was a forerunner in cultural resistance, both locally and in the diaspora.
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The Merebank concentration camp in Durban, 1901-1902
(University of the Free State, 2000) Wohlberg, Annette Ursula; Wessels, A.
Over the past century comparatively few comprehensive historical works have been written on the controversial and emotional issue of Anglo-Boer War concentration camps, leaving ample room for the latter-day historian to attempt to revisit this issue during the time of the centenary commemorations. Studies which have appeared on this topic, cover the historiographical spectrum. J.C. Otto's work, Die konsentrasiekampe, published in 1954, was written from a staunch Afrikaner nationalist perspective, which served to call up AC. Martin's The concentration camps 1900-1902: facts, figures and fables in 1957 as the British counter-argument. In the forty years since then, only three Masters degree research projects on the concentration camps have appeared: J.L. Hattingh, Die lrenekonsentrasiekamp; J.A. Krugell, Die Pietersburgse Konsentrasiekamp and J.J. Roodt, Die Port Elizabethse Konsentrasiekamp, 1899-1902. A work of monumental value during this period was S.B. Spies' Methods of barbarism? Roberts and Kitchener and civilians in the Boer republics, January 1900 - May 1902, which went a long way towards filling the void in the historical understanding of the fate of the Boer civilians. In the past few years, A.W.G. Raath and RM. Louw have completed studies on a number of concentration camps. Recently, researchers such as S.V. Kessler and B.E. Mongalo shifted the emphasis to the neglected history of black concentration camps. In spite of the above-mentioned works, no detailed academic research has as yet been done on any of the Natal concentration camps, leaving ample room for examinations into concentration camps in this geopolitical area. Proceeding from the viewpoint that the British concentration camp system during the Anglo-Boer War was part and parcel of the British military strategy and, as such, a necessary evil, this study aims to address and redress this shortcoming by placing the research focus on the largest concentration camp created during the Anglo-Boer War, namely the Merebank Concentration Camp. The study will, inter a/ia, address the following issues from a historical-scientific perspective, in an effort to obtain answers to several central questions: What were the exact reasons for the establishment of the Merebank Concentration Camp? Why was the Merebank Camp unique within the concentration e;amp set-up during the Anglo-Boer War? What exactly was life like in the camp? What economic and other advantages did the Merebank Camp bring for the inhabitants of Durban and surrounding areas? What psychological impact did the removal of thousands of women and children to an area outside the Boer republics have on these civilians? Before the reasons for the creation of the camp are discussed (see Chapter 2), the origins of the British concentration camp system are discussed in the introductory chapter. In Chapter 3, the camp administration and organisation are outlined. In the next chapter the focus falls on the camp inhabitants and their interaction with the environment. Then life in the camp is examined. The latter subject constitutes such a voluminous part of the study that it was decided to divide it into three chapters. The first of these chapters concerns itself with those issues over which the camp inhabitants had no control, namely accommodation, rations and education, while the second deals with those daily activities which were largely in their hands, namely religion, recreation, economics, politics and morals. The relationship between the people of colour and whites is also illuminated in this chapter. The third, and final chapter relating to camp life, is devoted to health matters, for the sole reason that concentration camps are historically associated with ill-health and death. Chapter 8 focuses on the interaction between the Merebank Concentration Camp and the city of Durban. The final chapter deals with events in the Merebank Camp after peace was declared, as well as the breaking up of the camp, and a concluding perspective is given. This study is primarily based on archival research. Much archival material, especially in the form of official monthly reports, the British Command Papers, letters, despatches and documents exist, proving of great assistance in offering information about the administration and running of the camp. Insight regarding camp life and the influence the internment had on the camp inhabitants was, to a great extent, provided by the camp inhabitants themselves. Published diaries such as Tant Miem Fischer se kampdagboek Mei 1901 - Augustus 1902, personal reports that were included in the compilations of women such as Emily Hobhouse, M. M. Postma, and E. Neethling, provide a wealth of information. Sources in private collections of individuals, who were prepared to share their archivalia, supplied the researcher with fresh historical perspectives. Newspaper reports, although giving a rather one-sided view, were found to be valuable, especially in ascertaining the attitude of the press and the Colony of Natal towards the Merebank Camp inhabitants. Numerous photographs served as valuable visual images of what life might have been like in Merebank.
