JCH 2013 Volume 38 Issue 1

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http://hdl.handle.net/11660/3206

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Open Access
Alternatiewe tot apartheid? Gespreksgroepe in die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (NGK) gedurende die 1980's
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Van der Merwe, Barend; Oelofse, Marietjie
During the 1980s, the South African government was struggling to keep violence in the country under control despite the many reforms that the PW Botha regime has brought with it. The days of “’grand apartheid”, associated in particular with HF Verwoerd and the controversial homeland system, was over but certain key apartheid laws were still upheld. The government tried to create the impression that the policy of apartheid was a thing of the past, while on the other hand it was retaining political power. While the government made important changes to the apartheid policy, the Dutch Reformed Church also felt pressure from all sides due to its particular role in the development and sustainment of the apartheid regime. Lacking official channels, frustrated theologians and members of the Church resorted to informal discussion groups to initiate a think tank about the future of the Church and the country as a whole.
Open Access
Alternatiewe tot apartheid? Gespreksgroepe in die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (NGK) gedurende die 1980s
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Van der Merwe, Barend; Oelofse, Marietjie
During the 1980s, the South African government was struggling to keep violence in the country under control despite the many reforms that the PW Botha regime has brought with it. The days of “’grand apartheid”, associated in particular with HF Verwoerd and the controversial homeland system, was over but certain key apartheid laws were still upheld. The government tried to create the impression that the policy of apartheid was a thing of the past, while on the other hand it was retaining political power. While the government made important changes to the apartheid policy, the Dutch Reformed Church also felt pressure from all sides due to its particular role in the development and sustainment of the apartheid regime. Lacking official channels, frustrated theologians and members of the Church resorted to informal discussion groups to initiate a think tank about the future of the Church and the country as a whole.
Open Access
"America's Mandela": South African responses to the rise of Barack Obama
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Du Pisani, Jacobus A.; Kim, Kwangsu
In this article reactions in the South African media to the emergence of Barack Obama as contender in the 2008 US presidential election, then as official Democratic Party presidential candidate and then as US President-elect are analysed. The context of US-SA relations is sketched first to highlight the type of issues of US-SA relations that would be important for South Africans. Then the opinions of politicians, economists, editors, academics and letter-writers representing the public, which were published in South African newspapers in 2008 and 2009 at the crucial moments in the US presidential election campaign, are analysed in terms of perceptions about Obama's role in international affairs, US relations with Africa and bilateral USA-RSA relations. The evaluation of these South African opinions is done with a view to testing some conclusions reached in the literature on the process of globalization and local responses to it. Our argument is that the analysis of South African responses to Obama published in the newspapers confirms that globalization and glocalisation are simultaneous processes in the contemporary world. On the one hand a set of liberal moral values have emerged in the post-Cold War world which unites the majority of moderate citizens of countries across the globe in their evaluation of important events. On the other hand these generic values only assume real significance for people when their implications for the local situation become clear.
Open Access
"America's Mandela": South African responses to the rise of Barack Obama
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Du Pisani, Jacobus A.; Kim, Kwangsu
In this article reactions in the South African media to the emergence of Barack Obama as contender in the 2008 US presidential election, then as official Democratic Party presidential candidate and then as US President-elect are analysed. The context of US-SA relations is sketched first to highlight the type of issues of US-SA relations that would be important for South Africans.Then the opinions of politicians, economists, editors, academics and letter-writers representing the public, which were published in South African newspapers in 2008 and 2009 at the crucial moments in the US presidential election campaign, are analysed in terms of perceptions about Obama’s role in international affairs, US relations with Africa and bilateral USA-RSA relations. The evaluation of these South African opinions is done with a view to testing some conclusions reached in the literature on the process of globalisation and local responses to it. Our argument is that the analysis of South African responses to Obama published in the newspapers confirms that globalisation3 and glocalisation4 are simultaneous processes in the contemporary world. On the one hand a set of liberal moral values have emerged in the post-Cold War world which unites the majority of moderate citizens of countries across the globe in their evaluation of important events. On the other hand these generic values only assume real significance for people when their implications for the local situation become clear.
