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dc.contributor.advisorBarnard, S. L.
dc.contributor.authorDe Wet, Nita Corene
dc.date.accessioned2018-05-28T09:30:51Z
dc.date.available2018-05-28T09:30:51Z
dc.date.issued1998-11
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/11660/8347
dc.description.abstractEnglish: The aim of this dissertation is to conduct, within the framework of existing historiographic classification, a historiographic investigation into white-black relationships in the Free State during the period 1800-1910. Firstly, to achieve this goal, the relationship of conflict between the whites in the Free State and the Basutu was historiographically investigated. Secondly, the relationship between whites and blacks in the Free State as it was during the Anglo Boer War (ABW) was analysed. The perceptions of historians and other writers on white-black relationships in social, medical, educational, economical, political, juridical and religious affairs were also investigated. White-black relationships as reflected in the historiography of .the Free State, 1800-1910 As a result of the influence of the personalities of individual historians and memoirists, the effects of social environments and the spirit of the age, as well as paradigmatic and methological differences on historiography, it is impossible to obtain any objective, general account of the history of white-black relationships in the Free State. From the historians' and memoirists' picturing of the white-black relationships during the period 1800-1910, a clear distinction can be made between pro-white and pro-black historians and memoirists. Regarding pro-white historians, it is possible to distinguish between Afrikaner-centric historians from the prescientific phase, their professional and amateur kindret spirits, as well as colonial and imperial historians on the grounds of methodological and paradigmatic differences. Pro-black historians and memoirists include on their turn the contemporary liberals, professional liberals, neo-liberals, revisionists and black historians. With a few exceptions, the pro-white historians are of the opinion that the whites brought peace, progress, civilisation and the Word of God to the uncivilised, warlike heathens in the Free State. On the other side, the pro-black historians show, although from different starting points, how the peace and progession that the Basutu experienced under the capable reign of Mosjwesjwe were cruelly disturbed by the whites. The view of these historians and memoirists that the whites with their thirst for land occupied the land of the Basutu unlawfully, is rejected by pro-white historians and memoirists. The latter point out that the whites are the lawful owners of the Caledon River because they had occupied unoccupied land. Various border agreements and peace treaties were made between the whites in the Free State and the Basutu during the period 1843-1869. The positive and/or negative judgements of the historians and memoirists concerning these treaties are determined by the writers' interpretations of the benefits or the disadvantages of the treaties to the whites/Basutu. Next to white-black relationships, the other most important relationship-study in the South African history is that between the Boers and the British. In historians' discussions of the involvement of the British in the white-black conflict in the Free State, these two relationships are intertwined. Imperial historians propagate for example British involvement in South Africa. They create the impression that British interference is necessary for the establishment of peace and progression in the Free State. The withdrawal of the British from the area in 1854 is seen by these historians as a great mistake. While liberal historians accuse Great Brittain that she has failed in her mission to act as protector for the indigenous people, the neo-liberals and revisionistic historians are of the opinion that the Boers and the British formed a white power base to the cost of the native people. The Afrikaner-centric historians are very critical against the conduct of the British against the blacks during the period of the Orange River Sovereignty. They work on the assumption that only the white Afrikaner had the necessary knowledge and insight to organise white-black relationships significantly. During the republican era, there occured three wars between the whites in the Free State and the Basutu. The Afrikaner-eentric and colonial historians see the Basutu aggression as the most important cause of the wars, and the pro-black historians do not deny this aggression. They justify it as an attempt of the Basutu to regain their lost land. The historiography on the wars is full of contradictions. The pro-black historians and memoirists create the perception that Mosjwesjwe was a peace- leader who had no other option than to step up to the war. The Afrikaner-centric historians, however, describe the presidents of the Free State as peace-loving. They tried everything to come to terms with Mosjwesjwe. Due to the Basutu aggression they had to take up the