The role of rural development projects on women empowerment in Eswatini: a case study of the Lower Usuthu Development Project (Lusip) Phase 1

Abstract

In developing countries, three quarters of poor people live in rural areas. Their livelihoods are fully dependent on agriculture (Ganiee, 2012; Moyo & Francis, 2010). In a bid to develop rural areas, International non-governmental organisations, nongovernmental organisations (NGOs), and governments have implemented rural development projects. This has been done to conclusively improve opportunities, empower rural communities, especially women (as they constitute a majority of the rural population), and wellbeing of rural people (Sadeghi, Arezoumandan, & Nejati, 2015). In Africa, women are not only an important resource, providing labour force for agriculture, but also play a key role in household nutrition and food security, which aids household income and wellbeing (Lahmadi, Bengougua, Maaoui, Zeguerrou, Belhamra, & Halis, 2016). Although women are the backbone of rural development, they are hardly positioned at the centre of policy and programme development agendas, and they do not have access to power, credit, assets, facilities, and other services; thus, there is a need to empower them (Lahmadi et al., 2016; Sadeghi et al., 2015). Women in Eswatini still face barriers and challenges that hinder their complete involvement in all aspects of developmental progression. This scenario is aggravated by certain Swazi customs and laws, which refuse women the right both to having access to finances and to owning land (United Nations, 2017). Empowering women is a fundamental development objective (O’Hara & Clement, 2018), and is currently one of the many concepts adopted globally to eradicate inequities and ensure gender equality (Guagliariello, Hamdy, Trisorio Liuzzi, & Ciannamea, 2015). There is growing consensus that development projects empower women; however, there is limited research on the role of the empowerment of women and rural development initiatives, specifically in Eswatini. The aim of the study was to explore the role of rural development projects on women empowerment with a focus on the Lower Usuthu Development Project (LUSIP), Phase 1. Guiding the study are the following the following objectives: a) To establish women’s perceptions on their empowerment in Eswatini; b) To identify factors that affect participation of women in the LUSIP Phase 1 project; c) To explore the improvements realised by women as a result of the LUSIP project; d) To determine the resources that enable women empowerment in the LUSIP project; and e) To ascertain the aspirations of women participants of the LUSIP project. A qualitative approach was employed for the study, and empirical data were obtained through the of use in-depth semi-structured interviews with 35 woman shareholders (17 board members and 18 ordinary shareholders), five key informants, and two Nominal Group Technique (NGT) exercises, which were conducted with the same indepth interview participants. Purposive sampling was used due to the interest in respondents who had in-depth knowledge of the subject under study. The interview schedules were pre-tested for rigor and to increase validity. For the conceptual framework, the study employed elements of the Capability Approach, Kabeer’s resource agency-achievement framework, and Longwe’s Women Empowerment framework. Analysis of data was done through thematic analysis and coding. The main findings of the study show that women’s perception of their empowerment leans toward the economic dimension. The study’s results indicate that women participate in meetings through attendance and speaking up during meetings. This can be largely attributed to the fact that they are always at home and, where participation is affected, it normally relates to reproductive duties. Even though the LUSIP project did not specifically target women, and did not have an objective specifically focused on women empowerment, results of this exploratory study showed that the project has furthered women empowerment in the study area. Women’s narratives show that the LUSIP project has improved the wellbeing of women and their families through contributions towards food security, improved shelter, and education for children. The LUSIP project also contributed to financial inclusion of the respondents, as 77% (27 out of 35) of the respondents had bank accounts as a result of the project. In terms of household decision-making, mixed results were observed for the married respondents. Some respondents saw a growth in their involvement in decision-making, especially regarding the welfare of their children and their economic contribution. Some form of consultation, which was regarded as joint decision-making by the respondents, was observed. Some respondents (n = 3), however, claimed that their husbands were the sole decisionmakers, except with small purchases such as food, clothing, and other minor household items. Results showed respondents who were single (who were never married, widowed, or separated) appeared more empowered in decision-making (n = 16) than those in a union. This may be ascribed to these women being household heads and hence making the household decisions on their own. Moreover, the results of the study revealed that respondents had complete control over income they generated on their own as well as sitting allowance in board meetings. The LUSIP Project has also provided women with opportunities such as employment, starting income-generating projects, networking, and exposure to other farmer companies (FCs), which resulted in cross pollination of best practices (n = 11). Networking and exposure to other FCs was more common with respondents who were board members. Results also suggested that good behaviour, good interpersonal skills, education, and wisdom are some of the personal endowments that enable women to be elected into the FC board. Funds, level of education, agency, as well as spousal and familial support determine whether women will convert the opportunities provided by the LUSIP project to their valued beings and doings. On the political front, however, the results of the study were muted. Even though respondents were able to attend meetings, speak, and / or vote, and thought seventeen of them were board members of a decision-making body, there was no spill over into political participation, even for respondents who have served on the board for more than two terms (n = 10). This is in contrast with the World Bank’s (2017) and Nwagboso and Duke’s (2012) assertion that meaningful participation of women in rural development projects results in increased participation of women in formal politics. The study further showed that the project may also lead to disempowerment, in that these women’s spouses shift the burden of household care to the women once they become shareholders (n = 5). Moreover, most women obtained jobs such as weeding, which was an extension of women’s traditional roles, and which deprived them of acquiring new skills Based on the findings of the study, rural development projects using the LUSIP model should consider incorporating non-farm business enterprises, since women still do not own land. Where there is land redistribution before inception of the project, government should consider giving the land title to the women to safeguard against the proceeds being taken by relatives (husbands), mainly because women do not own land, especially under Swazi Nation Land (SNL). Land is an economic resource and having access to it would enhance women’s participation in the economy. The study contributes to the evolving body of knowledge aimed at understanding the role of rural development projects on women empowerment.