THE IMPACT OF BOPHUTHATSWANA'S INDEPENDENCE 
ON THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA 
ISAAC WILSON KWAW 
Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for 
the degree of 
MASTER OF ARTS 
in the 
Department of Geography, Faculty of Arts, 
University of the Orange Free State 
I 
Bloemfontein 
SUPERVISOR: DR D. S KRIGE 
NOVEMBER 1994 
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 
The research was supervised under the watchful and critical eye 
of Dr D.S.Krige. I am indebted to Dr Krige for introducing me to 
Political Geography at a time when I desperately wanted to pursue 
a Master's Degree in Geography and did not know what to study. 
Without him, this study would not have been possible. I greatly 
appreciate the effort and constructive er it ic ism which I received 
from him. 
Acknowledgment is also due to: 
* Prof W.C.Els ( retired and former Head of the Geography 
Department) and his staff for the manner in which they 
received me at the Department, at a time when my collea-
gues discouraged me and said it would not be possible 
for a black foreigner to pursue studies at the Univer-
sity of the Orange Free State; 
* Prof Murray from the University of Liverpool and Mrs 
Kitching for their encouragement and assistance; 
* all my friends and colleagues who have discussed relevant 
issues with me, gave valuable advice, and Mrs Linda 
Howard, who spent time reading and editing the manuscript; 
* Miss Masisi who did the typing after I initially typed it 
myself and lost all the information due to a computer 
error, as well as Mrs Martie Rule for her technical 
advice regarding the word processing programme; 
* Mr Molawa (Town Manager of Selosesha Town Council) who 
gladly answered questions and furnished me with informa-
tion regarding Thaba Nchu-Selosesha; and 
* Mrs Jankowitz and Mrs Viljoen for the cartographic 
presentation and Dr Krige for the 1983 photornaps. 
I wish to acknowledge my greatest appreciation to my wife 
Georgina, for her support, love, and understanding. Finally, to 
my three lovely daughters, Arna, Adjoah and Efuah, whose only wish 
is to attend my graduation ceremony because they allege that they 
have never seen "Daddy" graduating. I thank the Almighty God who 
has protected us throughout our stay in South Africa and has made 
our family dream come true. 
CONTENTS 
CONTENTS i 
LIST OF TABLES vi 
LIST OF FIGURES viii 
LIST OF PHOTOMAPS X 
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xii 
GLOSSARY xiii 
CHAPTER 1 
AN INTRODUCTORY PERSPECTIVE 
1.1 RESEARCH PROBLEM 1 
1. 2 OBJECTIVES OF STUDY .... 4 
1. 3 MOTIVATION AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY 4 
1.4 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND PROCEDURE 7 
1. 5 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 8 
1.5.1 DEFINITION OF POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY 9 
1. 5. 2 DEVELOPMENTAL PHASES OF POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY 12 
1.5.2.1 THE CLASSICAL ERA (UNTIL THE LATE NINTEENTH 
CENTURY ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 
1.5.2.2 THE MODERN ERA ( THE LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY TO 
THE EARLY 1960'S) ... . . . . . 15 
1.5.2.3 THE CONTEMPORARY PERIOD (LATE 1960'S TO 
THE PRESENT) . . . . . . . . . 18 
1. 5. 3 POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND PROCESS STUDIES 21 
1.5.3.1 INTEGRATION AND DISINTEGRATION 23 
1.5.3.2 CHANGING INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARIES ... 26 
1.5.3.3 TRANSFER OF SOVEREIGNTY . . . . 27 
1.5.3.4 THE IMPACT OF POLITICAL PROCESS ON THE 
GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE . . . . . . 29 
1. 5. 4 PROCESS MODELS FOR POLITICO-GEOGRAPHICAL 
ANALYSIS 31 
1.5.4.1 UNIFIED THEORY 31 
i 
1.5.4.2 SYSTEM APPROACH .. 32 
1.5.4.3 PRESCOTT'S MODEL 34 
1.5.4.4 COHEN AND ROSENTHAL MODEL 35 
1. 5. 5 A PROCESS MODEL FOR THE EXPLANATION OF 
THE CHANGE IN THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE 
OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA DUE TO 
BOPHUTHATSWANA'S INDEPENDENCE . 39 
1.6 ANALYTIC STRUCTURE OF THE STUDY 44 
CHAPTER 2 
THE IMPACT OF POLITICAL PROCESS ON THE 
GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE: A LITERATURE REVIEW 
2.1 APPROACHES TO LANDSCAPE STUDIES 47 
2 .1.1 CULTURAL IMPRINT APPROACH ... 48 
2 .1. 2 POLITICAL IMPRESS APPROACH 50 
2.2 SCALE OF IMPACT OF POLITICAL PROCESS 53 
2.2.1 THE IMPACT OF POLITICAL PROCESS AT THE 
SUPRA-NATIONAL LEVEL 53 
2.2.2 THE IMPACT OF POLITICAL PROCESS AT THE 
NATIONAL LEVEL . 60 
2.2.3 THE IMPACT OF POLITICAL PROCESS AT THE 
LOCAL LEVEL 66 
CHAPTER 3 
PRE-INDEPENDENCE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA 
3.1 PRE-COLONIAL PHASE, PRE-1884 73 
3.2 COLONIAL PHASE, 1884-194 7 . . 79 
3.2.1 THE NATIVE LAND ACT OF 1913 . 83 
3.2.2 THE NATIVE TRUST AND LAND ACT OF 1936 86 
3.3 PRE-APARTHEID SCENE: CONCLUDING REMARKS 90 
ii 
3.4 APARTHEID ERA ........ . 91 
3.4.1 APARTHEID PLANNING 92 
3.4.2 HOMELAND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT 95 
3.4.3 THE TRANSFORMATION OF URBAN AREAS 99 
3.4.4 FORCED REMOVALS ....... · . 100 
3.4.5 URBANIZATION WITHIN THE HOMELANDS 101 
3.4.6 INDUSTRIAL DECENTRALIZATION ... 102 
3.4.7 LABOUR MOVEMENTS . · . · · 103 
3.5 THE IMPACT OF APARTHEID PLANNING ON 
THE THABA NCHU DISTRICT ... 108 
3.5.1 POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE 
THABA NCHU DISTRICT ..... 108 
3.5.2 THE TREND OF URBAN DEVELOPMEMT 111 
3.5.3 FORCED REMOVALS AND RESETTLEMENT OF 
DISPERSED POPULATION GROUPS INTO PLANNED 
AND UNPLANNED SETTLEMENTS ....... . 112 
3.5.4 LABOUR MOVEMENT ........... . 114 
3.6 THE PRE-INDEPENDENT GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE 
OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA. 114 
3.6.1 POLITICAL LANDSCAPE ... 117 
3.6.2 ADMINISTRATIVE LANDSCAPE 119 
3.6.3 SETTLEMENT LANDSCAPE 120 
3.6.4 HOUSING LANDSCAPE .. 120 
3.6.5 COMMERCIAL LANDSCAPE 121 
3.6.6 EDUCATIONAL LANDSCAPE 122 
3.6.7 CULTURAL LANDSCAPE 124 
3.6.8 HEALTH LANDSCAPE 124 
CHAPTER 4 
THE IMPACT OF BOPHUTHATSWANA'S INDEPENDENCE 
AS A POLITICAL PROCESS ON THE 
GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA 
4.1 INDEPENDENCE OF BOPHUTHATSWANA 127 
iii 
4.2 THE GEO-POLITICAL SPACE OF 
BOPHUTHATSWANA, 1977-1992 . 129 
4.3 POLITICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC FORCES IN 
OPERATION SINCE INDEPENDENCE 129 