weapons in order to survive. Even regarding the course of the wars the historians are not concurrent. Afrikaner-centric historians depict the Boers as brave and virtuous; the Basutu were dishonourable and acted cowardly, directing their attacks on defenseless women and children. Exactly the opposite picture is portrayed by the pro-black historians and memoirists. According to them, the Basutu gained victories in spite of logistical problems. The destroying strategies of the whites brought Basutuland on the edge of destruction. To survive, they had to ask for peace. The historiographic analysis of white-black relationships in the Free State during the time of the ABW was a deviation from the standard historiographic classification. The findings of ABW historians and memoirists were determined mainly by their pro-British and pro-Boer loyalties. Although several historians and memoirists ignored the role of blacks in the war, there are others that specifically pay attention to their contribution as supporting personnel to the Boers and/or British. The acknowledgement of historians and memoirists of this .contribution vary between rude, racist enunciations to positive descriptions. The armament of the blacks by the British troops create strong reaction from historians and memoirists. The pro-British writers point out that they had provided the blacks with weapons because they were tortured and/or killed by the Boers. The pro-Boer historians use this armament of the blacks as justification for the prompt killing of armed blacks. Although few memoirists and historians pay attention to the suffering of black civilians of the Free State in and out of concentration camps, this subject is, since the seventies, increasingly receiving the attention of historians. From the historiographic study of white-black relationships in the Free State in the social, educational, juridical, economical, labour, political and religious spheres, it seems that the role of blacks in these spheres are either marginilised or stereotyped by most historians, historical educationalists, memoirists and church historians. With a few exceptions, the majority of publications on these relationships are those of Afrikaner-centric historians. As a result, there can be but little significant comparison of the views of historians and memoirists on white-black relationships in these areas. In spite of the view that Afrikanercentric historians find social and economic historiography and research strange and therefore omit it, the most important publication on the mentioned relationships is that of JH van Aswegen and CJP le Roux. From the study it seems that there exist differences between writers regarding the selection of sources, as well as the utilisation of sources or a lack of it. With the exception of published doctoral dissertations, specialised works and a few synoptic works, there seems to exist a serious lack with regard to archival, archeological, linguistic, anthropological, sociological, economical and climatological research and utilisation of oral witness and the oral tradition. In spite of the fact that there exist so much conflicting witnesses on whiteblack relationships in the Free State, primary research is being neglected by historians. A large percentage of authors base their research on the views of other historians - mainly congenial spirits. While some of these writers acknowledge their sources, others plagiarise blatantly. Historians will have to turn to the oral evidence and black folklore to reconstruct the history of all the inhabitants of the Free State. The history of the Free State is indeed the history of all its inhabitants - politicians and ordinary people - as experienced by all its inhabitants. Regional studies are necessary to ensure that the history of the common man IS being recorded. The recording of the history of the Free State is far from completed. Themes that ask for .investigation are inter alia the role of whites and blacks in educational, economical, agricultural, medical, juridical and labour spheres. Not only the conflict-situations or the differences should be research in such relationship-studies, but also the cooperation between white and black. The time is ripe to record the history of the Free State in such a way that the role of all the population groups and the interaction between these population groups are portrayed in a scientific justifiable way. Although such a work will not be acceptable to everyone, it will make a contribution to a better knowledge and understanding of the Free State community.en_ZA