Open Access
Book review
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Twala, Chitja
Open Access
Book review
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Wessels, Andre
Open Access
"Daughters of Gujarat in the diaspora": immigrant women, identity and agency in Natal
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Hiralal, Kalpana
Through the narrative genre the author examines issues of identity and agency amongst 15 Gujarati Hindu immigrant women who arrived in Natal (South Africa) between 1943 and 1953. The aims of this article are three-fold: Firstly, through the narratives the author seeks to highlight the many socioeconomic challenges that immigrant Indian women faced in the diaspora. Secondly, issues of identity are examined in the context of “home” and “belonging”. While the author argues that Gujarat, their place of birth, is no longer perceived as their “homeland”, it plays an important role in constructing immigrant women’s ethnic identity. Thirdly, the article explores notions of agency and argues that given their personal, economic and social circumstances, Gujarati Hindu women were able to negotiate new roles for themselves within the household. Migration generated new challenges within the traditional household which resulted in some women exercising more agency than others. By examining notions of agency, this article seeks to dispel the myth of “passive”, “docile” Indian women, devoid of autonomy in their lives. It hopes to add to the current theoretical debates on immigrant women, agency and identity with reference to Gujarati speaking Hindu women in South Africa, a relatively unexplored area of research.
Open Access
"Daughters of Gujarat in the diaspora": immigrant women, identity and agency in Natal
(Faculty of Humanites, University of the Free State, 2013) Hiralal, Kalpana
Through the narrative genre the author examines issues of identity and agency amongst 15 Gujarati Hindu immigrant women who arrived in Natal (South Africa) between 1943 and 1953. The aims of this article are three-fold: Firstly, through the narratives the author seeks to highlight the many socioeconomic challenges that immigrant Indian women faced in the diaspora. Secondly, issues of identity are examined in the context of “home” and “belonging”. While the author argues that Gujarat, their place of birth, is no longer perceived as their “homeland”, it plays an important role in constructing immigrant women’s ethnic identity. Thirdly, the article explores notions of agency and argues that given their personal, economic and social circumstances, Gujarati Hindu women were able to negotiate new roles for themselves within the household. Migration generated new challenges within the traditional household which resulted in some women exercising more agency than others. By examining notions of agency, this article seeks to dispel the myth of “passive”, “docile” Indian women, devoid of autonomy in their lives. It hopes to add to the current theoretical debates on immigrant women, agency and identity with reference to Gujarati speaking Hindu women in South Africa, a relatively unexplored area of research.
Open Access
"De overval": aanslag op Suid-Afrikaanse biblioteek in Amsterdam
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Terblanche, H. O.
The South African Institute (SAI) on Keizersgracht 141, Amsterdam, was seen as the most important library on the subject of South Africa in Europe. It had a comprehensive collection of Africana, dating back to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. On January 19, 1984, more than 50 young people, wearing black stockings over their heads, forced their way into the building. They wreaked havoc. Bookshelves were pulled over and books and documents, and the building façade were splashed with “paint and oil bombs”. Hundreds of books were hurled into the adjacent canal. A radical group of anti-apartheid protestors, calling themselves “Amsterdammers against racism and discrimination”, claimed responsibility for the library’s destruction. They declared that the institute supported apartheid. For them the library was primarily a symbol of repressive ideals and hated policy. They destroyed the library because, according to them, the Dutch government was dragging its feet over the issue of condemning South Africa and breaking off contact. In South Africa, newspapers responded to the attack on the library with outrage and moral indignation. Dutch newspapers also decried the incident as violent and senseless. Even the Dutch anti-apartheid organisations were critical of the vandalism. The library was, ironically, also used by vocal opponents of apartheid. It also contained works which were forbidden in South Africa.
Open Access
"De overval": aanslag op Suid-Afrikaanse biblioteek in Amsterdam
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Terblanche, H. O.