4.3.1 ESTABLISHMENT OF ADMINISTRATIVE 
CENTRES ........ . 132 
4.3.2 INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL DEVELOPMENT 135 
4.3.3 HOUSING DEVELOPMENT ... 145 
4.3.4 EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT . 147 
4.3.5 HEALTH AND WELFARE PROVISION 150 
4.4 THE SPATIAL MANIFESTATION OF 
BOPHUTHATSWANA'S INDEPENDENCE ON THE 
GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1977-1992 . . . . . . . . 151 
4.4.1 POPULATION DYNAMICS OF THABA NCHU 
DISTRICT, 1970-1992 ..... . . . . . . . . 152 
4.4.2 THE PROCESS OF NATION-BUILDING 
THROUGH LAND CONSOLIDATION AND 
SPATIAL INTEGRATION ..... · 160 
4.4.3 ESTABLISHMENT OF THABA NCHU-
SELOSESHA AS A DISTRICT ADMINISTRATIVE 
CENTRE . . . . . . . . . . . · . . . . 165 
4.4.4 INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL 
DEVELOPMENT ..... . 171 
4.4.5 HOUSING DEVELOPMENT .. . 177 
4.4.6 EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT . 179 
4.4.7 HEALTH AND WELFARE PROVISION 182 
4.4.8 RECREATION, CULTURE, AND TOURISM 183 
4.5 SYNTHESIS ....... . 184 
CHAPTER 5 
ANALYSIS OF THE CHANGING GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE 
OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1976-1992 
5.1 POLITICAL LANDSCAPE ... 188 
5.2 ADMINISTRATIVE LANDSCAPE 191 
iv 
5.3 SETTLEMENT LANDSCAPE 193 
5.4 HOUSING LANDSCAPE ......... . 195 
5.4.1 HOUSING LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA 195 
5.4.2 HOUSING LANDSCAPE OF THE AFRICAN 
RURAL VILLAGES AND THE BULTFONTEINS 198 
5.5 ECONOMIC LANDSCAPE 200 
5.5.1 INDUSTRIAL LANDSCAPE 200 
5.5.2 COMMERCIAL LANDSCAPE 200 
5.6 EDUCATIONAL LANDSCAPE 201 
5.7 CULTURAL LANDSCAPE 205 
5.8 RECREATION AND TOURISM LANDSCAPE 206 
5.9 HEALTH LANDSCAPE ...... . 207 
5.10 A COMPARISON OF THE CHANGES IN THE 
GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU-
SELOSESHA, 1976-1992 . . . . . 209 
CHAPTER 6 
SYNTHESIS 
6.1 GENERAL CONCLUSION AND SIGNIFICANCE 
OF STUDY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 
6.2 BOPHUTHATSWANA'S INDEPENDENCE: EXPERIENCES 
FOR POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA ..... 218 
6.3 A SCENARIO OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE 
OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA TOWARDS THE NEXT 
CENTURY . . . ..... 219 
6.4 EXPERIENCES AND SUGGESTIONS .. 224 
REFERENCES 227 
ABSTRACT 237 
V 
LIST OF TABLES 
2.1 THE INFLUENCE OF POLITICAL DECISIONS 
AND ACTS ON GEOGRAPHICAL PATTERNS 52 
2.2 STAGES OF THE SPATIAL IMPACT OF 
COLONIZATION IN ASIA 56 
3.1 LAND DISPOSITION IN THE THABA NCHU 
DISTRICT, 1886 82 
3.2 LAND APPORTIONMENT PROCESS FOR THE 
ESTABLISHMENT OF BLACK STATES IN 
SOUTH AFRICA, 1973 and 1975 97 
3.3 POPULATION AFFECTED BY REMOVAL OR 
RELOCATION DUE TO APARTHEID PLANNING 
BETWEEN 1960-1980 ........ . 101 
3.4 MIGRANT WORKERS FROM THE HOMELANDS, 
1970-1986 106 
3.5 MIGRANT WORKERS FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES, 
1973-1986 106 
3.6 FRONTIER COMMUTERS FROM HOMELANDS INTO 
"WHITE" SOUTH AFRICA, 1970-1982 107 
3.7 PRE-INDEPENDENCE HOUSE TYPES: RENTAL AND 
PURCHASE PRICES IN SELOSESHA, 1976 121 
3.8 AN INVENTORY OF PRE-INDEPENDENT 
COMMERCIAL ACTIVITIES IN THE CENTRAL 
BUSINESS DISTRICT OF THABA NCHU, 1976 122 
3.9 A COMPARISON OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE 
OF THABA NCHU AND SELOSESHA, 1976 125 
4.1 DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS FOR THE NATIONAL 
CAPITAL IN MMABATHO, 1977-1982 133 
4.2 PRE-INDEPENDENCE AND INDEPENDENCE 
DISTRICT CLASSIFICATION 134 
4.3 ADMINISTRATIVE AND PUBLIC FACILITIES 
IN THE NATIONAL AND DISTRICT CENTRES 
OF BOPHUTHATSWANA 136 
vi 
4.4 INDUSTRIAL INCENTIVES FOR BOPHUTHATSWANA'S 
JNDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT POINTS, 1988 139 
4.5 BNDC DEVELOPMENT, 1978-1992 143 
4.6 HOUSING PROVISION BY THE BNDC, 1977-1987 146 
4.7 PERCENTAGE OF NATIONAL BUDGET ALLOCATED 
TO SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES OF EDUCATION, 
1978-1986 149 
4.8 GROWTH IN EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES IN 
BOPHUTHATSWANA, 1977-1992 150 
4.9 POPULATION CHANGES IN SETTLEMENTS OF 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1985-1992 159 
4.10 GOVERNMENTAL PROJECTS CONSTRUCTED 
IN THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1977-1992 166 
4.11 THE SPATIAL IMPACT OF THE DEVELOPMENT 
PROJECTS AS ILLUSTRATED IN TABLE 4.10 168 
4.12 INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT IN THABA NCHU-
SELOSESHA, 1985-1992 173 
4.13 INDUSTRIES IN THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1992 174 
4.14 A COMPARISON OF THE GROWTH OF LICENSED 
COMMERCIAL AND SERVICE ENTERPRISES IN 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1976-1992 178 
4.15 EDUCATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT 
IN THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1976-1992 180 
4.16 EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES IN THABA NCHU-
SELOSESHA, 1992 181 
5.1 PROVISION OF HOUSES IN SELOSESHA, 
TILL 1976 AND 1977 - 1992 196 
5.2 A COMPARISON OF CHANGES IN THE 
GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU-
SELOSESHA, 1976-1992 211 
6.1 THE RESULT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN 
ELECTION IN THE THABA NCHU DISTRICT, 1994 221 
vii 
LIST OF FIGURES 
1.1 REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA, INDEPENDENT 
STATES AND SELF-GOVERNING TERRITORIES, 1992 .. 2 
1.2 THE GEO-POLITICAL SPACE OF BOPHUTHATSWANA, 1992 3 
1. 3 THE STUDY AREA: THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1992 .. 5 
1.4 A SIMPLIFIED MODEL OF A POLITICAL 
SYSTEM ............ . 33 
1. 5 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PUBLIC 
POLICY AND GEOGRAPHY 35 
1.6 THE POLITICAL SYSTEM WITH TIME SCALE 36 
1. 7 THE POLITICAL SYSTEM . . . . . . . . 38 
1. 8 A PROCESS MODEL TO EXPLAIN THE CHANGE 
IN THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1976-1992 40 
1. 9 ANALYTIC STRUCTURE OF THE STUDY . 45 
1.10 THE CHANGING GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA: PAST, PRESENT, AND 
FUTURE 46 
3.1 THE MIGRATION OF THE BAROLONG TO 
THABA NCHU 74 
3.2 THE TERRITORIAL BASE OF THE BAROLONG, 1833 77 
3.3 THABA NCHU: THE GREGOROWSKI LAND 
DISPOSITIONS, 1885 . . . . . . . . . 81 
3.4 THABA NCHU: AFRICAN RESERVES AND 
BAROLONG FARMS, 1913 84 
3.5 THABA NCHU RELEASED AREAS, 1936 AND 1938 87 
