Phimister, IanPilossof, RoryTwala, ChitjaNdakaripa, Musiwaro2018-02-022018-02-022017-03http://hdl.handle.net/11660/7767English: Using a broad civil society conceptual framework, this thesis examines the relations between the state and interest groups concerned with economic indigenisation in Zimbabwe from 1980 to 2016. During this period, the state maintained that the indigenisation policy addresses colonial injustices by facilitating the entry of indigenous people, mainly blacks, into the mainstream economy. The state also claimed the policy curbs the exploitation of natural and human resources by foreign capital. Emerging from the liberation struggle, the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government adopted a pragmatic approach to accommodate the interests of both white and black interest groups in the 1980s. The state’s rather weak support of black enterprises during the 1980s is described in this study as proto-indigenisation. The state’s interactions with business associations and trade unions on matters of proto-indigenisation are explained using Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony which advances that governments use both ‘persuasion’ and ‘coercion’ to dominate social groups. Statist analysis, which explains how states use their power to side line civil society on national affairs, is also useful because the government often ignored the demands of black interest groups when it felt their demands threatened the economy. Peter Evans’ embedded autonomy concept which applauds dense ties and cooperation between the state and society on economic policies best explains the collaboration between the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI) and the government on the black advancement policy (in which blacks were appointed and promoted on the labour market). The adoption of Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) in the 1990s led to increased demands by indigenous interest groups for affirmative action measures to facilitate black entry into the mainstream economy. The complex relations between the state, indigenous and established interest groups on indigenisation are explained within the context of neoliberalism. Indigenous interest groups feared that neoliberal economic reforms would benefit large white and foreign enterprises only and demanded a stronger role for black entrepreneurs. Paradoxically, despite accusations levelled against them, ‘neoliberal’ established business associations such as the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce (ZNCC) and CZI supported black enterprises. This reveals the complex nexus between neoliberalism and indigenisation in the 1990s. Between 2000 and 2008, the state’s relations with interest groups concerned with indigenisation were shaped by the country’s political and economic crisis. The emergence of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and its ties with pro-democracy civil society had the effect, in reaction, of cementing patronage ties between the ZANU-PF government and indigenous interest groups. These patronage ties are explained using the public choice concept which contends that interest groups’ interactions with political elites are influenced by the need for economic gain. Attempts to adopt a plural approach to indigenisation in the 2000s through the National Economic Consultative Forum (NECF) failed because of the ZANU-PF government’s unilateral tendencies. Statist analysis is used to explain how the ZANU-PF government enacted the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act of 2007 despite fierce opposition from the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ), MDC parties and established business associations. During the power sharing government era, between 2009 and 2013, ZANU-PF implemented the Indigenisation Act in a typical statist fashion. Dissenting voices from the MDC parties, the RBZ, established business associations, and other civil society organisations were ignored. The ZANU-PF government’s reconsideration to review the Indigenisation Act in the post-power sharing era vindicates voices critical of the indigenisation programme. Arguably, for much of the post-colonial period, the ZANU-PF - controlled state was hegemonic on indigenisation. Although the views of interest groups were occasionally considered, the state formulated and implemented the policy in a manner which mainly protected its own interests. Succinctly, state-civil society relations on indigenisation in Zimbabwe have been complex and evolving. These relations are explained in this thesis using various conceptual analyses.Afrikaans: Deur gebruik te maak van 'n breë burgerlike gemeenskap konseptuele raamwerk, ondersoek hierdie tesis die verhoudings tussen die staat en belangegroepe wat besorgd was oor die ekonomiese inheemswording in Zimbabwe vanaf 