The South African Institute (SAI) on Keizersgracht 141, Amsterdam, was seen as the most important library on the subject of South Africa in Europe. It had a comprehensive collection of Africana, dating back to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. On January 19, 1984, more than 50 young people, wearing black stockings over their heads, forced their way into the building. They wreaked havoc. Bookshelves were pulled over and books and documents, and the building façade were splashed with “paint and oil bombs”. Hundreds of books were hurled into the adjacent canal. A radical group of anti-apartheid protestors, calling themselves “Amsterdammers against racism and discrimination”, claimed responsibility for the library’s destruction. They declared that the institute supported apartheid. For them the library was primarily a symbol of repressive ideals and hated policy. They destroyed the library because, according to them, the Dutch government was dragging its feet over the issue of condemning South Africa and breaking off contact. In South Africa, newspapers responded to the attack on the library with outrage and moral indignation. Dutch newspapers also decried the incident as violent and senseless. Even the Dutch anti-apartheid organisations were critical of the vandalism. The library was, ironically, also used by vocal opponents of apartheid. It also contained works which were forbidden in South Africa.
Open Access
Dirty scapegoats: explaining Israel's ties with South Africa during the 1970s and 1980s
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Alsheh, Yehonatan
The article surveys five possible explanations for the ties between Israel and South Africa between the 1970s and 1980s. (1) The Industrial-Military Complex Explanation, arguing that both the Israeli and South African defence establishments and arms industries had much to gain from such a relationship, and enough political influence to ensure that this would indeed happen. (2) The Nuclear Alliance Explanation, arguing that it was in Israel and South Africa’s national interest to forge a nuclear consortium that would enable them to attain and further develop significant nuclear capacities, conceived by both states as the ultimate means for guaranteeing the survival of their chronicallycontested regimes. (3) The Ideological Affinities / similar Regime-Type Explanation, arguing that, while Israel was unable or in any case reluctant to publicly admit it, it was not averse to the South African regime of separate development, mostly because, ever since 1967, it was on a course of constructing its own version of such a regime. (4) The Pariah States Alliance Explanation, arguing that Israel and South Africa shared the same international status of pariah states, hence having no other states they could befriend, and in any case nothing to lose from collaborating with each other. (5) The Politics of International Pariah-Making Explanation, arguing that the concept of the pariah state – which emerged in 1977 and disappeared by the end of the 1980s – was not a naïve scholarly attempt to conceptualize a new type of international actor, but rather an ideological construct, meant to re-justify the United State’s support for some of its more embarrassing client states, while restructuring the precise way in which that support was provided.
Open Access
Dirty scapegoats: explaining Israel's ties with South Africa during the 1970s and 1980s
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Alsheh, Yehonatan
The article surveys five possible explanations for the ties between Israel and South Africa between the 1970s and 1980s. (1) The Industrial-Military Complex Explanation, arguing that both the Israeli and South African defence establishments and arms industries had much to gain from such a relationship, and enough political influence to ensure that this would indeed happen. (2) The Nuclear Alliance Explanation, arguing that it was in Israel and South Africa’s national interest to forge a nuclear consortium that would enable them to attain and further develop significant nuclear capacities, conceived by both states as the ultimate means for guaranteeing the survival of their chronicallycontested regimes. (3) The Ideological Affinities / similar Regime-Type Explanation, arguing that, while Israel was unable or in any case reluctant to publicly admit it, it was not averse to the South African regime of separate development, mostly because, ever since 1967, it was on a course of constructing its own version of such a regime. (4) The Pariah States Alliance Explanation, arguing that Israel and South Africa shared the same international status of pariah states, hence having no other states they could befriend, and in any case nothing to lose from collaborating with each other. (5) The Politics of International Pariah-Making Explanation, arguing that the concept of the pariah state – which emerged in 1977 and disappeared by the end of the 1980s – was not a naïve scholarly attempt to conceptualize a new type of international actor, but rather an ideological construct, meant to re-justify the United State’s support for some of its more embarrassing client states, while restructuring the precise way in which that support was provided.