3.6 THABA NCHU LAND BOUGHT BY THE 
SOUTH AFRICAN NATIVE TRUST: 1930 AND 1940 88 
3.7 THE STAGES OF SPATIAL MANIFESTATION 
OF APARTHEID PLANNING 94 
3.8 CONSOLIDATION PROPOSALS FOR BLACK STATES, 
1975 . .. . . . 98 
3.9 DIFFERENT SPATIAL FORMS OF THE BLACK LABOUR 
MOVEMENT IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1980 . . . . . . 105 
viii 
3.10 THE BOUNDARY OF THE CONSOLIDATED 
DISTRICT OF THABA NCHU, 1960 110 
3.11 IMPACT OF APARTHEID PLANNING ON 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA 116 
3.12 THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU-
SELOSESHA, 1976 .... 118 
4.1 GROWTH OF MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES 
AND EMPLOYMENT IN BOPHUTHATSWANA, 
1977-1990 ......... . 144 
4.2 STAGES OF THE POPULATION DYNAMICS OF 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1970-1992 . 153 
4.3 THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU 
SELOSESHA, 1992 ...... . 185 
5.1 THE IMPACT OF BOPHUTHATSWANA'S INDEPENDENCE 
ON THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1976-1992 . 210 
6.1 THE INCORPORATION OF BOPHUTHATSWANA INTO 
THE NEW SOUH AFRICA ....... . 222 
6.2 A PROPOSED PROCESS MODEL FOR THE 
EXPLANATION OF THE CHANGING GEOGRAPHY OF 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA: PAST, PRESENT, 
AND FUTURE PERSPECTIVE . . . . . 226 
ix 
LIST OF PHOTOMAPS 
3.1 THE ERESKULD PRIMARY SCHOOL STILL 
MAINTAINS ITS NAME, A SIGN OF 
APPRECIATION FROM THE AFRIKANERS TO 
BAROLONG 123 
3.2 THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH IN THABA NCHU 124 
4.1 THE COAT OF ARMS AND MACE OF BOPHUTHATSWANA 
LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 131 
4.2 BOPHUTHATSWANA FLAG HOISTED ALONGSIDE THE 
FLAG OF THE RSA DURING THE INCORPORATION OF 
THABA NCHU TOWN IN 1983. . . . . . . . . 161 
4.3 SOME ABANDONED SHOPS WHICH CHARACTERISED 
THE COMMERCIAL LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU 
TOWN BEFORE INCORPORATION ....... . 163 
4.4 GERRIT MARITZ PRIMARY SCHOOL TRANSFORMED 
INTO THE NON-RACIAL TLOTLANANG PRIMARY 
SCHOOL 5 YEARS AFTER INCORPORATION OF 
THABA NCHU TOWN ......... . 164 
4.5 THE ROAD GUIDE TO SELOSESHA INDUSTRIAL 
TOWNSHIP, 1992 ........... . 171 
4.6 SELOSESHA TOWNSHIP INDUSTRIAL LANDSCAPE: 
THE NEW FACTORIES REFLECT THE GOVERNMENT'S 
IDP ................ . 171 
4.7 THABA NCHU SHOPPING CENTRE, A FEATURE 
FOR PROMOTING COMMERCIAL ACTIVITY 
IN BOPHUTHATSWANA ....... . 176 
4.8 MMABANA CULTURAL CENTRE ESTABLISHED 184 
5.1 THE IMPRINT OF BOPHUTHATSWANA'S COAT 
OF ARMS ON THE WALL OF A LOCAL PRIMARY 
SCHOOL; AND 
A STATUE TO COMMERATE THE TEN YEARS 
OF INDEPNDENCE ..... . 189 
5.2 BUFFER STRIP DEVELOPMENT BETWEEN 
THABA NCHU AND SELOSESHA 190 
X 
5.3 CHANGE OF PLACE NAMES. GROOTHOEK DAM 
CHANGED TO MOUTLOATSI SETLOGELO DAM 190 
5.4 THE ADMINISTRATIVE LANDSCAPE OF THE DISTRICT 
CENTRE ....... . 192 
5.5 SELOSESHA (UNIT 1) HOUSING SCHEME . 197 
5.6 THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE AND THE INDEPENDENCE 
INFRASTRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT: THE CONTRAST 
LIES IN THE TARRED STREET, ELECTRICITY, 
AND STORM WATER DRAINAGE ...... . 199 
5.7 THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE AND THE INDEPENDENCE 
COMMERCIAL LANDSCAPE: THE CONTRAST LIES 
IN THE SHOPS, STREET AND PARKING AREAS 202 
5.8 THE ORIGINAL BUILDINGS OF BARTIMEA SPECIAL 
SCHOOL FOR THE DEAF AND THE BLIND .. 203 
5.9 THE EDUCATIONAL LANDSCAPE OF TERTIARY 
INSTITUTIONS 204 
5.10 THE TRANSFORMATION OF THABA NCHU 
TOWN HALL INTO MMABANA CULTURAL CENTRE 205 
5.11 THE NALEDI SUN STREET GUIDE ..... 207 
5.12 THE CHANGING HEALTH LANDSCAPE: THE 
CHANGE LIES IN THE ERECTION OF A NEW 
HOSPITAL AND THE CONVERTING OF THE OLD 
INTO A NURSES TRAINING COLLEGE AS PART 
OF BOPHUTHATSWANA HEALTH PROGRAMME 208 
xi 
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 
The underlisted abbreviations are used in this study to mean the 
following: 
BBS BOPHUTHATSWANA BUILDING SOCIETY 
BBT BLOEMFONTEIN BOTSHABELO THABA NCHU REGION 
BMC BANTU MINING CORPORATION 
BHC BOPHUTHATSWANA HOUSING CORPORATION 
BNDC BOPHUTHATSWANA NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION 
CBD CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT 
CED CORPORATION FOR ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 
CODESA CONVENTION FOR A DEMOCRATIC SOUTH AFRICA 
FNB FIRST NATIONAL BANK 
IDC INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT CENTRE 
IDP INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT POINT 
NAD NATIVE AFFAIRS DEPARTMENT 
OFS ORANGE FREE STATE 
ORC ORANGE RIVER COLONY 
RSA REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA 
SADT SOUTH AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT TRUST 
SAIRR SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS 
SANT SOUTH AFRICAN NATIVE TRUST 
STANBO STANDARD BANK OF BOPHUTHATSWANA 
xii 
GLOSSARY 
ADDITIONAL LAND: extra land set aside according to the Native 
Land Act of 1936 for black occupation and ownership to be added 
to the scheduled land. 
BETTERMENT SCHEME: refers to schemes introduced by the central 
government during 1936 and 1940 in an attempt to control land 
usage, rationalize reserve lands, divide land-use into 
residential and agricultural uni ts, and to establish planned 
rural villages in the homelands. 
BLACK SPOTS: used to denote black occupied areas which were 
considered to fall within the so called "white" rural areas 
and were therefore threatened and subjected to removal. 
BOPHUTHATSWANA: refers to a state shown in Figure 1.2 situated 
in the interior of Southern Africa between latitude 24 and 30 
degrees south and longitude 22 and 25 degrees east. It came into 
being as a country and was granted independence on 7 December 
1977 by the Republic of South Africa (RSA). It consists of seven 
isolated blocks of land and is divided into twelve districts. It 
shares a relatively short common boundary with Botswana. With an 
area of 40 330 square kilometres, Bophuthatswana is 2,3 times 
larger than Swaziland and 1,3 times larger than Lesotho. Of the 
seven blocks, six blocks make up 97 per cent of the surface and 
were previously part of Northern Cape and the Central Western 
Transvaal. The seventh block, the district of Thaba Nchu about 
65 kilometres east of Bloemfontein, was previously part of the 
Orange Free State (OFS). The entire geo-political space 
previously formed part of the RSA. 
GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE: used to refer to the composition of 
different land-uses in the study area; where each land-use is 
defined to constitute a component. The land-use components of the 
geographical landscape to be analyzed are political, adminis-
trative, settlement, housing, commercial, industrial, educa-
xiii 
t ional, cultural, recreational and tour ism, and heal th. These 
landscapes refer to the following: 
* administrative refers to all administrative infrastructure 
e.g. local and district centres; 
* commercial refers to both retailing and wholesaling 
activities; 
* cultural refers to all culturally related facilities; 
* educational refers to all educational facilities e.g. pre-
primary, primary, secondary, and tertiary institutions; 
* health refers to all health related facilities; 
* housing refers to all formal and informal housing units 
including infrastructure related to housing e.g. water, 
sewerage, electricity, and roads; 
* industrial refers all infrastructure related to industrial 
development; 
* political refers to all politically related features and 
components e.g. symbols, boundaries, names, and iconography; 
* recreational and tourism: refers to all recreational and 
tourist facilities; and 
* settlement refers to all formal and informal residential 
settlements. 
IMPACT, TRANSFORMATION: used inter-changeably to denote both old 
and new phenomenon which have been maintained or come into exist-
ence or change due to a changing political process. It means the 
same as expansion, conversion, change, newly built. 
INDEPENDENCE: internationally defined to mean sovereignty, where-
by the territorial supremacy by which the state government has 
the legal authority and power to make decisions at its own will 
and within its own jurisdiction. The international definition is 
applied to Bophuthatswana from 7 December 1977 to 27 April 1994. 
The smear campaign undertaken against the homelands' independence 
(Bop-huthatswana, Ciskei, Transkei, Venda) by both the local and 
the international community and the decision not to recognise the 
independence lies in the unacceptable ideological bias and terri-
torial basis on which it was granted. Regardless of international 
xiv 
rejection, Bophuthatswana's independence refers to a change in 
the political process with its related influence in the geograp-
hical landscape. 
INDEPENDENCE PERIOD: used to denote the period from independence 
on 7 December 1977 to 27 April 1994. 
NEW SOUTH AFRICA: used to refer to a non-racial, integrated and 
democratic South Africa ( embracing the so called "white" Republic 
of south Africa, independent states, and self-governing terri-
tories). 
POLITICAL ACTION AREA: refers to the area on which political 
transactions made their impact. 
POLITICAL PROCESS: refers to succession of events, actions, or 
operations which man employs to establish, maintain, or change 
a political system. 
PRE-INDEPENDENCE: used to refer to the period from the pre-
colonial phase to the period prior to Bophuthatswana's indepen-
dence. 
RESERVE, BANTUSTAN, HOMELAND, NATIONAL STATE: used as pre-
independent terms to apply to separate African political entities 
or territories created by the various Governments of south 
Africa. 
RELOCATION, REMOVAL, RESETTLEMENT: these concepts are used to 
denote the overall policy and process involved in the massive , 
state-sponsored removal of people (mostly blacks) from one place 
to another according to apartheid planning. 
SCHEDULED LAND, RELEASED AREAS: land set aside in terms of the 
Land Act of 1913 and 1936 for occupation and ownership by blacks. 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA: constitutes the study area. rt is used to 
xv 
denote the two major formal territorial and administrative units 
of Thaba Nchu and Selosesha and the informal settlements, viz. 
African rural villages (Mokwena, Ratlou, Moroka, Ratau, Motlatla, 
and Seroala) and the Bultfonteins ( 1, 2, 3, and 4) as depicted 
in the aerial photograph in Figure 1. 3. Presently ( 1994), the 
administrative units of Thaba Nchu and Selosesha is under the 
jurisdiction of the Amalgamated Municipal Council, while the 
African informal settlements are under the jurisdiction of the 
Barolong Tribal Authority. Thaba Nchu-Selosesha is the proclaimed 
district administrative centre of the Thaba Nchu district. 
"WHITE" SOUTH AFRICA, "WHITE" OFS: separately used to refer to 
the individual areas reserved for the exclusive land ownership 
of whites. 
xvi 
CHAPTER 1 
AN INTRODUCTORY PERSPECTIVE 
1.1 RESEARCH PROBLEM 
As part of formal apartheid planning as a distinct spatial plan-
ning strategy (Smith, 1976) a series of independent states and 
self-governing territories evolved from the South African poli-
ical space ( Figure 1. 1). Bophutha tswana is one of four inde-
pendent states to receive political independent status from the 
South African Government. Although Bophuthatswana was never 
recognised as an independent sovereign state by the international 
political community, the transfer of sovereignty from Pretoria 
to Mmabatho in 1977 introduced a new, changing political pro-
cesses which had the ability to transform the urban and rural 
geographical landscape in all Bophuthatswana' s twelve admin-
istrative districts (Figure 1.2). 
Although a vast number of studies have contributed to the under-
standing of apartheid's impact on the South African urban, rural 
and homeland landscape (e.g. Christopher, 1982; 1984; Lemon, 
1976; 1987; Western, 1981) by means of homeland policies, group 
areas, buffer strips, ethnic zoning, controlled urbanization 
I 
forced removals, migrant labour practices, frontier commuting, 
and industrial decentralization policies etc, only a few attempts 
were made to analyze the impact of the homelands' independence 
on the geographical urban and rural landscape (e.g. Cowley, 198 2 ; 
Drummond and Parnell, 1991). 
The research problem to be examined is to analyse how and to what 
extent was the urban geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selo-
sesha transformed from a pre-independence (1976) to a indepen-
dence (1992) landscape as a result of Bophuthatswana's indepen-
dence. 
1 
INDEPENDENT ST A TES 
·:: / • ••m • •m • • •  Venda L~_:___:__:J  Bophuthatswana 
0 °. 0 - Ciskei • Transkei 0' 0 O 0 
SELF- GOVERNING TERRITORIES 
w 
=> 
0 
m 
~ 
<[ 
~ KwaZulu I." - I ~ '\ I ~ 
::••:•:•: •:•:  KaNgwane Ii  
!IIIlIIill L eb OW a j 
~ KwaNdebele! 
I 
~Qwaqwa j 
. NAMIBIA r· J 
.............. - --....S" 
C A P E PROVINCE 
N 
Atlantic 
Ocean Indian Ocean 
0 150 300 
km 
Sienie/94 
FIGURE 1.1 REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA, SELF-GOVERNING 
TERRITORIES AND INDEPENDENT STATES, 1992 
2 
'-zj 
H 
Q 
c::: --···---•. --· I ·"\ 
~ \... ,,, ... ___ ;,- ... , .. f ....r  ( 
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H ... ___ ,_. '\ .· '\. / 
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,. ---,, \.*··  / '
I  \.. ... 
Ul \_. ··, ... I Go~yeso \ . __ /-.! 
'"d ' ./ I ' REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA ,.s 1...,.--:; .... :x,, <.. I . \. 
n l. I ... _ r I ·1.. ,r--, .f i 1 __ I(_~~---....._ I 
t<.l ./ I 
\ I rl- ---LE_G_E_N_D_  _.1...t ....:·1 -. " i.1"2 \ 
0 I'  --- 1.1 ...... s I 
'-zj .. " ( I I ./' ln.ternationol boundaries ORANGE FREE STA TE \. 
! 
tD KUDUM.AN E / J I District boundaries I ?. ~.r 0 \_.· ··,. ./ '\. / ·./ I \. >• ;,, International airports I '"d ::r:: "-·., * >.--,-, I MothibisTad -.... 
c::: f .::-;·· / * ... u 
1: Important airfields j ORANGE FREE STA TE 
j ·.i_ ........... ~ ~-. BNDC Heod office 8 / Toung ·\ ,//'-. ::r:: / (' )., 
:x,, :TAUNG·'\ : ,,/'' 
* BNDC Regional office t / ··,; j. 