dc.description.abstractAfrikaans: Die doel van hierdie proefskrif is om binne die raamwerk van bestaande historiografiese klassifikasie 'n historiografiese ondersoek na blank-swart-verhoudinge in die Vrystaat gedurende die periode 1800-1910 te loods, Ter bereiking van dié doel is eerstens historiografies na die konflikverhouding tussen die blanke Vrystaters en die Basoeto gelet. Tweedens is die verhoudinge tussen blank en swart in die Vrystaat ten tye van die Anglo- Boereoorlog (ABO) historiografies ontleed. Geskied- en ander skrywers se persepsies oor blank-swart-verhoudinge op sosiale, mediese, onderwys-, ekonomiese, staatkundig-politieke en juridiese en godsdienstige terreine is ook ondersoek. Die invloed van geskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke se verskillende persoonlikhede; die inwerking van sosiale omgewings en die tydsgees, asook paradigmatiese en metodologiese verskille op geskiedskrywing het tot gevolg dat dit onmoontlik is om enige objektiewe, algemene weergawe van die geskiedenis van blank-swart-verhoudinge in die Vrystaat te verkry. Uit geskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke se uitbeelding van blank-swart verhoudinge gedurende die periode 1800-1899 kan daar 'n duidelike onderskeid getref word tussen pro-blanke en pro-swart geskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke. Dit is moontlik om op grond van metodologiese en paradigmatiese verskille en die invloed van die tydsgees ten opsigte van pro-blanke geskiedskrywers 'n onderskeid te tref tussen Afrikanersentriese geskiedskrywers uit die voowetenskaplike fase, hulle professionele en amateur geesgenote, koloniale en imperiale geskiedskrywers. Die pro-swart geskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke sluit op hulle beurt die tydgenootlike liberale, professionele liberale, neo-liberale, revisionistiese en swart geskiedskrywers in. Met enkele uitsondering na reken die pro-blanke geskiedskrywers dat die blankes vrede, vooruitgang, die beskawing en die Woord van God na die onbeskaafde, oorloglustige, heidene in die Vrystaat gebring het. Daarenteen wys die pro-swart geskiedskrywers, hoewel vanuit verskillende vertrekpunte, hoe die vrede en vooruitgang wat onder die Basoeto geheers het as gevolg van Mosjwesjwe se bekwame leiding, wreed deur die blankes versteur is. Hierdie geskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke se siening dat die grondhonger blankes wederregtelik die Basoeto se grond beset het, word summier deur die pro-blanke geskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke verwerp. Laasgenoemde skrywers wys daarop dat die blankes die wettige eienaars van die Caledonrivier is omdat hulle onbesette grond beset het. Verskeie grensreëlingooreenkomste en vredesverdrae is gedurende die tydperk 1843-1869 tussen die blanke Vrystaters en die Basoeto gesluit. Geskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke se positiewe en/of negatiewe beoordeling van hierdie verdrae word bepaal deur hierdie skrywers se interpretasies of dié verdrae ten voordele of ten nadele van die blankes/Basoeto was. Naas blank-swart-verhoudinge is die belangrikste verhoudingstudie in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis dié tussen Boer en Brit. In geskiedskrywers se bespreking van die Britse betrokkenheid by die blank-swart-konflik in die Vrystaat is hierdie twee verhoudinge ineengestrengel. Imperiale geskiedskrywers propageer byvoorbeeld Britse betrokkenheid in Suid-Afrika. Hulle skep die persepsie dat Britse inmenging noodsaaklik is vir die vestiging van vrede en vooruitgang in die Vrystaat. Die Britse onttrekking uit die gebied in 1854 word deur hierdie geskiedskrywers as 'n flater beskou. Terwyl die liberale geskiedskrywers Brittanje daarvan beskuldig dat die moondheid gefaal het in sy missie om as beskermer van die inheemse bevolkings op te tree, gaan die neo-liberale en revisionistiese geskiedskrywers van die standpunt uit dat Boer en Brit 'n blanke magsbasis ten koste van die inheemse bevolking gevorm het. Die Afrikanersentriese geskiedskrywers is besonder krities teenoor die Britte se optrede teenoor die swartes gedurende die Oranjerivier-Soewereiniteit-tydperk. Hulle gaan van die veronderstelling uit dat slegs die blanke Afrikaner oor die nodige kennis en insig beskik om blank-swart-verhoudinge sinvol te reël. Gedurende die republikeinse tydperk het daar drie oorloë tussen die blanke Vrystaters en die Basoeto plaasgevind. Terwyl die Afrikanersentriese en koloniale geskiedskrywers Basoetoaggressie as die belangrikste oorsaak van die oorloë voorhou, ontken pro-swart geskiedskrywers nie hierdie aggressie nie. Hulle regverdig dit as 'n poging van die Basoeto om hulle verlore grondgebied te herwin. Die geskiedskrywing oor die oorloë is deurspek met teenstrydighede. Die pro-swart geskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke skep die persepsie dat Mosjwesjwe 'n vredesleier was wat geen ander uitweg gehad het as om tot die oorlog toe te tree nie. Daarenteen beskryf Afrikanersentriese geskiedskrywers op hulle beurt die Vrystaatse presidente as vredeliewend. Hulle het alles in die stryd gewerp om tot 'n vergelyk met Mosjwesjwe te kom. As gevolg van Basoeto-aggressie moes hulle egter ter wille van oorlewing die wapens opneem. Selfs oor die verloop van die oorloë is geskiedskrywers nie eenstemmig nie. Afrikanersentriese geskiedskrywers beeld die boere as dapper en eerbare krygers uit; die Basoeto was lafuartig, eerloos en rig hulle aanvalle op weerlose vrouens en kinders. Presies die teenoorgestelde beeld word deur die pro-swart geskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke opgeroep. Volgens hulle het