Research Articles (History)
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Item Open Access 1914: Rebellie of protes? Vryheid teen imperialisme, Paul Grobbelaar: book review(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2014) Wessels, AndreAbstract not availableItem Open Access The 23rd African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) conference in Bloemfontein: a Polokwane political hangover?(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010-06) Twala, ChitjaThe ANCYL played a significant role in the history of the ANC, therefore the actions of its members at their 23rd conference in Bloemfontein were disturbing for the ANC. Already in the build-up it was clear that rivalries between factions were rife and before the conference started there had been disruptions. The article highlights the reasons behind the rivalry and the ANC’s leadership’s handling of the situation. The rivalry was not due to ideological differences but to support for personalities. The ANC leaders and ex-ANCYL leaders aired their dissatisfaction with the unruly conduct and the pursuit of political self-advancement. Many members rejected the outcome of the leadership election and the congress was adjourned. The ANC intervened and at a closed session later that month the election of the five officials and the National Executive Commission was maintained. A number of organizational, policy and leadership issues were discussed. The divisions were, however, still apparent. The conference in Bloemfontein was obviously a political hangover of the ANC’s conference at Polokwane.Item Open Access The A to Z of the Anglo-Boer War, Fransjohan Pretorius: book review(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Wessels, AndreAbstract not availableItem Open Access Apartheid and the anticipation of apocalypse: the supreme strategies of the National Party government and the African National Congress, 1980-1989: an historical perspective(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Stemmet, Jan-AdBy 1980 the National Party government of South Africa and the most prominent anti-apartheid organisation, the African National Congress (ANC), had moulded multidimensional strategies of epic proportions with which to seize and maintain power. The government perceived the global campaign against South Africa’s political status quo as a so-called total onslaught operating in all possible socio-economic and political spheres. In reaction it engineered a strategy to counter it in all possible spheres the total strategy. Its implementation implied a reorganisation of South African politics and society on an unimaginable scale. Simultaneously the most important anti-government organisation was overhauling itself. After the turmoil of the late 1970s, the African National Congress determined that the climate was ripe to launch a multidimensional offensive against the minority regime. The execution of these strategies, during the 1980s, culminated in sweeping violent political conflict and socio-economic unrest. A political power play was effected with the actions and reactions of each side thrusting South Africa ever closer to the brink of a man-made apocalypse. These separate strategies will be analysed in an historical perspective.Item Open Access Applying principles of historical critique: authentic oral history?(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Oelofse, MarietjieTo reconstruct the past, oral historians are concerned with the depths of memory as a potential source of information, evidence and meaning at their disposal. Unfortunately, memory can never be absolutely certain, wherein lies its weakness as a source of knowledge of the past. The researcher has the important task of implementing historical interpretation and principles of historical critique in searching for authenticity in sources. Taking into account the nature of memory and the factors that may negatively affect its objectivity, the article will examine which reliable techniques and methods may be implemented by the oral historian to minimise problems and inaccuracies, as well as examine oral evidence for factual credibility.Item Open Access Die Britse militêre strategie vir oorlog in Suid-Afrika, 1899(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Wessels, AndreOn the eve of the outbreak of the Anglo-Boer War on 11 October 1899, the British Army had no comprehensive strategy for the war in South Africa. In this article the reasons why no detailed strategic planning was done, are discussed. The limited strategic planning that was done is analysed, and it is pointed out that in the run-up to the war, British planning was influenced by geographic factors in the potential war zone, by the position of the Orange Free State (would that Boer republic side with the Transvaal or stay neutral?), and by matters pertaining to the defence of Natal and of the Cape Colony. Finally, it is indicated what line of advance was eventually decided upon; albeit that after Gen. Sir Redvers Buller had arrived in South Africa, he decided to deviate from the original plan.Item Open Access Die Britse veroweringsaanspraak op die Oranje-Vrystaat, 1900(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011-09) De Bruin, Jaco; Wessels, Andre; Henning, JohanOn 28 May 1900, Lord Roberts issued a proclamation (back-dated to 24 May 1900) stating that the Orange Free State (OFS) Boer republic was annexed as the Orange River Colony (ORC). This article deals with the British allegations that they had conquered the OFS, as early as the end of May 1900. It deals especially with the legality of these averments in the context of the law of nations. The opinions of a number of legal authorities are evaluated and applied to the situation prevailing in the OFS. Several other proclamations and opinions are also taken into consideration, as well as the events in the Brandwater Basin in July and August 1900, when a very significant number of the OFS forces in the field surrendered. The positions of and comments by General CR de Wet and President MT Steyn are evaluated, and the decisions handed down in a number of post-war court cases are considered. New light is shed on the legal status of the Boer representatives taking part in the negotiations leading up to the signing of the Peace of Vereeniging on 31 May 1902.Item Open Access Buitelandse vlagvertoonbesoeke aan Suid-Afrikaanse hawens (3): Die eerste dekade van die nuwe RSA, 1994-2004(Department of History, University of the Free State, 2007) Wessels, AndreIn this, the third of three articles that deals with flag-showing visits by overseas warships ("grey diplomats") to the Republic of South Africa (RSA), a review is given of all such visits that took place from 27 April 1994 to 27 April 2004; i.e. the first ten years of fully-fledged democracy in the country. In the months that followed on the April 1994 elections, a large number of foreign warships, as well as naval support ships, visited South African harbours, an indication that the RSA had indeed been welcomed back by the international community. In 1996 there was even more naval contact, and 1997 – when the South African Navy celebrated its 75th birthday - was the busiest naval year in the history of South Africa since 1972. In 1998-9 there was a fall in the number of "grey diplomats" that visited the RSA, but 2000 was another boom year. Since then, every year has brought a relatively large number of foreign warships to the RSA. Since 1994, the RSA is an important role-player in the international arena, especially with regard to African affairs, and the large number of overseas flag-showing visits to South African ports is a clear indication of the country"s importance.Item Open Access Composing apartheid: music for and against apartheid, Grant Olwage (Ed.): book review(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Wessels, AndreAbstract not availableItem Open Access The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the Tripartite Alliance: a marriage of (in)convenience?(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2012-06) Twala, Chitja; Kompi, ButiSince its formation in 1985, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) had played a significant role in the political landscape of South Africa. From the start, COSATU appeared to be in support of the then banned African National Congress (ANC) when it adopted the Freedom Charter. This article highlights the relationship which exists between COSATU and the ANC as part of the Tripartite Alliance. The persistent animosity between the members of these two organisations is discussed.Item Open Access The early history of South African military chaplaincy: a case study of the variance between British imperialism and Afrikaner nationalism, c. 1914-1973(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2014) Bredenkamp, Izette; Wessels, AndreGlobal socio-political and economic forces often determine the histories of countries and nations, but internal historical identities, values and sentiments modify and combine with these forces to create a distinct local societal character and ethos, which are often mirrored in local institutions and organizations. In South Africa this is illustrated in the history of South African military chaplaincy. It was established in 1914 at a time when most other countries accorded their military chaplaincies with a reasonable degree of professionalism, but it was only acknowledged as an autonomous support service of the South African armed forces in 1973; this, despite the important role of religion in the South African society and the influence of British customs since 1806. The roots for this belated acknowledgement are found in the clash between the international force of imperialism and the local sentiments of Afrikaner nationalism. It influenced the establishment, functioning and ethos of South African military chaplaincy, turning the latter into a representation of the identities and sentiments elicited in the South African society by the global forces active within the historic context.Item Open Access Entrenching apartheid in South African sport, 1948 to 1980: the shaping of a sporting society during the Strijdom-, Verwoerd-and Vorster administrations(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2014-12) Rademeyer, CobusThe debate on transformation and quotas in South African sport resurfaced just before the South African general elections in May 2014. Transformation has become a contentious, but key issue in post-apartheid South Africa. The formative stage of racial divide in South African sport can be traced back to the implementation of rigid apartheid policies into South African sport during the period 1948 – 1980. Between 1948 and 1956 not much was done to develop a formal sports policy, but under the leadership of Strijdom, Verwoerd and Vorster strong sports policies, based on the principle of apartheid, were initiated and enforced through legislation in South African society. The introduction of apartheid in South African sport dates back to much earlier, but in 1948 it became governed by law, which were strictly adhered to by the different National Party administrations for the next three decades. Key issues, such as the ongoing Maori question, South Africa’s exclusion from the Olympic Games and world soccer, Verwoerd’s Loskopdam speech, the Basil D’Oliveira debacle and the Gleneagles Agreement, contributed to the destructive influence on sport in the country, which was shaped by the sport apartheid laws. Set against the background of international resistance towards apartheid in sport, the National Party’s sports policy changed continually. By the end of the seventies, the interaction between sport, politics and policies had done enough to create a very complex situation, which can be seen as the historical background to the transformation issue in South African sport today.Item Open Access The ethnic conflict in Mangaung at Bloemfontein in 1957(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Le Roux, CharlThe conflict in Mangaung on 27 October 1957 was not the first of its kind in the township. Ethnic clashes had been reported at two previous occasions. These clashes were summarily ascribed to ethnic animosities between the Basuto and factions of the Nguni people, more in particular the Bhaca and the Zulu, being migrant workers. In fact, the Mangaung conflict, like the Sotho conflicts on South African mines, had nothing to do with any traditional history of hostility between two or more ethnicities, nor with the misuse of liquor or the company of immoral women, but had a very great deal to do with the tensions arising between exceptionally oppressed workers and relatively favoured ones within the local industrial environment. The city councillors and