8 N 
<; '·· ••. - .. •-f /' 
\ i / ,_: • Proclaimed development points 8/oemfonlein 
Ul and service industrial sites ... \ . *)• ···ThNchou b:ia 
~ .·· /' // /: 
:x,, I I· .·, . / ... , 
I
'G  rt, Capital city / ,f-·. Tf-(ABA NCHU ,t z ;· ,' ·: {__.;·) \ .: ) 0 \ '\.,. ~".: :x,, '·. . / _ ::,,, .. 20 / 0 20 60 / ~Ok,t, ·,. • Stmi§/9• 
/ 
1. 2 OBJECTIVES OF STUDY 
The objectives of this study are as follows : 
* to review the literature on the impact of political pro-
cesses on geographical patterns on the international, 
national, and local scales; 
* to identify and apply process models which have been 
applied to political geographical analyses; 
* to examine the pre-independence political processes and to 
give a description of the pre-independence geographical 
landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha as at 1976; 
* to analyse independence as a variety of political and socio-
economic processes associated with the transformation of 
the pre-independence geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-
Selosesha to the independence landscape 
as in 1992; 
* to compare and contrast the 1992 geographical landscape 
with the patterns which existed in 1976 in order to 
interpret the change in the geographical landscape of 
Thaba Nchu-Selosesha from the period 1976 to 1992; 
* to serve as a stocktaking of the landscape patterns created 
by independence as Bophuthatswana enters a new political 
dispensation due to the country's re-incorporation into a 
democratic South Africa; 
* to provide scenarios of the possible changes in the 
geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha in a 
democratic South Africa; and 
* to contribute to the knowledge and understanding of the 
impact of independence as a political process on geogra-
phical landscape patterns. 
Figure 1.3 is an air photo of the study area as in 1992. 
1. 3 MOTIVATION AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY 
Just as the background statement develops the rationale for this 
study by elaborating on the problem being addressed, so do 
statements made by prominent Geographers and public figures 
motivate the need for this study. In the preface to Homes Apart: 
4 

South Africa's Segregated Cities, edited by Lemon (1991:x), it 
is mentioned that "to date South Africa has produced almost no 
black Urban Geographers (only a handful of black Geographers 
... )". In my personal status as a black African expatriate, I 
feel that the problem is not only limited to Urban Geography, but 
also to Political Geography. Hence, having lived in black inde-
pendent homelands in South Africa for seven years (two years in 
Transkei and five years in Bophuthatswana), Lemon's statement 
motivates me as a Political Geographer to undertake a relevant 
and challenging study of the impact of_ _ Bophuthatsw_ana_'_~_ ind~pen::-: 
de_nce _o n_ the~o_gra_phical land~Cq.J2__~_ _ 9_:t _'I'h_~Q_c:LJ'{ch1,1-=Selosesha. 
Another factor may be that my personal status may exonerate my 
findings from any biased socio-political convictions. Also, as 
a freelance Geographer from outside the country, I can, hope-
fully, lay a better claim to a more objective study in this 
regard. 
Christopher ( 1982: 98) indicated that "The landscape of South 
Africa reflects the political as well as the economic history of 
the country, in a way which makes even its appearance conten-
tious". This statement challenges Geographers to a careful 
study, re-interpretation, and evaluation in the light of present 
circumstances. 
Mangope, President of Bophuthatswana since independence 
(Bophuthatswana Pioneer, 1992: 2) claimed, "We rid ourselves of 
apartheid, scrapped all apartheid laws, and created a non-racial 
society", which implies changing spatial patterns which have to 
be examined. Schapera (1984:68) remarked that "In theory, the 
homelands are on the road to independence, but the geo-political 
implication of this is not entirely clear". This means that such 
a study will contribute to an understanding of the changing land-
scape due to independence, and also suggests what might happen 
now that Bophuthatswana has been re-incorporated and integrated 
into a non-racial democratic South Africa. 
6 
The above mentioned statements call for the recognition of the 
impact of the political processes in Bophuthatswana aimed at 
rectifying the policies which have contributed to pre-indepen-
dence spatial patterns. Therefore, a research whose theoretical 
point of view is clearly evident in itself activates my interest 
in explaining reality, asking "what is the nature of the poli-
tical processes and what spatial impact has it made?". In a 
nutshell, the significance of this study is that it addresses a 
geo-political process in Bophuthatswana which needs attention, 
analysis, interpretation, and documentation. 
1.4 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND PROCEDURE 
Initially, the bibliographical study on the impact of political 
processes on geographical landscape was reviewed. It was followed 
with a study of political process models which have been used to 
analyse the impact of political process on the geographical land-
scape. This was done, firstly, to understand the various facets 
of the political processes which have been studied. Secondly, to 
enable this study to be placed into perspective with similar 
studies. Finally, to enable this study to design a process model 
which can be used to understand independence as a political 
process, and which at the same time may be used to explain the 
impact of Bophuthatswana's independence as a political process 
in changing the geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha 
since 1977. 
To establish a basis to assess any independence changes on the 
geographical landscape of the study area, it was found necessary 
to undertake an examination of the historical evidence of land-
cape developments through the study of the impact of the pre-
independent political process on the study area. Aerial photo-
raphs and topographical maps were used to extrapolate the pre-
independence geographical landscape as in 1976 on a conventional 
scale of 1:50 000. Historical detail of the landscape change was 
also made from archival material and through the study of place 
names. 
7 
This was followed by a bibliographical study of Bophuthatswana's 
independence political and socio-economic processes for the 
period 1977 to 1992. On the local scale at Thaba Nchu-Selosesha, 
the impact of the independence as a political process was asso-
ciated with the transformation of the pre-independence geogra-
phical landscape. 
It was also realised that a possible way to identify the changes 
in the geographical landscape was to study the aerial photographs 
of the study area as in 1992. The topographical map and aerial 
photographs of the study area were orientated to the study area, 
after which the aerial photographs were annotated and the extra-
polated maps for the period 1992 were extracted on a scale of 
1 : 50 000. The 1976 extrapolated map was compared with the 1992 
map to identify and analyze the changes which were evident on the 
1992 map. It was found from the reconnaissance study of the study 
area however, that some changes that were evident on the ground, 
were not discernable on the map. To provide a vivid impression 
of the changes, the extrapolated map was followed by a descri-
ptive account of changes in each of the landscape components 
which were being analyzed and they were supported with horizontal 
photographs. 
The entire study area (Figure 1.3) was considered as a com-
position of different land-uses and each land-use was defined to 
constitute a component. The landscape components which were 
analyzed are: political, administrative, settlement, housing, 
commercial, ind us trial, education, cultural, recreation, tour ism, 
and health. 
1. 5 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 
The search for the spatial manifestation of political processes 
is the pursuit of knowledge in Political Geography, yet such 
information falls short of promoting knowledge if it is not 
coupled with theoretical principles which can be used to extract 
the facts from complex situations. This section is devoted, 
8 
firstly, to an outline of the different opinions on the defini-
tion and content of study in Political Geography; secondly, to 
give a brief account of the historical development in Political 
Geography; thirdly, to identify theoretical models which have 
been developed to study the spatial manifestation of political 
processes; and lastly, to provide a theoretical framework which 
can be used to interpret and distinguish this study from other 
similar ones. 
1. 5 .1 DEFINITION OF POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY 
Throughout the history of Political Geography there appears to 
be a bone of contention concerning the definition and content of 
Political Geography. Whereas the definitions have varied, there 
are reservations at the same time about the consensus view that 
the subject matter must be concerned with the exercise of autho-
rity, power, and its influence on space ( Alexander, 1957; Carl-
son, 1958; and Busteed, 1983 ). Individual scholars precariously 
hold to their perspectives and fields of study and have contri-
buted to the diverse views on the definition and content of study 
in Political Geography. Sprout (1968) saw it as little more than 
a specialist branch of Political Science. Whittlesey (1935) 
adopted the orthodox definition of Geography at the time to his 
field of study, and defined it as the study of areal differen-
tiation of political phenomena. In the view of Hartshorne (1935), 
the core of Political Geography was the study of the relations 
between the physical environment and political activities and 
organization, most notably the sovereign state. East ( 19 3 7 ) 
added to the discussion on definition that it could be defined 
as the study of the geographical result of political differen-
tiation as exhibited in the visible landscape or the geographical 
analysis of the human and physical texture of political terri-
tories. In his essay Elements of Political Geography, Van Val-
kenburg (1939) took a different line. For him the essence of the 
subject was geographical interpretation of international rela-
tions and his particular emphasis was on the cycle in the deve-
lopment of nations. 