Open Access
From apartheid to batho pele: an exploratory study on service delivery and public participation in Atteridgeville-Saulsville
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Mulaudzi, Mbulaheni; Liebenberg, Ian
The focus of the case study is public participation in the local government arena. The article examines the importance of public participation in the policy process and service delivery in Atteridgeville- Saulsville from apartheid times to post-apartheid rule. As a case study, public participation in the Tshwane Metropolitan Council (previously Pretoria City Council or Stadsraad) is traced back to the establishment of this “black township” (a black location in apartheid jargon) and investigated up until 2008. Public participation during the apartheid era was based on racial division. Black people were not allowed to participate in the decision-making processes that affected their locality. Democratic government since 1994, and more so since the acceptance of the democratic constitution, Act 108 of 1996, brought about an emphasis on equal citizen participation regardless of colour, status or geographical location. The Constitution enforces the responsibility of local government to ensure public participation in decision making. In democracies local government structures are traditionally seen as government closest to the people. The term batho pele strongly implies quality service delivery to human communities as well as accountability and transparency with a “human touch”. Service provision should be informed by the needs and aspirations of the local communities, extracted from the community through participation. Making use of a qualitative approach, among others face-to-face interviews, the authors explore the case under review and how those who experience local government view the service delivery flowing from current policy and practice in contrast to that of the past.
Open Access
From apartheid to Batho Pele: an exploratory study on service delivery and public participation in Atteridgeville-Saulsville
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Mulaudzi, Mbulaheni; Liebenberg, Ian
The focus of the case study is public participation in the local government arena. The article examines the importance of public participation in the policy process and service delivery in Atteridgeville- Saulsville from apartheid times to post-apartheid rule. As a case study, public participation in the Tshwane Metropolitan Council (previously Pretoria City Council or Stadsraad) is traced back to the establishment of this “black township” (a black location in apartheid jargon) and investigated up until 2008. Public participation during the apartheid era was based on racial division. Black people were not allowed to participate in the decision-making processes that affected their locality. Democratic government since 1994, and more so since the acceptance of the democratic constitution, Act 108 of 1996, brought about an emphasis on equal citizen participation regardless of colour, status or geographical location. The Constitution enforces the responsibility of local government to ensure public participation in decision making. In democracies local government structures are traditionally seen as government closest to the people. The term batho pele strongly implies quality service delivery to human communities as well as accountability and transparency with a “human touch”. Service provision should be informed by the needs and aspirations of the local communities, extracted from the community through participation. Making use of a qualitative approach, among others face-to-face interviews, the authors explore the case under review and how those who experience local government view the service delivery flowing from current policy and practice in contrast to that of the past.
Open Access
Legislative immobility and judicial activism: the impact on the separation of powers in South Africa
(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Labuschagne, Pieter
The division between the legislature/executive and the judiciary in a constitutional state is a very important, but precarious relationship. It is important that the political arm (legislature/executive) understand the critical role of the judiciary as custodian of the Constitution within the constitutional framework. Without the basic respect for and understanding of the role of the judiciary, politicians in the government can easily frustrate the judiciary primary function to uphold the law and to establish the rule of law in a country. If the relationship deteriorates and the status of the judiciary is degraded by the ruling party it will in the long run tarnish the status of the constitutional state and that of the rule of law in the country. This article deals with the internal process to initiate a private members bill in parliament with an explanation how easily it can be frustrated by the majority party in the standing committees and in parliament. The passing of the private members bill could be frustrated by the ruling party by using their numerical advantage. However, it is also pointed out that the purpose or goal of the same private members bill could also be reached by other means, such as a ruling by the High Courts. The article analyse this phenomenon and outlines the potential impact thereof on the principle of the separation of powers in South Africa.
Open Access
Legislative immobility and judicial activism: the impact on the separation of powers in South Africa
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Labuschagne, Pieter
The division between the legislature/executive and the judiciary in a constitutional state is a very important, but precarious relationship. It is important that the political arm (legislature/executive) understand the critical role of the judiciary as custodian of the Constitution within the constitutional framework. Without the basic respect for and understanding of the role of the judiciary, politicians in the government can easily frustrate the judiciary primary function to uphold the law and to establish the rule of law in a country. If the relationship deteriorates and the status of the judiciary is degraded by the ruling party it will in the long run tarnish the status of the constitutional state and that of the rule of law in the country. This article deals with the internal process to initiate a private members bill in parliament with an explanation how easily it can be frustrated by the majority party in the standing committees and in parliament. The passing of the private members bill could be frustrated by the ruling party by using their numerical advantage. However, it is also pointed out that the purpose or goal of the same private members bill could also be reached by other means, such as a ruling by the High Courts. The article analyse this phenomenon and outlines the potential impact thereof on the principle of the separation of powers in South Africa.