1980 tot 2016. Gedurende hierdie tydperk het die staat volgehou dat die beleid van verinheemsing koloniale ongeregtighede aangespreek het deur die toetrede van inheemse mense, veral swartes, tot die hoofstroom ekonomie te fasiliteer. Die staat het ook beweer dat die beleid die uitbuiting van natuurlike en menslike hulpbronne deur buitelandse kapitaal beperk het. Na afloop van die vryheidstryd, het die Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) regering na vore getree en 'n pragmatiese benadering gevolg om die belange van beide blanke - en swart belangegroepe in die 1980's te akkommodeer. Die staat se swak ondersteuning van swart ondernemings gedurende die 1980's word in hierdie studie as proto-inheemswording beskryf. Die staat se interaksies met sakegenootskappe en vakbonde aangaande proto-inheemswording word verduidelik met behulp van Antonio Gramsci se teorie van oorheersing wat voorstel dat regerings beide 'oortuiging' en 'dwang' gebruik om sosiale groepe te oorheers. Statist analise, wat verduidelik hoe state hul mag gebruik om burgerlike gemeenskappe en nasionale sake opsy te stoot, is ook van belang omdat die regering dikwels die eise van swart belangegroepe geïgnoreer het wanneer dit voorgekom het dat hulle eise die ekonomie sou bedreig. Peter Evans se konsep van gevestigde outonomie wat noue samewerking tussen die staat en die gemeenskap oor ekonomiese beleide hoog op die prys stel, verduidelik goed hierdie samewerking tussen die Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI) en die regering aangaande die swart vooruitgangsbeleid (waar swartes aangestel en bevorder word in die arbeidsmark). Die aanvaarding van die Economic Structural Adjustment Program (ESAP) in die 1990's het gelei tot eise deur inheemse belangegroepe vir regstellende aksie maatreëls om swart toetrede tot die hoofstroom ekonomie te fasiliteer. Die komplekse verhoudings tussen die staat, inheemse asook gevestigde belangegroepe oor verinheemsing word verduidelik binne die konteks van neoliberalisme. Inheemse belangegroepe was bevrees dat neoliberale ekonomiese hervormings net tot die voordeel van groot blanke en buitelandse ondernemings sou dien en het aangedring op 'n sterker rol vir swart entrepreneurs. Ten spyte van beskuldigings wat teen hulle ingebring was, het ‘neoliberale’ gevestigde besigheidsverenigings soos die Zimbabwe National Chambers of Commerce (ZNCC) en CZI swart ondernemings ondersteun. Dit openbaar die komplekse verband tussen neoliberalisme en inheemswording in die 1990's. Tussen 2000 en 2008 was die staat se verhouding met belangegroepe wat betrokke was by verinheemsing beïnvloed deur die land se politieke en ekonomiese krisis. Die opkoms van die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) en sy bande met pro-demokratiese burgerlike gemeenskappe het die reaktiewe effek gehad dat bande tussen die ZANU-PF-regering en inheemse belangegroepe verstewig het. Hierdie lojaliteitsbande word verduidelik met behulp van die openbare keuse konsep wat beweer dat belangegroepe se interaksies met die politieke elite beïnvloed word deur die behoefte aan ekonomiese aanwins. Pogings om 'n veelvuldige benadering tot inheemswording aan te neem in die 2000's deur middel van die National Economic Consultative Forum (NECF) was onsuksesvol as gevolg van eensydige neigings die ZANU-PF-regering. Statist analise word gebruik om te verduidelik hoe die ZANU-PF-regering die Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act van 2007 bekragtig het ten spyte van erge teenstand van die Reserwebank van Zimbabwe (RBZ), MDC partye en gevestigde besigheids-genootskappe. Gedurende die magsverdeling regering era, tussen 2009 en 2013, het ZANU-PF die Indigenisation Act geïmplementeer op 'n tipiese statist wyse. Afkeurende stemme uit die MDC partye, die RBZ, gevestigde besigheids-genootskappe, en ander burgerlike organisasies was geïgnoreer. Die ZANU-PF-regering se oorweging om die Indigenisation Act te hersien in die post-magsverdeling era, regverdig diegene wat krities is oor die verinheemsing program. Vir ‘n groot deel van die post-koloniale tydperk was die ZANU-PF-beheerde staat waarskynlik hegemonies oor verinheemsing. Hoewel die menings van belangegroepe soms in aanmerking geneem was, het die staat die beleid geformuleer en geïmplementeer op 'n wyse wat hoofsaaklik hul eie belange beskerm het. Eenvoudig gestel, het verhoudings tussen die staat en burgerlike gemeenskap oor verinheemsing in Zimbabwe kompleks en veranderend gebly. Hierdie verhoudings word in hierdie tesis verduidelik met behulp van verskeie konseptuele analises.enStateCivil societyInterest groupsPoliticsEconomic indigenisationEmpowermentAffirmative actionBlack advancementDevelopmentZimbabwe -- Economic conditionsThesis (Ph.D. (Centre for Africa Studies))--University of the Free State,2017ThesisUniversity of the Free State