9 
Irrespective of the above-mentioned assertions by Political 
Geographers, the basic fact is that Political Geography is a 
subject which serves as a major link between Geography and Poli-
tical Science and at the same time locates the subject in the 
spectrum between the two. The literature on this issue is inclu-
sive of Cawlson' s ( 1958: 6) view that "Political Geography relates 
to Political Science; the two fields resemble each other in that 
the object of both is the analysis of the state. Political Scien-
tists concern themselves with the policy and sovereignty of the 
nation whereas the Political Geographer deals with the power and 
space relations". This is reiterated by the Ad Hoc Committee on 
Geography (1969:57) that, "indeed the concept of a nation, and 
by extension, the concept of any political system is almost 
unthinkable apart from association with specific territory ... 
the two are inescapable general characteristics of a political 
system, the political process by which or with which it functions 
and the territory to which it is bound". This is inclined to 
support the school of thought which believes that every political 
process has a geographical area uniquely associated with it and 
that no geographical area escapes such an association. 
At the same time, Alexander (1957:32) had the opinion that 
"Political Geographers are concerned with the spatial form and 
structure of the government by itself, that is, the division of 
functions among the executive, legislation and the judicial bran-
ches or whether it is democratic or totalitarian". In contrast 
to this, Muir ( 1981: 17 8) cautioned that "for a Geographer to 
attempt to investigate political geographical phenomena with smug 
disregard for the political process would be analogous to a geo-
morphologist studying landform in terms of their structure and 
ignorance of process and the basic relevant theories inherent in 
Political Science". Cohen and Rosenthal ( 1971: 116) added that 
"without more attention to politics, our geographical insights 
are likely to be limited and sterile". 
The consensus view that the actual subject matter must be poli-
tical is rejected by Johnston (1980:439) as he stated that 11 
10 
this is to some extent an overstatement". He disagreed with the 
consensus view to locate the discipline's root in Political 
Science, and the notion that the discipline would be weakly 
developed should its practitioners ignore the real content of 
politics - the exercise of power through the state. In the view 
of Johnston, the prime requirement for the development of Poli-
tical Geography is a valid theory of the state, an application 
of the pluralist-decision-making theory to analyze the decisions 
and actions associated with capitalistic theory. This therefore 
allows a realistic orientation of much geographical work, which 
is a prime concern of patterns and processes on the ground. 
Contrary to these views, Prescott (1972) provided a different 
perspective for viewing the relationship between politics and 
geography. His standpoint is that the conscious decisions and 
actions of political process are responsible for the political 
variation between countries or within the single states. There-
fore, for political decisions and actions to achieve their right-
ful place in Political Geography, the search must, firstly, start 
from the geographical factors considered in the formulation of 
the decisions and actions. Secondly, it could be based on unper-
ceived geographical factors which could influence the implemen-
tation and any geographical outcome of the decision and action. 
Thirdly, unperceived geographical factors which could influence 
the implementation and any geographical outcome of the decisions 
and actions. In so doing Political Geographers would not only be 
establishing that there is a relationship between the two disci-
plines, but would also be showing that spatial areal patterns are 
sometimes the direct consequence of political decisions and 
actions. 
This study supports the opinion that the focus of any study in 
Political Geography should determine the relationship between the 
Political Geography and the other disciplines, and where that 
emphasis should be. Firstly, if the spatial manifestation of 
political processes within a political system becomes the object 
of study, as in this case, then some aspect of politics cannot 
11 
be divorced from Political Geography. Secondly, if the differing 
impact made on a particular geographical space by a particular 
political system over time is to be analyzed, this does not only 
illustrate the time variable, but indicates that Political 
Geographers would have to lean on history in the interpretation 
of geographical phenomena. The rationale being that history 
provides a means of discerning what man's achievement within an 
area has been. Therefore, only as the present is set in pers-
pective against the historic record of the past can the Political 
Geography of the region be interpreted completely. Thirdly, the 
relationship between politics and geography should be regarded 
as a situation in which the former offers the latter an approach 
to a sound analysis of the political process and its spatial 
manifestation. 
1. 5 .2 DEVELOPMENTAL PHASES OF POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY 
For the purposes of this study it is considered very important 
to trace the major developments which have dominated the scho-
larly literature on the relationship between political phenomena 
and geographical factors. According to Busteed ( 1983), the major 
developments as they occurred within time frames can be divided 
into the Classical Era, the Modern Era, and the Contemporary 
Period. This study focuses on development which were occurred 
during the Contemporary Period. 
1.5.2.1 THE CLASSICAL ERA (UNTIL THE LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY) 
One of the first developments in Political Geography was probably 
the attempt by the two Greek philosophers Plato (428-342 B.C.) 
and Aristotle (348-322 B.C.) to relate geographical and poli-
tical phenomena. In both writings it was clear that they were 
pre-occupied with what could be perceived as the ideal form of 
a state. They envisaged that the ideal form of a political unit 
or state would be to have a population large enough to establish 
its army for defence, it should be self-sufficient, and be as 
productive as possible. Their only point of departure was that 
12 
Plato felt a state should have as little maritime contact as 
possible because foreign influence will have an enervating 
effect. Aristotle acknowledged the detrimental effect of maritime 
inf 1 uence, but believed that a city should be conveniently 
situated in relation to both land and sea to allow easy access 
to trade and to exercise of power beyond the city's immediate 
area. 
While they might not have considered themselves Geographers, much 
less Political Geographers, the content of their writings on pol-
itics and geography provided a perspective and an intellectual 
outlook on the duality of Political Geography. Political Geogra-
phers today are grateful to them for the manner and effort they 
took to relate the political events of their time to Physical 
Geography which draws a relationship between political events and 
geographical phenomena. 
During the classical period, the Romans, Islamic, and Chinese 
scholars also contributed to the geographical literature, but 
made no effort to connect their studies to politics. Their 
contribution to Geography tended to be an encyclopedic collec-
tion about places other than their own. It was a period which 
also witnessed a great deal of exploration and considerable 
advances in astronomical observation and measurement. Then came 
the Renaissance, the great European voyages of exploration, and 
the Reformation which revived the twin pillars of science, namely 
careful empirical observation and systematic er it ical speculation 
based on the observed evidence. It was in the subsequent studies 
that several works appeared in which themes which indicated a 
link between politics and geography were found in the writings 
of Bodin ( 1520-1590), William Petty ( 1624-1687), Monstesquieu 
(1689-1755), Turgot (1727-1781), Alexander von Humboldt (1769-
1859), and Carl Ritter (1779-1859). 
Bodin, a French lawyer, was noted for his attempts at scientific 
study of political affairs with particular stress on the rela-
tionship between politics, geography and the will of God. In his 
13 
theme Les six livre de la Republic, he wrote on the connection 
between a peoples' economy, society, and their physical environ-
ment. Acorrding to Busteed (1983) William Petty's article 
theorized on the optimum size of the state which he suggested 
depended on a variety of physical and environmental factors. 
During the same period Montesquieu, who's ideas inspired the 
legal systems of the world regarded the differences as the 
outcome of a whole complex of variables including physical 
factors such as climate, topography, and soils. The first 
recorded use of the term Political Geography occurred in 1750 and 
it marked the first systematic attempt to produce a systematic 
treatise outlining the link between Geography and the political 
process. This was the work of the brilliant French scholar, 
Turgot. He believed that government policy should be based on 
proper evaluation and on the recognition of physical and 
environmental factors. 
Unfortunately, the conventional approach in scientific methodo-
logy of working from hypothesis testing, analysis of theory, and 
hopefully to laws had not penetrated studies at that time. con-
sequently, the writers during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Cen-
turies, were faced with the task of extracting significant asso-
ciation which proved difficult to undertake, therefore, most of 
their published works were untested and unsubstantiated. As a 
result Political Geography remained stagnant while progress was 
being made in other branches of Geography. 
