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Item Open Access Review article/Oorsigartikel: How Nigeria's Islamist insurgency became the world's deadliest terrorist group(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2016) Fabricius, PeterItem Open Access The challenges of diplomatic practice in Africa(Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, 2016) Akokpari, JohnDiplomacy has been used in the conduct of foreign policies in Africa. However, a disconcerting trend in the practice of diplomacy in Africa is the often limited successes, and sometimes failures, of states and regional organisations in achieving foreign policy objectives. Remarkably, such failures are not only typical of diplomacy targeting external actors, but are equally visible in intra-African diplomacy. By and large the diplomatic skills of Africa are tested mostly during periods of conflicts and threats to regional security. In most of these situations, diplomacy has proved to be ineffective in achieving desired outcomes. Consequently, most conflicts remain unresolved, while threats to good governance persist. The failures of diplomacy are largely due to a confluence of factors, including the quality of diplomacy and mediators, the pervasiveness of conflicts, Africa’s lack of international influence, its dependence on external actors and consequent lack of assertiveness, as well as Africa’s lack of courage to stand up to errant leaders whose actions threaten good governance and regional security.Item Open Access Africa and the idea of international society(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2016) Spies, Yolanda K.The shared interests and values of sovereign states prompt them to commit to common rules, conventions and institutions within an inter-subjective “society”, where diplomacy is used as main currency. The idea of international society is, however, not unequivocal. Diversification of the identities and interests of an enlarging pool of states – after the Second World War, mostly contributed by Africa – undermines consensus on the rules of engagement. This is aggravated by the history of the aggressive expansion of international society from its traditional European base. African states have generally embraced the traditional norms (such as sovereignty and non-intervention) of international society, but the continent’s particular history has informed its inclination to use collective diplomacy (multilateralism) to challenge the structure of a deeply asymmetrical international system. In the process, the parochial part of international society that Africa represents has managed to export certain norms to the “older” members of the society. Of special note is the continent’s insistence on horizontal, rather than vertical cooperative relationships, and the fact that development per se has become a fixture on the global diplomatic agenda. The architecture of contemporary universal international society is much more complex and nuanced than ever before, and the role of a sub-society such as Africa – not just in relating to international society, but also in shaping it – is the focus of this article.Item Open Access High-level panels as diplomatic instruments: the African Union panel of the wise and the emergence of an African Peace Diplomacy Architecture(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2016) Jo-Ansie, Van WykHigh-level panels are institutionalized diplomatic instruments comprising high-profile and respected individuals to address a particular issue. Building on traditional and contemporary institutions in recognizing the Wise or Elderly as diplomats, the African Union Panel of the Wise is one of the five pillars of the African Peace and Security Architecture – and thus peace diplomacy – in terms of Article 11 of the African Union (AU) Protocol establishing the Peace and Security Council. This research analyses the Panel’s contribution to African diplomacy by focusing on the Panel’s knowledge production; its normative and operational impact; raising awareness and agenda setting; the Panel’s innovation in respect of conflict resolution and governance; and the prevention and reduction of conflict in Africa. The research concludes that, despite some contribution to African diplomacy, efforts to prevent and reduce African conflicts have been influenced by the Panel’s mandate, processes, and contextual factors. This notwithstanding, the Panel’s contribution to an emergent African Peace Diplomacy Architecture is recognised.Item Open Access The role of the BRIC in Africa's development: drivers and strategies(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2016) Soko, Mills; Qobo, MzukisiNational interest still trumps friendship in international relations. The notions of solidarity that were popular among developing countries in the 1950s and the 1960s have no resonance in 21st century diplomacy, which is largely driven by commercial considerations. Many developing countries still view the advent of rising powers – some of whom were part of the Third World movement that arrayed itself to counter imperialism – as offering promise for development progress. Taking an analytic assessment of the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) countries’ role in Africa’s development, this article argues that such hopes are misguided. BRIC countries are not primarily driven by Africa’s development concerns, but are seeking to fulfil their own commercial interests, as well as use Africa as an avenue for shoring up their international legitimacy and credibility. The article arrives at this conclusion by examining how each of the BRIC countries implements its commercial and diplomatic strategies on the African continent. South Africa is excluded from this analysis as the focus of the article is on how the non-African members of the BRICS formation pursue their diplomatic and commercial strategies on the African continent.Item Open Access African solutions for African problems: quiet diplomacy and South Africa's diplomatic strategy towards Zimbabwe(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2016) Landsberg, ChrisZimbabwe is not just a foreign policy issue for South Africa; it has become a domestic policy concern. Political, socio-economic and cultural issues have coalesced in a manner that have forced the Zimbabwe question onto the domestic agenda, and South Africa has opted to respond to the Zimbabwe challenge by way of the foreign policy strategy of “quiet diplomacy” as a form of “African solutions for African problems”. This policy was associated with South Africa’s former president, Thabo Mbeki, but contrary to popular perceptions, the Nelson Mandela and Jacob Zuma governments also supported this strategy, even though they claimed that they distanced themselves from it. Six years after Mbeki’s departure as head of state, and into the Jacob Zuma-led presidency, the claim that there was a fundamental break with the policy of quiet diplomacy by Zuma, and that his administration pursued a fundamentally