Open Access
National Socialism and Nazism in South Africa: The case of L.T. Weichardt and his Greyshirt movements, 1933-1946
(University of the Free State, 2021-05) Bouwer, Werner; Kompi, B. H.; De Wet, W.
In 1933, the world saw Adolf Hitler and National Socialism taking power in Germany. That same year on the other side of the globe, South Africans saw the establishment of the first of many Greyshirt movements modelled on National Socialism and pro-Nazi by Louis Theodore Weichardt. This study thus analyses the multiple complex factors which inspired and gave rise to Weichardt and his Greyshirt movements, which includes Weichardt’s early life, him fighting for Germany in World War One (WWI) and his subsequent experiences in the turbulent Weimar Republic. The 1920s and 1930s socio-economic sphere of South Africa characterised by labour unrest, anti-communism, Afrikaner political divide, republicanism and the poor white problem will also be scrutinised as factors which led Weichardt to create his Greyshirt movements. It is also indisputable that the Greyshirt movements went through various transformations such as from the non-parliamentary South African Christian National Socialist Movement (SACNSM) to a parliamentary South African National Party (SANP) and back again to a non-parliamentary movement the South African National Socialist Union (SANSU). This study discussed the reasons and new functions that went along with every transformation. The level of direct and indirect cooperation and connection between Weichardt and the Nazis will be also presented.
Open Access
Die ontwikkelingsgeskiedenis van die Vrystaat tydens die administrateurskap van J. W. J. C. (Sand) du Plessis
(University of the Free State, 1988) Du Plessis, Petrus Jacobus Prieur; Combrink, N. L.
Afrikaans: 'n Studie is gemaak oor die breë front van die ontwikkelingsgeskiedenis van die Vrystaat vanaf 1959 tot 1969. Uit die aard van die saak is dit 'n geweldige wye onderwerp en kon slegs dieptesnitte gemaak word rondom die heel belangrikste fasette van die provinsiale administrasie se verpligtinge wat in dieselfde tydvak nagekom moes word. Inderwaarheid korreleer die stof voortdurend met mekaar en vloei dit soms ineen. Ter wille van 'n logiese beeld is daar probeer om die fasette te skei en afsonderlik te hanteer, hoewel dit eintlik alles onderhewig was aan 'n totale beplanningstrategie van die Administrateur-in-Rade. Die Administrateur kon op sigself geen beslissing op sy eie neem sonder die goedkeuring van die Uitvoerende Komitee nie. Die gesamentlike vergadering van genoemde betrokkenes staan bekend as die Administrateur-in-Rade. Die wye omvang van optrede deur die administrasie op soveel verskillende terreine verleen 'n gedrongenheid van faktore en aspekte aan die verhandeling wat dit moontlik kan laat lyk na 'n opeenhoping van gegewens. Dit is eintlik niks anders nie as 'n weerspieëling van die baie ysters wat die Administrateur en sy Uitvoerende Komitee in die vuur gehad het. Die veelheid van faktore en aspekte wat dus onder die loep geneem is, is grootliks te wyte aan die wye spektrum van sake wat op die Administrateur en sy personeel se sakelys was, eerder as wat dit 'ngebrek aan struktuur is. Dit verklaar terselfdertyd waarom dit nie moontlik was om 'n deurlopende chronologie op te bou deur die tema in verhaaltrant uit te bou nie. Daar moes telkens sekere. dieptesnitte gedoen word van ontwikkelings wat gelyktydig plaasgevind het, sodat die chronologie dikwels die onderspit moes delf, ter wille van die behoud van struktuur. Die onder-struktuur van elke hoofstuk is nietemin tematies aangepak vir sover dit enigsins moontlik was. Baie onderhoude is gevoer ten einde