Both Alexander van Humboldt and Carl Ritter were hailed as great 
contributors to the subject, to the extent that Von Humboldt was 
hailed as the founder of Political Geography. Von Humboldt was 
regarded as a widely travelled careful field observer and coll-
ector of official records and ideas which expressed the relation-
ship between all living things both physical and human. To Bus-
teed (1983:8), Von Humboldt cannot be hailed as a significant 
contributor to Political Geography because "his political essay 
on the Kingdom of New Spain in 1811, even though it did suggest 
that a relationship existed between the political conditions of 
14 
his country, it was by no means the dominant theme of his book". 
It is quite significant that in the second half of the nineteenth 
century many writers from diverse backgrounds demonstrated the 
relationship between geography and political affairs to the ext-
ent that two traditions were discernible. One was those whose 
writings were preoccupied with the dualism of Political Geo-
graphy, and the others whose studies were devoid of any relation 
between politics and geography. In spite of the development 
which became evident in the scholarly writings of the classical 
era, their writings had not evolved into a coherent branch of 
geography to be called Political Geography. Instead, there 
existed merely a widely diffused belief that there were links 
between politics and geography which were worthy of study, but 
there was no single text which outlined the nature and content 
of that field. 
1.5.2.2 THE MODERN ERA (THE LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY TO 
THE EARLY 1960'S) 
It was during this period that the first attempt was made to 
define Political Geography as an integrated branch of Geography 
in general, together with texts devoted to particular aspects of 
the subject. However, the two traditions of scholarly writings 
persisted within the works of individual writers. The two major 
developments which contributed to the production of the first 
text on Political Geography by Friedrick Ratzel (1844-1904) was 
firstly the organizing concept derived from Darwin's work on 
natural selection, and, secondly, the political circumstances in 
Ratzel's native country, Germany, which evoked his awareness of 
political affairs. From that time Political Geography was asso-
ciated with Darwin's idea that the plant community as an organism 
must struggle for space and resources and proceed through the 
life cycle of birth, growth, expansion, and decline which seemed 
common to all living matter. This became the basis of Ratzel's 
text, Poli tis ch Geography ( 1898), in which he conceived the 
sovereign state as being analogous to the plant community. 
15 
By conceiving the sovereign state as similar to the plant com-
munity, Ratzel's intention was to demonstrate that the behav-
ioural characteristics of the plant community was almost the same 
as the state. He argued that the state if analogous to the plant 
community, fluctuates with time and cannot be contained forever 
within the same rigid limits. In terms of the size of the state, 
he believed that states go through a process of ageing and the 
territorial area was directly related to the age and nature of 
the physical environment. Just as plant growth depends on certain 
factors, similarly, he identified what he considered necessary 
to promote state growth. 
The significance of Ratzel's work was the manner in which he 
demonstrated the intimate bond between politics and geography 
and that he used his training in Geography to justify his 
country's needs and policies. 
Following the work of Ratzel, Alfred Thayer Mahan (1861-1947) and 
Halford John Mackinder ( 1861-194 7) , an American and British resp-
ectively, also contemplated the relationship between geography 
and political affairs. Mahan was not a Geographer by profession, 
but an American naval officer who demonstrated that a country's 
maritime power depended upon six factors, of which five have 
strong geographical overtones. He did this in one of his writings 
on naval history. Without any academic or professional interest, 
his ultimate concern was to stress the advantage of a strong 
navy, to discover the element which underlay naval strength and 
also to discover the extent to which the United States can 
possess and exploit those qualities. By 1914 it was widely 
acknowledged that there was a branch of a discipline known as 
Political Geography which examined the interrelation between 
politics and geography. At that time, it had not attained a 
coherent definition and some writers tended to evaluate the 
situation from a distinctly national viewpoint. Others, with 
their geographical knowledge, advocated particular lines of 
policy to preserve and enhance their country's image abroad. 
16 
For Political Geography the greatest boom came from the wide-
spread realization that the subject had a great deal of insight 
to offer to military, diplomatic, and political affairs. The 
overall impact of the wartime and peace congress experiences for 
Political Geography was twofold: firstly, it confirmed the fact 
that Geography had a definite value in territorial disputes and 
their aftermath; secondly, these experiences, and treaty making, 
in particular did much to influence the overall structure and 
content of Political Geography for subsequent generations. 
Significant issues like boundaries and their relationship to 
human and physical patterns, the structure of a state's popula-
tion and economy; estimates of its political, military, and eco-
nomic strength, the presence and distribution of minority groups 
coupled with other topics discussed in the commissions of experts 
who drew up the treaties, all gradually found their way into 
standard texts and outlines of Political Geography. 
A notable step towards a more general perspective came when 
Hartshorne (1935) proceeded to outline what he believed should 
be the content of the subject by discussing the model state. He 
suggested that the subject should deal with the descriptive 
analysis of the state, its shape, national and cultural land-
scape areas and the geographic interrelationship of areas. Other 
useful topics he suggested should include political events 
related to regional features, dependencies, the seas, and the 
landscape effects on political organization. 
By 1939 the first texts on general aspects of Political Geo-
graphy, such as boundaries and power politics, had appeared. 
There were also attempts to define the subject and construct a 
methodology. 
Following the development of Political Geography into the late 
1930's, the period until the early 1960's witnessed the emergence 
of a crucial contrast with earlier experiences which made the 
future prospect of the subject look increasingly dreary. The 
reasons for this contrast, were the different methods of making 
17 
peace settlements after the Second World War, the nature of the 
political regimes in those areas where the greatest change 
occurred, and the exaggerated react ion against German Geo pol it ik. 
This led to a suspicion of the study which linked geography and 
political affairs. 
Once again, little was shown in the documentation during the 
closing years of the Second World War and the period immediately 
afterwards. Arrangements for the peace settlement in the post-
war world were arrived at in a different manner from 1917-1920. 
Instead, affairs were settled at the highest level in secret 
discussions between the chief Allied leaders, most notably at 
Teheran, Yalta, and Potsdam. The allies agreed on the division 
of Germany and located spheres of interest for each other. With 
such arrangement arrived at in this manner, there was little 
careful documentation. Consequently, opportunities for detailed 
public and academic investigation into these arrangements simply 
did not exist. The effect was that Political Geography missed 
that notable boost which the practical experiences of detailed 
treaty-making had given after 1918. 
1.5.2.3 THE CONTEMPORARY PERIOD (LATE 1960'S TO THE PRESENT) 
From the late 1960's onwards there was evidence that interest in 
Political Geography was being re-awakened. The revival took on 
two main f orrns. The foremost was that, there was a rising 
interest in Political Geography per se. Secondly, there was a 
rapid growth in the application of Geography to contemporary 
societal problems. Thus, studies were framed in a way to open 
discussions, and to question the operation of political processes 
and the legitimacy of social values which were believed to have 
contributed to the problems being discussed. 
Another factor that revived Political Geography was the shift in 
the nature of the paradigm of the late 1950's, and early 1960's. 
This new trend paved the way for those who had mastered new 
approaches and were seeking fresh fields to apply them as they 
18 
found other branches of Geography urban, social, and the 
economic over-crowded with research workers. Some recalled that 
Political Geography had been a significant branch of Geography 
in the past and believed that it had useful insights to offer. 
Others considered there was the need to resuscitate it after 
almost twenty years of neglect, otherwise it might die out or its 
concerns would be ignored and would be taken over by Political 
Science. Some of the writings which appeared tried to encompass 
the subject as a whole (Prescott, 1966; 1972; East and Prescott, 
1975). Other topics included global patterns of legal systems 
(Easterly, 1977), territorial disputes (Fairhell, 1977), and 
boundaries (Logan, 1968; Prescott, 1965). 