municipal officials, amidst limited working opportunities, deliberately manipulated the Basuto and Nguni factions on the basis of job differentiation, which amounted to the oppression of these ethnic factions. Circumstances of secondary importance contributing to the Mangaung conflict were the dislocated social life of the Nguni and Basuto factions and lack of proper accommodation and cooking and recreational facilities. Ostensibly the local authorities did not realise the serious impact which their unnatural living conditions exercised on their minds that had already been deeply afflicted by the unfair work divisions of their employers.Item Open Access Die Fischer-woning en -swembad in Beaumontstraat 12, Johannesburg: simbool van rasseharmonie in apartheid-Suid-Afrika(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Haasbroek, HannesBram Fischer (1908-1975), well-known struggle activist and one time leader of the South African Communist Party, challenged the apartheid consciousness of the Afrikaner fundamentally and totally. Consequently in 1966 he was served with a lifelong jail sentence, but in 1975, after being diagnosed with cancer, he was permitted to spend his last days in his brother’s house in Bloemfontein. Interestingly enough, his house in Johannesburg, as well as the swimming pool at a time when such amenities were rather uncommon at private homes, contributed to the public declaration of his struggle sentiments. The Fischer house and swimming pool, where both black and white were welcome, certainly emphasises the meaning of non-racialism at a time when such a thing was largely unthinkable in a wealthy white suburb in the apartheid era. As a result the Fischers had to tread warily in handling the thorny question of an “open” house and swimming pool in those years, while the profusion of visitors obviously had an inhibiting effect on their family cohesion, privacy and life style.Item Open Access Hidrografiese opmetingskepe in diens van die Suid-Afrikaanse Vloot, 1922-2012(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2012-06) Wessels, AndreThe history of hydrography in the South African Navy (SAN) covers the whole history of the SAN, since one of the three ships of the South African Naval Service (as the SAN was known when it was established on 1 April 1922) was a hydrographic survey ship, namely HMSAS Protea. In this article, 90 years of hydrography is analysed by looking at the work done by the above-mentioned first Protea (1922-1933), as well as by the second survey ship named Protea (1950-1957), SAS Natal (1957-1972), SAS Haerlem (1963-1978), and by the third Protea (since 1972). The work done by the SAN’s Hydrographic Office will, of course, also be discussed. The article commemorates 90 years of hydrography in the SAN and its predecessors, with special reference to the Navy’s hydrographic research ships, and consequently at the same time commemorates the 40 years of service by the present SAS Protea.Item Open Access "In case of emergency". South African states of emergency, CA. 1985-1988: synopsis and chronology(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2015) Stemmet, Jan-AdDue to a combination of socio- economic and political factors, apartheid-South Africa erupted in violent political conflict during the early 1980s. For most of the decade that preceded the transition to majority rule, the minority government ruled through martial law. This article discusses the States of Emergencies that were declared during the Presidency of PW Botha in the latter half of the decade.Item Open Access Jacob Zuma's "Zuluness" appeal during the April 2009 elections in South Africa: an attempt to break the IFP's grip on Zulu social and political structures?(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010) Twala, ChitjaThe article reflects on the role played by Jacob Zuma as President of the African National Congress (ANC) using his Zuluness to break the Inkatha Freedom Party’s (IFP’s) political control of the KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) province. The rationale for this venture by Zuma elicited an outcry from the IFP, which for long had used the Zuluness appeal in the province to garner votes during the elections. It is therefore argued that the use of the Zuluness appeal by Zuma and the ANC helped the organization in winning the April 2009 elections in the province. The author negates the widely held simplistic viewpoint that in the KZN province, the ANC was mostly voted into power because its President was a Zulu. Therefore, the article scrutinises arguments for and against the usage of Zuluness as an appeal to galvanize support on behalf of the ANC.Item Open Access Japie Neser en die Afrikaneropstand van 1914-1915: rebel sonder/met 'n rede?(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2014) Wessels, AndreThe decision taken by the government of General Louis Botha to actively deploy the Union (of South Africa’s) Defence Forces in support of the Allied cause during the Great (later known as the First World) War of 1914-1918, elicited strong negative reactions from a portion of South Africa’s white Afrikaans-speaking community. In due course, nearly 12 000 Afrikaners took up arms against their lawful government. One hundred years later, the Afrikaner rebellion of 1914-1915 is still a controversial episode in South Africa’s history. In this article the events of 1914 (and their aftermath) are revisited by analysing the reminiscences of two-time rebel, Commandant Jacob Petrus (Japie) Neser. (During the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902 he was a Cape rebel in Boer ranks.) His reminiscences shed light on the rebel activities in the Orange Free State, with special reference to the role played by General Christiaan de Wet. To what extent was Neser a rebel without (or with) a cause? How should the rebellion be evaluated from a military point of view? Is it unfair to label the 1914-1915 rebellion as a farce in the veld? These are some of the issues that are addressed in this study.Item Open Access Jihad: a South African perspective, Hussein Solomon: book review(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2014) Twala, ChitjaAbstract not availableItem Open Access A kind of magic: the political marketing of the ANC, Rushil Ranchod: book review(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2015) Twala, ChitjaAbstract not available