die tydsklimaat en omstandighede duidelik te verstaan. Veel meer aandag is egter verleen aan die dokumentêre bewyse aangesien dit meer gedetailleerd, presieser en dus meer gesaghebbend is. Uiteindelik het die dokumente en die onderhoude mekaar ryklik aangevul. In 'n poging om die ontwikkelingsgeskiedenis van die Vrystaat sinvol uit te bou en te evalueer, was dit telkens nodig om veralook na die periode vóór Du Plessis se termyn as Administrateur te kyk. Daarsonder sou veel verlore gegaan het en kon 'nobjektiewe mening kwalik gevorm word. Dit was daarom nodig om ook na sy rol in die uitbouing van die Vrystaat te kyk in die periode voordat hy Administrateur geword het en dit in samehang te beskou met ontwikkeling wat plaasgevind het na hyself die leisels oorgeneem het. Sodoende word 'nveel bevredigender beeld verkry van die persoonlike bydrae en inisiatief wat van Du Plessis uitgegaan het om die Vrystaat in die dekade sestig so duidelik op die pad van ontwikkeling en groei te plaas. Die bewys hiervan lê in sy hele optrede. Die tweede en derde hoofstukke en ook hoofstuk sewe spreek van die historiese agterstand wat deur die jare in die Vrystaat opgebou is op die gebiede van hospitalisasie, onderwys, paaie en natuurbewaring en die pogings wat aangewend is om dit te verander. Hoofstuk twee gee die leser 'nbeter beeld van die spesifieke tydsgewrig en omstandighede waaronder Du Plessis die leisels oorgeneem het. Hoofstuk vyf handel spesifiek oor die waarde wat aan beplanning en die kontrolering van projekte toegeken is, terwyl hoofstuk vier rondom toerisme gebruik word om 'n unieke model as uitvloeisel van dié beplanning te beskrywe. Hoofstuk ses, wat oor Oranjejag handel, is op sigself 'n merkwaardige gebeurtenis in die Vrystaatse en dalk in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis. Dit is 'n unieke voorbeeld van pionierswerk wat deur onbegrip aan bande gelê is en daarom moeilik sy kinderskoene ontgroei het.
Open Access
The origin and the development of Black nationalism in South Africa up to 1960
(University of the Free State, 1996-11) Lefuo, E. M.; Barnard, Leo
Abstract not available
Open Access
Pogings tot Suid-Afrikaanse gebiedsuitbreiding, 1910-1924
(University of the Free State, 1979) Du Toit, F. P.; Marais, A. H.
Afrikaans: Die pogings wat sedert Uniewording aangewend is om Suid-Afrika se gebied uit te brei, het nog weinig aandag van historici ontvang. In elk geval het geen Suid-Afrikaanse, historikus nog meer as net verbygaande aandag daaraan bestee nie. Tog is die tema van groot belang, want dit is bekend dat beide die onderskeie Suid-Afrikaanse regerings en die Britse regering met Uniewording en daarna die grensafbakening van Suid-Afrika as voorlopig beskou het. Vanaf die kant van Britse historici het wel enkele werke die 1ig gesien wat die tema ophelder. Die bekendste hiervan is R. Hyam, The Failure of South African Expansion. Sy werk berus op navorsing wat hy in die Record Office te Londen gedoen het, en was van groot waarde by die afhandeling van hierdie werk. Daar is min oor die tema in Suid-Afrikaanse argiewe terug te vind. Die klaarblyklike rede hiervoor is dat alle skakelwerk met die Britse regering insake die uitbreiding van Suid-Afrika se grense deur middel van die Goewerneur-generaa1 geskied het. Enkele verwysings in die amptelike korrespondensie van die Eerste Minister en in die Smuts Papers is die uitsondering. Daar is vryelik van koerantnavorsing gebruik gemaak om stof in te samel. Veral die Engelstalige koerante was hier waardevol.
Open Access
Die politieke implikasies van swart verstedeliking in Suid-Afrika, 1939 - 1946
(University of the Free State, 1978-12) Rosseau, Johannes Schabort; Marais, A. H.