Open Access
Reaksie op die herontplooiing van premier Mosiuoa Lekota en die ondemokratiese wyse van aanstelling van Dr. Ivy Matsepe Casaburri as sy opvolger
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Moll, Johan
In the first part of this article a factual historical analysis is given of the redeployment of the Free State Premier, Patrick Lekota, as a result of the unresolvable faction fights within the ANC, the continuing protest against his transfer and the ongoing “obscurity concerning the objectives of the national leadership” in solving the political debacle. In the second part the background of his successor, Matsepe-Casaburri, is analysed, as well as the undemocratic way in which she was forced into the politics of the Free State, the litigation in respect of Lekota’s removal, the commencement of the Casaburri era and how the serious political fiasco contributed to the consideration of the desirability of the fact that the premiership and leadership of the party should be seated in the same person. The undemocratic conduct of the national leaders of the ANC was a foreshadowing of the increasing trend to subordinate the Constitution and the existing provisions concerning the way in which premiers in the provinces is appointed to what the leaders of the ANC have previously aimed at and decided upon. This article is a critical, historical reconstruction of the role of the national leadership of the ANC and the reaction of the Free State community. The white-centric nature of the reporting, especially of the only newspaper in the Free State which followed the political drama closely and documented it, is supplemented as far as possible by perspectives from other, more liberal, ANC media outside the province who are well-disposed towards the party. If communication is about, among other things, shared meaning by individuals, groups or organisations by openly sharing facts and norms by means of the written and the spoken word, this analysis provides a view on how shared meaning was not reached and optimum communication was by far not pursued or achieved.
Open Access
Reaksie op die herontplooiing van Premier Mosiuoa Lekota en die ondemokratiese wyse van aanstelling van Dr. Ivy Matsepe-Casaburri as sy opvolger
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2013) Moll, Johan
In the first part of this article a factual historical analysis is given of the redeployment of the Free State Premier, Patrick Lekota, as a result of the unresolvable faction fights within the ANC, the continuing protest against his transfer and the ongoing “obscurity concerning the objectives of the national leadership” in solving the political debacle. In the second part the background of his successor, Matsepe-Casaburri, is analysed, as well as the undemocratic way in which she was forced into the politics of the Free State, the litigation in respect of Lekota’s removal, the commencement of the Casaburri era and how the serious political fiasco contributed to the consideration of the desirability of the fact that the premiership and leadership of the party should be seated in the same person. The undemocratic conduct of the national leaders of the ANC was a foreshadowing of the increasing trend to subordinate the Constitution and the existing provisions concerning the way in which premiers in the provinces is appointed to what the leaders of the ANC have previously aimed at and decided upon. This article is a critical, historical reconstruction of the role of the national leadership of the ANC and the reaction of the Free State community. The white-centric nature of the reporting, especially of the only newspaper in the Free State which followed the political drama closely and documented it, is supplemented as far as possible by perspectives from other, more liberal, ANC media outside the province who are well-disposed towards the party. If communication is about, among other things, shared meaning by individuals, groups or organisations by openly sharing facts and norms by means of the written and the spoken word, this analysis provides a view on how shared meaning was not reached and optimum communication was by far not pursued or achieved.