different strategy to that of his predecessor, was far-fetched. This article considers the concept of quiet diplomacy, initially seen as a form of African containment, representing methods used to first try and stop conflicts from spiralling out of control; secondly by reversing the effects of conflicts; and thirdly by rolling back conflicts by means of peaceful settlements of disputes or peace settlements; after which a country could be stabilised politically, and socioeconomically. The analysis then traces Jacob Zuma’s approach towards Zimbabwe and how his new administration came to endorse and support the 2008 Global Political Agreement (GPA), which they inherited from the Mbeki government, despite the rhetoric calling for a different approach.Item Open Access Historical institutionalism and the development of sub-state diplomacy in South Africa(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2016) Nganje, FritzThis article borrows theoretical insights from historical institutionalism to analyse the development of sub-state diplomacy in the South African context. It identifies the political negotiations that allowed South Africa to make a relatively peaceful transition from apartheid to a democratic dispensation as a critical historical juncture that established the institutional pathway on which subsequent political processes would unfold. Although the Constitution that emerged from this historical moment makes room for semi-autonomous sub-national entities with some degree of competences in foreign affairs, it also deferred to the impulses of the ANC for a centralised system of government. The article argues that, in the context of the ANC’s entrenched hegemony in the post-apartheid South African polity, this compromise has translated into a centralised political culture which has shaped the nature, scope, and efficacy of the international involvement of provinces and municipalities. Not only have provincial and local governments been shut out of the foreign policy-making process, but their direct involvement in international relations has also been constrained by the dominant understanding that matters of foreign affairs are the exclusive preserve of the national government. The article concludes by noting that without any significant prospects for a major transformation of the institutional order, provinces like the Western Cape have resorted to creative measures that enable them to by-pass the constraining effects of the system in order to make the most of their international relations.Item Open Access A decolonial turn in diplomatic theory: unmasking epistemic injustice(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2016) Zondi, SiphamandlaThe subject of the decolonisation of knowledge broadly, and the social sciences as they are practiced in the developing world, is growing. This is linked to the need to decolonise the modern Kantian university as an important site for the production and reproduction of Eurocentric thought, thus subtly reinforcing the racist claim that only Europeans know, others only mimic. There is an effort towards negating Eurocentric thinking that permeates the modern knowledge system, which has failed to give expression to the experiences, aspirations and needs of people in peripheral areas of the Westernised world. This article joins this epistemic rebellion by seeking to unmask the structure in the dominant discourses of diplomatic theory. It seeks to show that in diplomatic theory, there is blatant erasure of diplomatic experiences and ideas that emanate outside the West and the silencing of voices outside Eurocentrism in its broad sense. An attempt is made to show that this, like slavery and colonialism, is a serious injustice produced by coloniality as a model of power that emerged together with the coloniser’s model of the world in the late 15th century. On this account, there is a need to decolonise the narrative and discourses on diplomacy, including its dominant theories. The article, therefore, argues that diplomatic theory is yet to benefit from decolonial perspectives that put forward the need for epistemic justice as a crucial arena in the long process of decolonising the modern world.Item Open Access Ethnic mobilisation and Kenya's foreign policy in the face of the international criminal court (ICC)(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2016) Shilaho, Westen K.Until the issue of international criminal justice entered into Kenya’s politics, following the violently disputed 2007 elections, Kenya’s successive governments had never taken international diplomacy and foreign policy seriously or, at least, had never publicly appeared to do so. Never before had the two concepts been so ubiquitous in the country’s political lexicon as when the Mwai Kibaki government mobilised locally, continentally and globally in an attempt to torpedo two cases facing prominent Kenyans, the highest profile being Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, at the International Criminal Court (ICC). Kibaki, and later his successor Kenyatta, aggressively canvassed for support on the international stage against the ICC. Kenya featured prominently in regional summits, African Union summits, at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), and within the Assembly of States Parties (ASP) of the Rome Statute as it tried to make a no-holds-barred onslaught against the ICC. This article considers whether this show of diplomatic force, which resulted in Kenya extracting concessions from the ICC, was consistent with a well thought out and coherent foreign policy or a cynical reaction meant to rescue indicted persons from the grip of the international criminal justice.Item Open Access South Africa's two track approach to science diplomacy(Faculty of Humanities, University of the Free State, 2016) Masters, LesleyWhile debate continues around the usefulness of the concept of Science Diplomacy, in practice international scientific relations are already facilitating diplomatic engagement, and diplomatic relations are supporting international scientific engagement. This interaction takes place in the context of the current global knowledge structure where industrialised or developed states are the “producers” of knowledge, and developing states the “consumers”. With science, technology and innovation integral to addressing transnational challenges, this article considers the expanding body of literature, which is primarily from developed states, highlighting the shortfall in understanding the role of developing states in science diplomacy. The article then considers developments in South Africa’s science diplomacy, arguing that Pretoria demonstrates a two-track approach; one that reflects the state’s pursuit of international recognition as a “producer” and exporter of knowledge at the centre of the global knowledge structure; and the second, where a shortfall in capacity and resources has increasingly seen the state as a “consumer” or importer of knowledge in meeting domestic priorities.