die Basoeto ten spyte van logistieke probleme klinkende oorwinnings behaal. Die blankes se vernietigingstrategieë het Basoetoland op die rand van ineenstorting gebring. Ter wille van oorlewing móés hulle om vrede vra. In die historiografiese analise van blank-swart-verhoudinge in die Vrystaat ten tye van die Anglo-Boereoorlog is van die standaard historiografiese klassifikasie afgewyk. ABOgeskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke se uitsprake word grootliks deur hulle pro-Britse of pro-Boere lojaliteite bepaal. Hoewel verskeie geskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke die rol van swartes in die oorlog ignoreer, is daar ander wat pertinent aandag aan hulle bydrae as ondersteuningspersoneel aan die Boere en/of Britse skenk. Geskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke se erkenning van hierdie bydrae wissel van kru, rassistiese uitsprake tot positiewe beskrywings. Die bewapening van die swartes deur die Britse magte ontlok sterk reaksie by geskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke. Die pro-Britse skrywers wys daarop dat hulle die swartes bewapen het omdat hulle deur die Boere gemartel en/of gedood is. Die pro-Boere geskiedskrywers gebruik juis hierdie bewapening as regverdiging vir die summiere doodskiet van gewapende swartes. Hoewel weinig skrywers van herinneringswerke en geskiedskrywers aandag skenk aan die lyding van swart Vrystaat burgerlikes in en buite konsentrasiekampe, geniet hierdie onderwerp sedert die sewentigerjare toenemend die aandag van geskiedskrywers. Uit die historiografiese studie van blank-swart-verhoudinge in die Vrystaat op sosiale, onderwys-, juridiese, ekonomiese, arbeids-, staatkundig-politieke en kerklike terreine blyk dit dat die rol van swartes op genoemde terreine deur die meeste geskiedskrywers, historiese opvoedkundiges, skrywers van herinneringswerke en kerkhistorici óf gemarginaliseer óf gestereotipeer word. Met enkele uitsondering na is die meerderheid publikasies oor genoemde verhoudinge dié deur Afrikanersentriese geskiedskrywers. Dit het tot gevolg dat daar weinig sprake van sinvolle vergelyking oor geskiedskrywers en skrywers van herinneringswerke se sieninge oor blank-swart-verhoudinge op die terreine is. Ten spyte van die siening dat Afrikanersentriese geskiedskrywers sosiale en ekonomiese geskiedskrywing en -navorsing metodologiese vreemd vind en dit gevolglik agterweë laat, is die belangrikste publikasies oor genoemde verhoudinge dié deur JH van Aswegen en CJP le Roux. Uit die studie blyk dit dat daar verskille tussen skrywers bestaan ten opsigte van bronseleksie, asook bronbenutting of eerder fn gebrek aan benutting. Met die uitsondering van die gepubliseerde doktorale proefskrifte, gespesialiseerde werke en enkele oorsigwerke, skyn daar ernstige leemtes te wees ten opsigte van argivale, argeologiese, linguistiese, antropologiese, sosiologiese, ekonomiese en klimatologiese navorsing en die benutting van mondelinge getuienis en volksverhale. Hoewel daar soveel konflikterende getuienisse oor blank-swart-verhoudinge in die Vrystaat bestaan, verwaarloos geskiedskrywers primêre navorsing. fn Groot persentasie skrywers baseer hulle navorsing op die uitsprake van ander geskiedskrywers - hoofsaaklik geesgenote. Terwyl sommige van hierdie skrywers erkenning aan hulle bronne verleen, is daar by ander blatante oorskrywery. Geskiedskrywers sal hulle tot mondelinge getuienis en swart volksverhale moet wend om die geskiedenis van al die inwoners van die Vrystaat te rekonstrueer. Die geskiedenis van die Vrystaat is immers die geskiedenis van al sy inwoners - politici en gewone mense - soos beleef deur al sy inwoners. Streekstudies is noodsaaklik om te verseker dat die geskiedenis van die gewone mense geboekstaaf word. Die opskrifstelling van die Vrystaat se verlede is nog ver van voltooid. Temas wat om aandag vra is onder andere die rol van blank én swart op onderwys-, ekonomiese, landbou-, mediese, landbou, juridiese en arbeidsterreine. In hierdie verhoudingstudies moet nie net na die konfliksituasies of verskille gelet word nie, maar ook na die samewerking tussen blank en swart. Die tyd is ryp om die geskiedenis van die Vrystaat op so 'n wyse te boekstaaf dat die rol van alle bevolkingsgroepe en die interaksie tussen hierdie bevolkingsgroepe op wetenskaplik verantwoorde wyse weergegee word. Hoewel so 'n werk nie vir almal aanvaarbaar sal wees nie, sal dit 'n bydrae lewer tot 'n beter kennis en begrip van die Vrystaatse samelewing.en_ZA
dc.language.isoafen_ZA
dc.publisherUniversity of the Free Stateen_ZA
dc.subjectFree State (South Africa) -- Historiographyen_ZA
dc.subjectFree State (South Africa) -- Race relationsen_ZA
dc.subjectFree State (South Africa) -- History -- 19th centuryen_ZA
dc.subjectSotho (African people) -- South Africa -- Free State -- Historyen_ZA
dc.subjectThesis (Ph.D. (History))--University of the Free State, 1998en_ZA
dc.titleBlank-swart-verhoudinge soos weerspieël in die Vrystaatse historiografie, 1800-1910en_ZA
dc.typeThesisen_ZA
dc.rights.holderUniversity of the Free Stateen_ZA


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