Open Access
Die sosiopolitieke sienings van 'n groep Suid Afrikaanse universiteitstudente oor demokrasie in Suid Afrika
(Faculty of Humanities, Univerity of the Free State, 2013) Badenhorst, Jo; Badenhorst, Berend
Democracy in South Africa is under pressure. A growing number of citizens are convinced that the government is underperforming and that democracy is often undermined. The current generation of young adults will soon play a leading role in all sectors of society. Their sociopolitical views and involvement are of particular relevance to the future of South Africa, especially with regard to the retention and expansion of democracy as an institution and governance model. Researchers point to a global trend of increasing political distrust and apathy which is a result of weak and corrupt government. Since the nineties a similar trend has emerged in South Africa. The youth have become increasingly uninvolved in politics – a trend that is in stark contrast to the political activism that characterised the black youth during the apartheid era. Young adults no longer feel obliged to engage in politics or civil society. Various studies have indicated that political trust in government and positive sociopolitical attitudes are prerequisites to optimal social and political involvement. A stable, lasting and prosperous democracy is threatened without the active involvement of the adult youth. In view of the above, an empirical study was conducted to establish the views that young adults (as “new” voters) hold on South Africa as a democracy. The investigation concentrated primarily on their views regarding the success of the current government and their confidence in the South African political context. This article focuses on the sociopolitical attitudes and opinions of the studying youth in particular. Research consistently correlates post-school qualifications with political participation. It follows that young adults in tertiary institutions ─ the so-called intellectual cream ─ are primarily responsible for the delivery of social capital which is vital to future political and community involvement in a democratic dispensation. Hence the following questions arise: What are university students’ sociopolitical views? Do their views affect their confidence in the government? An analysis of the data gleaned by the investigation revealed tendencies that are supported by the literature. It seems that young adult students are disillusioned with democracy in South Africa, and its negative consequences are illustrated by the data. The empirical findings of this study confirm these trends. The data reflects the dissatisfaction with the performance of government institutions and key functions of government and the perception that government and state institutions are plagued by corruption. High levels of distrust exist in the government and its institutions, resulting in a large degree of sociopolitical apathy. The government faces a distinct challenge. Drastic steps should be taken to restore confidence in democracy. Strategies should be developed for young adults to become involved in sociopolitical activities, otherwise democracy in South Africa will gradually weaken, with far-reaching consequences. The findings of this research and of similar studies can no longer be ignored.
Open Access
Die sosiopolitieke sienings van 'n groep Suid-Afrikaanse universiteitstudente oor demokrasie in Suid-Afrika
(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2017) Badenhorst, Jo; Badenhorst, Berend
Democracy in South Africa is under pressure. A growing number of citizens are convinced that the government is underperforming and that democracy is often undermined. The current generation of young adults will soon play a leading role in all sectors of society. Their sociopolitical views and involvement are of particular relevance to the future of South Africa, especially with regard to the retention and expansion of democracy as an institution and governance model. Researchers point to a global trend of increasing political distrust and apathy which is a result of weak and corrupt government. Since the nineties a similar trend has emerged in South Africa. The youth have become increasingly uninvolved in politics – a trend that is in stark contrast to the political activism that characterised the black youth during the apartheid era. Young adults no longer feel obliged to engage in politics or civil society. Various studies have indicated that political trust in government and positive sociopolitical attitudes are prerequisites to optimal social and political involvement. A stable, lasting and prosperous democracy is threatened without the active involvement of the adult youth. In view of the above, an empirical study was conducted to establish the views that young adults (as “new” voters) hold on South Africa as a democracy. The investigation concentrated primarily on their views regarding the success of the current government and their confidence in the South African political context. This article focuses on the sociopolitical attitudes and opinions of the studying youth in particular. Research consistently correlates post-school qualifications with political participation. It follows that young adults in tertiary institutions ─ the so-called intellectual cream ─ are primarily responsible for the delivery of social capital which is vital to future political and community involvement in a democratic dispensation. Hence the following questions arise: What are university students’ sociopolitical views? Do their views affect their confidence in the government? An analysis of the data gleaned by the investigation revealed tendencies that are supported by the literature. It seems that young adult students are disillusioned with democracy in South Africa, and its negative consequences are illustrated by the data. The empirical findings of this study confirm these trends. The data reflects the dissatisfaction with the performance of government institutions and key functions of government and the perception that government and state institutions are plagued by corruption. High levels of distrust exist in the government and its institutions, resulting in a large degree of sociopolitical apathy. The government faces a distinct challenge. Drastic steps should be taken to restore confidence in democracy. Strategies should be developed for young adults to become involved in sociopolitical activities, otherwise democracy in South Africa will gradually weaken, with far-reaching consequences. The findings of this research and of similar studies can no longer be ignored.