Research Articles (History)
Permanent URI for this collection
Browse
Browsing Research Articles (History) by Issue Date
Now showing 1 - 20 of 37
Results Per Page
Sort Options
Item Open Access Buitelandse vlagvertoonbesoeke aan Suid-Afrikaanse hawens (3): Die eerste dekade van die nuwe RSA, 1994-2004(Department of History, University of the Free State, 2007) Wessels, AndreIn this, the third of three articles that deals with flag-showing visits by overseas warships ("grey diplomats") to the Republic of South Africa (RSA), a review is given of all such visits that took place from 27 April 1994 to 27 April 2004; i.e. the first ten years of fully-fledged democracy in the country. In the months that followed on the April 1994 elections, a large number of foreign warships, as well as naval support ships, visited South African harbours, an indication that the RSA had indeed been welcomed back by the international community. In 1996 there was even more naval contact, and 1997 – when the South African Navy celebrated its 75th birthday - was the busiest naval year in the history of South Africa since 1972. In 1998-9 there was a fall in the number of "grey diplomats" that visited the RSA, but 2000 was another boom year. Since then, every year has brought a relatively large number of foreign warships to the RSA. Since 1994, the RSA is an important role-player in the international arena, especially with regard to African affairs, and the large number of overseas flag-showing visits to South African ports is a clear indication of the country"s importance.Item Open Access Sestig jaar se mynteenmaatreëlswerk in die Suid-Afrikaanse vloot, 1947-2007 (3): op weg na en in die nuwe Suid-Afrika, 1990-2007(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010) Wessels, AndreThe year 1990 set in motion a train of political events that led to the Republic of South Africa’s first-ever truly democratic elections in 1994, which, in turn, led to the country’s readmittance to the international community, and the opening up of new diplomatic and other opportunities. In the meantime, the then South African Defence Force underwent a process of rationalisation in the wake of the end of its involvement in the Namibian War of Independence and in the civil war in Angola, and in due course was amalgamated with other military forces to form the new South African National Defence Force. In this, the third and last article of a three-part study of mine-countermeasures (MCM) in the South African Navy during the years 1947 to 2007, a review is given of the work done by the Navy’s MCM vessels from 1990 to 2007; i.e. by the four “River” class minehunters and the last four remaining “Ton” class minesweepers, as well as by the Type 351 minesweepers that replaced the “Tons” in 2001. Special emphasis will be placed on local as well as overseas flag-showing visits, and the importance of MCM for the South African Navy will also be evaluated.Item Open Access Jacob Zuma's "Zuluness" appeal during the April 2009 elections in South Africa: an attempt to break the IFP's grip on Zulu social and political structures?(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010) Twala, ChitjaThe article reflects on the role played by Jacob Zuma as President of the African National Congress (ANC) using his Zuluness to break the Inkatha Freedom Party’s (IFP’s) political control of the KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) province. The rationale for this venture by Zuma elicited an outcry from the IFP, which for long had used the Zuluness appeal in the province to garner votes during the elections. It is therefore argued that the use of the Zuluness appeal by Zuma and the ANC helped the organization in winning the April 2009 elections in the province. The author negates the widely held simplistic viewpoint that in the KZN province, the ANC was mostly voted into power because its President was a Zulu. Therefore, the article scrutinises arguments for and against the usage of Zuluness as an appeal to galvanize support on behalf of the ANC.Item Open Access Die Suid-Afrikaanse kapelaansdiens en die beginsel van ’nregverdige oorlog: die Namibiese vryheidsoorlog, 1966-1989(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010-06) Bredenkamp, Izette; Wessels, AndreFrom 1966 to 1989, South Africa was involved in the Namibian War of Independence, also known as the Border War or the Bush War. In due course, chaplains of the South African Defence Force were also sent “up north”, or ministered to troops in bases in South Africa. In this article, the controversial issue of the so-called just war principle is discussed in the light of the reasons why the war broke out in South West Africa (Namibia). Interviews with several chaplains who ministered during the war were conducted in an effort to obtain the viewpoint of as many people (representing several religious denominations) as possible, in an effort to ascertain how chaplains viewed the Namibian War of Independence, and to determine the reaction their role elicited at the home front and abroad.Item Open Access Swart protes versus wit teenstand: die politiek van regse blanke vrese, 1982-1987(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010-06) Du Bruyn, Derek; Wessels, AndreIn this article the interaction between black protest politics and white resistance is discussed by tracing the history of the politics of fear in right-wing quarters in South Africa in the years 1982 to 1987. In 1982 the founding of the Conservative Party (CP) under Dr Andries Treurnicht heralded a new era in white politics in South Africa, and five years later the CP became the official opposition in the white Parliament. In-between there was a referendum in 1983 on the Tricameral Parliament; a new constitution was adopted; there was an increase in the number of acts of terror committed by Umkhonto weSizwe (the armed wing of the African National Congress), and mass action by the United Democratic Front. More and more whites withdrew to the “laager”; their politics became even more reactionary, and their society more militarised. The National Party, the CP and the Herstigte Nasionale Party propaganda exploited white fears, but for different reasons. The politics of fear indeed reigned supreme in these years.Item Open Access The trajectory of land reform in Zimbabwe: post-independence era 1980-2000(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010-06) Nyawo-Shava, V. Z.; Barnard, S. L.There is a general consensus that land reform in post settler colonies fits like a glove. Since extensive land alienation occurred in Zimbabwe, which resulted in the occupation of larger, more fertile, arable healthy pieces of land by minority whites and occupation of the unproductive, crowded, marginal and deteriorating lands by blacks, independence has given the land question a new force. Going through available literature on Zimbabwe’s land reform progress, there is the impression that, during the liberation struggle, the land question was more of a political issue than anything else. It was about fighting exploitative governmental agrarian policies, fighting for ancestral land, fighting for the power with which land ownership came. With the advent of independence, the land question, as Moyo opines, has been popularized within the “growth with equity” parameters set out by the new regime allowing for a significant amount of land redistribution.3 Thus, through reading library sources and literature in private collections, as well as carrying out interviews, this article seeks to demonstrate the essentiality and centrality of the land question in post independence Zimbabwe. Also to register that the land question presently has grown bigger and wider to entail, among other things, land redistribution, solutions to promote rural development of communal lands, political stability of a nation as well as the economics that goes with land utilization, land tenure, grazing schemes, population control, restitution, gender issues and the list goes on.Item Open Access The 23rd African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) conference in Bloemfontein: a Polokwane political hangover?(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010-06) Twala, ChitjaThe ANCYL played a significant role in the history of the ANC, therefore the actions of its members at their 23rd conference in Bloemfontein were disturbing for the ANC. Already in the build-up it was clear that rivalries between factions were rife and before the conference started there had been disruptions. The article highlights the reasons behind the rivalry and the ANC’s leadership’s handling of the situation. The rivalry was not due to ideological differences but to support for personalities. The ANC leaders and ex-ANCYL leaders aired their dissatisfaction with the unruly conduct and the pursuit of political self-advancement. Many members rejected the outcome of the leadership election and the congress was adjourned. The ANC intervened and at a closed session later that month the election of the five officials and the National Executive Commission was maintained. A number of organizational, policy and leadership issues were discussed. The divisions were, however, still apparent. The conference in Bloemfontein was obviously a political hangover of the ANC’s conference at Polokwane.Item Open Access Mourning becomes... post/memory, commemoration and the concentration camps of the South African War, Liz Stanley: book review(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010-06) Wessels, AndreAbstract not availableItem Open Access The South African National Defence Force, 1994–2009: A historical perspective(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010-09) Wessels, AndreOn 27 April the new South African National Defence Force (SANDF) was established, comprising of the old South African Defence Force, plus the defence forces of the TBVC countries, the military wings of the African National Congress and Pan-Africanist Congress, as well as certain KwaZulu-Natal Self-protection Forces. Proceeding from the assumption that any country undeniably needs a well-trained, well-equipped and disciplined defence force, it is the purpose of this article to provide