Die verstedeliking van die swartes het veral vanaf 1902 'n aanvang geneem en stelselmatig toegeneem totdat dit gedurende die Tweede Wêreldoorlog geweldig momentum gekry het. Met die totstandkoming van sekondêre nywerhede en industrieë is swartes benodig vir ongeskoolde arbeid, maar die kontrolering van instromelinge is bemoeilik aangesien die stamgebiede aan die begin van die eeu afgebaken was. Nywerheids- en stadsontwikkeling het in die Swartgebiede uitgebly en meegebring dat die enigste werkgeleentheid wat vir die swartes bekombaar was, die was in die Blanke-gebiede. Met die verstedeliking van die swartes het omvangryke politieke-, sosiale- en maatskaplike vraagstukke na vore getree wat dikwels daartoe bygedra het om vredeliewende swartes in misdadigers te verander. Gesteun deur die liberaliste en die kommuniste het die swartes ook politieke eise aan die blankes gestel en in 'n toenemende mate 'n haat vir die blanke gekoester. In sy verset teen die blanke het die ou grief van passe 'n klimaks bereik gedurende die Tweede Wêreldoorlog. Georganiseer deur die kommuniste is 'n anti-pas veldtog geloods. Die Herenigde Nasionale Prty het die pas as 'n goeie beheermatreël bestempel terwyl die regerende Verenigde Party die passtelsel nie konsekwent in al die Provinsies toegepas het nie. Dit het veroorsaak dat beheer oor die instromende swartes na die stede verder bemoeilik is. Die arbeidsprobleem wat deur swart verstedeliking meegebring is het die kommuniste die kans gebied om aan te dring op die erkenning van swart vakbonde. Hierdeur kon die kommuniste die arbeidsmag konsolideer in sy strewe tot die diktatorskap deur die "massas". Die Herenigde Nasionale Party het sterk teenkanting gebied, maar die Verenigde Party het teen die einde van die oorlog swart vakbonde nie-amptelk erken. Swart verstedeliking het die segregasiebeleid van Suid-Afrika bedreig. Weer eens het dit die Herenigde Nasionale Party wat die swartes apart van die blanke wou laat ontwikkel, maar die Verenigde Party het segregasie as 'n struikelblok in die pad van rasseverhoudinge bestempel. Alhoewel die 1936-wetgewing m.b.t. die swartes nie die goedkeuring van die Nasionaliste gehad het nie, is dit nie deur die regering konsekwent toegepas nie. Die liberalistiese elemente in die Smuts-kabinet, die Naturelleverteenwoordigers en die Kommunistiese Party het voorspraak vir algehele gelykstelling gemaak. Segregasie het 'n politieke strydperk geword en na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog gesorg vir die Herenigde Nasionale Party oorwinning. Die Herenigde Nasionale Party se voetstuk van sy segregasiebeleid was die behoud van blanke heerskappy in Suid-Afrika. Dit het nie beteken dat die swartes in die toepassing van dié beleid onderdruk sou word nie, maar dat swartes apart moes ontwikkel in die gees van voogdyskap. 'n Jaar voor die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het die Herenigde Nasionale Party by wyse van 'n petisie aangedring op wetgewing teen gemengde huwelike, politieke- en ekonomiese segregasie en aparte woongebiede vir blank en Nie-Blank. Die Verenigde Party het algehele segregasie as 'n onuitvoerbare beleid beskou. Die verstedeliking van die swartes het 'n vrugbare teel-aarde geword vir Kommunisme. Die swartes is op die "onregverdige" behandeling deur blankes gewys en allerlei griewe is deur die kommuniste geëksploiteer. Vanaf 1941, toe Suid-Afrika via Engeland, bondgenoot van Rusland geword het, het die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party openlik die stedelike swartes opgerui en oproere en stakings georganiseer. Die Herenigde Nasionale Party het die kommuniste se doelstellings besef en jaarliks die Smuts-regering gewys op die verderflike invloed van die Kommunisme op die swartes, maar telkens is die Herenigde Nasionale Party se vertoë deur die Verenigde Party bestempel as "spookstories". Tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog is die kommunistiese mondstuk, Inkululeko, ongehinderd versprei en het groter steun vir die kommunistiese ideologie ingepalm. Afgesien van die kommunistiese invloed onder die stedelike swartes tydens die oorlog het liberalisme meegebring dat daar 'n tipe Swart-nasionalise na vore getree het. Die stedelike swartes het losgeraak van sy stamverbintenis en die swart vel het verskillende swartbevolkings saamgesnoer en vir hom 'n simbool geword van onregverdige behandeling deur die blanke. Hy het die blanke nie meer beskou as toevlugsoor vir bestaan nie, maar het aanspraak gemaak op algehele gelykheid met die blanke. Politieke regte aan swartes is deur die Herenigde Nasionale Party gesien as die ondergang van die blanke in die land. Die 1948-verkiesing is oor die Swartvraagstuk geveg, en het 'n oorwinnig vir die Herenigde Nasionale Party meegebring.