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Item Open Access Variation in object marking of Biblical Hebrew verbs: a preliminary syntactic analysis(University of the Free State, 2021-11) Kehrer, Jonathan Stephen; Miller-Naude, C. L.; Naude, J. A.Biblical Hebrew exhibits considerable variation in the syntax of how object/complements appear with verbs. For example, a writer could use a direct object without any additional particles or prepositions, a direct object marked with the particle ’et, or a direct object marked with a pronominal suffix, either on a verb or on the particle ’et. A writer could also mark indirect objects with prepositions, but prepositions may also introduce the direct objects of some verbs. Biblical Hebrew grammars have offered a variety of explanations for these various constructions, but there is little agreement on the terms of reference, syntactic pattern, or semantic purpose for the variation. Recent studies have allowed for advancements in this field of study, including Muraoka’s contribution to understanding verb complementation (1979), Khan’s work on the particle ’et (1984), Bekins’ extensive treatment of object marking within Biblical Hebrew from the perspective of differential object marking (2014), and Garr’s discussion of bound and free pronominal objects that serve as direct objects (2015). Differential object marking is a promising paradigm to process variation in how object/complements appear with Biblical Hebrew verbs. However, none of these studies has examined comprehensively from a linguistic viewpoint all the issues in the variation as described here; each study has focused only on specific lexical verbs, the particle ’et or the use of pronominal suffixes. In addition, there has not been a comprehensive linguistic examination of variation in how object/complements appear with verbs in a specific section of the Biblical Hebrew corpus. This study utilises linguistic theory, specifically generative grammar, linguistic typology, and complexity thinking, to analyse the syntax of how object/complements appear with verbs within the Torah (Pentateuch) of the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament). Within this limited but extensive corpus, the study analyses a small set of roots within Biblical Hebrew that express variation in how the object/complement appears, namely, ’kl “to eat,” nkh “to strike,” škb “to lie down,” and šm‛ “to hear.” The study examines each root for patterns of variation in connection with crosslinguistic typologies of differential object marking, including uses of the root in varying conjugations. The linguistic analysis encompasses syntax, grammatical information, definiteness, word order, the textual source, and factors that influence information structure. The study examines asymmetric differential object marking, both for the object/complement without any particles or prepositions and the object/complement with the particle ’et and for the object/ complement pronominal suffix connected to a verb and the object/complement pronominal suffix connected to the particle ’et. It concludes that there is a direct correlation between high information structure and the presence of the particle ’et on an object/complement. While the identifying elements of high information structure are different for pronominal suffixes, the correlation remains for both the object/complement and the object/complement pronominal suffix. The study also analyses symmetric differential object marking in Biblical Hebrew, noting the variation between the presence and absence of the preposition. It concludes that this variation is attributable to a combination of factors that are different for each root. Finally, this study analyses the Late Biblical Hebrew texts of Esther, Ezra, and Nehemiah to compare the differential object marking in this corpus with the differential object marking of the Torah. A better understanding of the patterns and purposes for variation in how object/complements appear in Biblical Hebrew can provide important information across the spectrum of Hebrew studies. The connection to high information structure can allow for a more consistent and linguistically-grounded basis for discussions in Hebrew grammars of the variation with how object/complements appear. It also can provide biblical exegetes and translators with a means to interpret and translate complex texts, constructions, and idioms.Item Open Access Copular predication in Biblical Hebrew(University of the Free State, 2015-07) Wilson, Daniel Joseph; Miller-Naudé, Cynthia L.; Naudé, Jacobus A.English: This study provides an analysis of the different forms of copular predication in Biblical Hebrew (BH). BH uses two syntactic constructions to convey copular predication. One construction utilises a finite form of the BH copula היה and the other construction merely juxtaposes the subject and the predicate with no overt copula. This second form is known as the verbless clause (or nominal clause). The traditional explanation for the use of the BH copula rather than a verbless clause is to convey the tense, aspect, or mood of a situation by means of the verbal morphology. An overt copula is used to satisfy certain inflectional demands in a sentence. While this explanation is true in many examples, there are many examples of verbless clauses in the Hebrew Bible that are not ambiguous as to their tense, aspect or mood. The traditional explanation seems incomplete in accounting for the presence of an overt copula. Additionally, there are several forms of the copula that occupy different syntactic positions. What effect, if any, does the position of the copula have on the overall meaning of the sentence? To answer these questions I utilise an integrated theoretical approach which starts with the generative assumption that all statements of being are copular constructions whether or not they have an overt copula in the sentence. I challenge the traditional verbless/verbal clause distinction in BH syntax and adopt a categorisation of predicate types that is consistent with many linguistic studies of predication. I utilise a stratification of formal strategies of predication from cross-linguistic typology in order to explain the different forms of BH copular predication. I also adopt a view of the copula that is informed by network semantics. This dissertation examines each example of copular predication in Joshua through 2 Kings and categorises them according to a semantic taxonomy. Each of these forms has a unique syntactic markedness profile with respect to tense, aspect and mood. The critical contribution of this dissertation is that these syntactic profiles exist under a broader categorisation of +change-of-state and –change-of-state semantics and that there is a semantic network of nuances that these forms are capable of conveying. This is a challenge to the traditional definition of the copula which defines it as a semantically-empty constituent that merely has a structural role. Newer research on copular constructions suggests that there is a network of semantic nuances which a copula can convey in certain languages. The data revealed that one construction in both +change-of-state and –change-of-state categories can express several different semantic nuances. In this dissertation I demonstrate that the presence or absence of a finite form of היה is attributed to the syntactic profile and semantic network of each form of copular predication and each form is connected to its function. A. The zero copula strategy (the verbless/nominal clause) is the unmarked strategy and does not indicate change-of-state. B. Sentences in which a finite form of the verbal root היה is preceded by a constituent are marked for aspect (perfective or imperfective) and do not indicate change-of- state. C. Sentences with ויהי or והיה as well as any finite form of the root היה with an obligatory prepositional phrase with ל indicate change-of-state.