a review of the history of the SANDF in the first 15 years of its existence (i.e. 1994-2009), and to critically analyse the developments in the SANDF during those years. The track record of the SANDF in the years 1994 to 2009 is evaluated, with special reference to integration, affirmative action and transformation in general. The SANDF’s order of battle in 2009 is compared with its 1994 order of battle; and the problems/challenges faced by the SANDF in the course of 15 years are discussed, including the controversial arms deal, the impact that HIV/AIDS has had on the SANDF, rationalisation, problems with regard to discipline, and the SANDF’s role in peace-keeping operations.Item Open Access Road, air and sea transport at Kleinzee, 1924 to 2000(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2010-09) Coetzer, PieterBecause of its out-of-the-way location on the West Coast of South Africa, transport was a problem for Kleinzee (Namaqualand Mines) since the discovery of diamonds during the 1920s. The diamond industry grew and with it the need for efficient transport. Kleinzee was not, as was the case with Alexander Bay, to its north, a state-controlled mine, which inevitably complicated the expansion of transport systems. In this article the supply of road, air and sea transport between the years 1924 and 2000 is briefly highlighted.Item Open Access Applying principles of historical critique: authentic oral history?(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Oelofse, MarietjieTo reconstruct the past, oral historians are concerned with the depths of memory as a potential source of information, evidence and meaning at their disposal. Unfortunately, memory can never be absolutely certain, wherein lies its weakness as a source of knowledge of the past. The researcher has the important task of implementing historical interpretation and principles of historical critique in searching for authenticity in sources. Taking into account the nature of memory and the factors that may negatively affect its objectivity, the article will examine which reliable techniques and methods may be implemented by the oral historian to minimise problems and inaccuracies, as well as examine oral evidence for factual credibility.Item Open Access Die Fischer-woning en -swembad in Beaumontstraat 12, Johannesburg: simbool van rasseharmonie in apartheid-Suid-Afrika(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Haasbroek, HannesBram Fischer (1908-1975), well-known struggle activist and one time leader of the South African Communist Party, challenged the apartheid consciousness of the Afrikaner fundamentally and totally. Consequently in 1966 he was served with a lifelong jail sentence, but in 1975, after being diagnosed with cancer, he was permitted to spend his last days in his brother’s house in Bloemfontein. Interestingly enough, his house in Johannesburg, as well as the swimming pool at a time when such amenities were rather uncommon at private homes, contributed to the public declaration of his struggle sentiments. The Fischer house and swimming pool, where both black and white were welcome, certainly emphasises the meaning of non-racialism at a time when such a thing was largely unthinkable in a wealthy white suburb in the apartheid era. As a result the Fischers had to tread warily in handling the thorny question of an “open” house and swimming pool in those years, while the profusion of visitors obviously had an inhibiting effect on their family cohesion, privacy and life style.Item Open Access The ethnic conflict in Mangaung at Bloemfontein in 1957(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Le Roux, CharlThe conflict in Mangaung on 27 October 1957 was not the first of its kind in the township. Ethnic clashes had been reported at two previous occasions. These clashes were summarily ascribed to ethnic animosities between the Basuto and factions of the Nguni people, more in particular the Bhaca and the Zulu, being migrant workers. In fact, the Mangaung conflict, like the Sotho conflicts on South African mines, had nothing to do with any traditional history of hostility between two or more ethnicities, nor with the misuse of liquor or the company of immoral women, but had a very great deal to do with the tensions arising between exceptionally oppressed workers and relatively favoured ones within the local industrial environment. The city councillors and municipal officials, amidst limited working opportunities, deliberately manipulated the Basuto and Nguni factions on the basis of job differentiation, which amounted to the oppression of these ethnic factions. Circumstances of secondary importance contributing to the Mangaung conflict were the dislocated social life of the Nguni and Basuto factions and lack of proper accommodation and cooking and recreational facilities. Ostensibly the local authorities did not realise the serious impact which their unnatural living conditions exercised on their minds that had already been deeply afflicted by the unfair work divisions of their employers.Item Open Access Apartheid and the anticipation of apocalypse: the supreme strategies of the National Party government and the African National Congress, 1980-1989: an historical perspective(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Stemmet, Jan-AdBy 1980 the National Party government of South Africa and the most prominent anti-apartheid organisation, the African National Congress (ANC), had moulded multidimensional strategies of epic proportions with which to seize and maintain power. The government perceived the global campaign against South Africa’s political status quo as a so-called total onslaught operating in all possible socio-economic and political spheres. In reaction it engineered a strategy to counter it in all possible spheres the total strategy. Its implementation implied a reorganisation of South African politics and society on an unimaginable scale. Simultaneously the most important anti-government organisation was overhauling itself. After the turmoil of the late 1970s, the African National Congress determined that the climate was ripe to launch a multidimensional offensive against the minority regime. The execution of these strategies, during the 1980s, culminated in sweeping violent political conflict and socio-economic unrest. A political power play was effected with the actions and reactions of each side thrusting South Africa ever closer to the brink of a man-made apocalypse. These separate strategies will be analysed in an historical perspective.Item Open Access The A to Z of the Anglo-Boer War, Fransjohan Pretorius: book review(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Wessels, AndreAbstract not availableItem Open Access Composing apartheid: music for and against apartheid, Grant Olwage (Ed.): book review(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Wessels, AndreAbstract not availableItem Open Access Die Britse militêre strategie vir oorlog in Suid-Afrika, 1899(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011) Wessels, AndreOn the eve of the outbreak of the Anglo-Boer War on 11 October 1899, the British Army had no comprehensive strategy for the war in South Africa. In this article the reasons why no detailed strategic planning was done, are discussed. The limited strategic planning that was done is analysed, and it is pointed out that in the run-up to the war, British planning was influenced by geographic factors in the potential war zone, by the position of the Orange Free State (would that Boer republic side with the Transvaal or stay neutral?), and by matters pertaining to the defence of Natal and of the Cape Colony. Finally, it is indicated what line of advance was eventually decided upon; albeit that after Gen. Sir Redvers Buller had arrived in South Africa, he decided to deviate from the original plan.Item Open Access Voorwoord = Preface(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011-09) Wessels, AndreAbstract not availableItem Open Access The Orange Free State's strategy to continue the Anglo-Boer War in July 1900: a lost opportunity?(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011-09) De Bruin, Jaco; Wessels, Andre; Henning, JohanMore than 4 000 Orange Free State (OFS) burghers, inclusive of their most senior officers, surrendered in the Brandwater Basin in the Eastern Orange Free State (OFS) during the period 30 July to 9 August 1900. It was a military catastrophe from which the OFS would never recover. This contribution endeavours to provide new perspectives on the events leading up to the surrender by evaluating the various strategic options considered by the OFS military command during July 1900 to continue the war. It appears that two basic strategies were considered. An analysis of these provides new insights into the confusion prevailing in the Brandwater Basin, as well as the lack of effective and decisive leadership, the contradictory decisions and the concomitant conflicting orders.Item Open Access Die Britse veroweringsaanspraak op die Oranje-Vrystaat, 1900(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2011-09) De Bruin, Jaco; Wessels, Andre; Henning, JohanOn 28 May 1900, Lord Roberts issued a proclamation (back-dated to 24 May 1900) stating that the Orange Free State (OFS) Boer republic was annexed as the Orange River Colony (ORC). This article deals with the British allegations that they had conquered the OFS, as early as the end of May 1900. It deals especially with the legality of these averments in the context of the law of nations. The opinions of a number of legal authorities are evaluated and applied to the situation prevailing in the OFS. Several other proclamations and opinions are also taken into consideration, as well as the events in the Brandwater Basin in July and August 1900, when a very significant number of the OFS forces in the field surrendered. The positions of and comments by General CR de Wet and President MT Steyn are evaluated, and the decisions handed down in a number of post-war court cases are considered. New light is shed on the legal status of the Boer representatives taking part in the negotiations leading up to the signing of the Peace of Vereeniging on 31 May 1902.