Since its revival, the scale of focus expanded from macro and 
rneso to micro scale (Cox, 1979). The studies were not only 
characterised by the change of scale, but also by a shift from 
an idiographic subject focus to a nornothet ic approach, the 
conventional scientific methodology of hypothesis testing, model-
ling and law building, and careful acquisition of data and their 
testing by statistical techniques. In all, it was shown that 
ideas and techniques adopted by other branches of Geography could 
be applied to Political Geography. This was demonstrated by the 
use of allocation-location models in the construction of adminis-
trative areas (Massaro, 1975), the adoption of system analysis as 
an analytical f rarnework ( Cohen and Rosenthal, 1971) , and the 
appearance of text which tries to incorporate the new concepts 
and techniques in the overall view subject (Kasperson and Minghi, 
1969; Jackson and Samuels, 1971; Muir, 1981; Muir and Paddison 
I 
1981; Johnston, 1982; Kirby, 1982). 
The most rapid growth came in Electoral Geography which for a 
long time had been regarded as part of Political Geography 
(Busteed, 1975; Taylor and Johnston, 1979; Taylor, 1979). Using 
concepts derived from behaviouralisrn, a wide range of statistical 
techniques with a strong emphasis on space as a variable became 
one of the most rapid growth points in Behavioural Geography as 
a whole (Cox, 1969; Johnston, 1974). From then on attention was 
19 
--
focused on the effects of electoral boundaries on election 
results and efforts were made to relate Electoral Geography more 
closely to Political Geography. There arose a body of scholars 
who believed that it was essential to develop a discipline 
concerned with the issues currently facing society, particularly 
its relatively deprived groups (Albaum, 1973). 
From the above perspective, the most notable developments were 
studies which focused on the question of how the spatial pattern 
of deprivation and poverty came about. It was argued that it was 
based on competition and those who were already relatively weal-
thy and powerful usually won (Cox, 1973; 1978; 1979). This sit-
uation was the result of conflict in much of Western society. 
Consequently, many studies paid attention to the types of con-
flict, the groups involved, their differing aspirations, their 
comparative political power and their relative impact on the 
decision-making processes which produce the policy and the spa-
tial pattern welfare. The most commonly studied type of con-
flicts were proposed land-use changes (Cox, 1978). The study of 
location conflict has been seen as generating a new style of 
Political Geography which is urban based, micro-scale, and also 
concerned with the values, organisation, tactics, and access to 
power of contending groups (Hall, 1974). 
Political Geography from the early 1980's to 1990 was faced with 
a paradoxical situation which included opportunities and dangers, 
strong empirical emphasis, and the tendency of some scholars to 
be advocates as well as scholars. In spite of the early decline, 
it is believed that with the adoption of the more nomothetic 
philosophy, conventional scientific methodology of research and 
the application of statistical techniques, should these persist, 
then the historic lack of philosophical and methodological 
underpinning in Political Geography would be restored and the 
subject brought into line with other disciplines. In addition, 
it is held that the subject matter must be political in the sense 
that it is concerned with the exercise of authority, power and 
influence and more attention is paid to the consequences of that 
20 
power and its influence as portrayed in spatial location, pat-
terns and interrelationships in the use of space resources. Once 
again, the understanding of these patterns should be coupled with 
an emphasis on the processes of decision-making and the factors 
which influence them including the differential influence of 
competing groups which vary according to the extent of their 
influence, resources, and access to power. 
The historical development of the discipline, however, indicates 
that should its practitioners adopt the new development, then it 
could heal the age-long dichotomy between the two traditions of 
writers, and will provide the subject with a high standard of 
logic and analysis with a keen interest in current problems. One 
of the dominant features of the contemporary period are the 
process studies, with an emphasis on how processes influence 
geographical phenomena in various ways. 
1. 5. 3 POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND PROCESS STUDIES 
The key question which needs to be answered to orientate this 
study is: What are meant by the concepts 'process' and 'political 
process'? Kasperson and Minghi (1969:195) expressed that " ... 
process is concerned with the arrangement of empirically observed 
units, flowing, moving or interacting, where the whole complex 
of units constitutes the process". The prominent feature of 
process study in Political Geography is its dynamic character 
which is implied in the sequential order of events which are 
analyzed. Process, in this instance, denotes time plus change in 
relationships and conditions or events in space. It is a study 
which concerns itself with the analysis of behavioural events. 
The processes of spatial integration and dis integration are 
events for process studies, and recent examples can be found in 
the unification of West and East Germany in 1990, and the col-
lapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR) in 1991. 
Basically, the Political Scientist studying integration is inte-
rested in the constitution amalgamating and consolidating the 
states or regions or the merging of two or more political sys-
21 
terns. By contrast the Political Geographer is interested in the 
new Constitution, policy, and programmes and how they influence 
and distribute spatial phenomena. Hence the territorial or 
spatial impact which comes out of the entire process. 
Space is a common factor underlying and influencing the operation 
of a political system. Its significance to the Political Geo-
grapher, according to Muir (1981), is the use of territory as a 
prime basis upon which political processes are organized as a the 
succession of actions or operations which man conducts to estab-
blish or to maintain a political system. Within the political 
system, political processes are the channels by which man organ-
izes himself politically in his social and physical environment 
and how he responds to other political systems in their environ-
ment. According to Cohen and Rosenthal (1971), political process 
studies in Political Geography, are geared towards the examin-
ation of the impact of man's political behaviour in space. To 
Muir and Paddison (1981:15) it is " ... to demonstrate how poli-
tical factors and processes influence and interact with spatial 
behaviour". It is in this context that Political Geography should 
be seen as a process study, where behaviour in space, according 
to Kaperson and Minghi (1969:301) " ... refers to spatial patterns 
of behaviour, in which each occurrence can be located by geog-
raphical co-ordinates and the resulting patterns can be anal-
ysed". According to Cohen and Rosenthal ( 19 71: 164) , Geographers 
" ... are concerned with man's activity in space expressed in dis-
tinctive patterns that emerge in terms of space, distance, direc-
tion, mass, and diffusion rate ... ". 
In contrast to the above, Johnston (1980) held the view that 
process can only be uncovered if attention is directed to the 
decision-making activities of the actors involved in creating a 
given pattern. In recognition of this, Prescott (1972) explained 
that Political Geographers should have no interest in the deci-
sion-making process if it involves no consideration of geogra-
phical factors in the policy formulation. Muir and Paddison 
(1981) have, however, indicated that viewed geographically, our 
22 
interest is in how the decision interacts with the spatially 
organized environment in which they take place and their effect, 
in turn, on the environment. 
The question as to how political processes exhibit themselves in 
the geographical space of the political system is one which has 
received attention in Political Geography literature (Kasperson 
and Minghi, 1969; Muir, 1981). 
The subsequent sections will focus on the explanation which will 
serve to illustrate that the analysis of the spatial impact of 
the political process resides in the processes chosen for such 
a study. Such political processes include the following: inte-
gration and disintegration; changing international boundaries; 
transfer of sovereignty and the impact of the political process 
on the geographical landscape. Some of these themes are relevant 
to this study and in the sections below these topics will be 
discussed briefly. 
1.5.3.1 INTEGRATION AND DISINTEGRATION 
A useful area where political processes can be studied in terms 
of their spatial expression and the spatial structure within 
which they occur are integration and disintegration (not the 
focus of this study). Some definitions of spatial integration 
will suffice in this section. Haas (1957) indicated that it 
embraces the process whereby political actors in several distinct 
national settings are persuaded to shift their loyalties, expec-
tations, and political activities towards a new centre. Ainitai 
Azoinic (1956) identified three kinds of interaction: a centre 
for the use of violence; a centre of decision-making which is 
able to effect significantly the allocation of resources and 
rewards throughout the community; and dominant forces of 
political identification for a large majority of politically 
aware citizens. 
Despite the difference in emphasis displayed in the definition 
23 
there is no basic disagreement in the scope of political inte-
gration. There is, however, no doubt that the analysis of inter-
action can be one tool for discovering how integration grows as 
a process. This does not mean that when a group of states enjoy 
a high degree of interaction, then integration has taken place. 
For the Political Geographer, however, the explanation of the 
term integration resides in the behavioural connotation in terms 
of the spatial and structural characteristics evident in the 
total political space of the states or regions concerned. 
In analysing integration as a process, one way will be to 
identify the integration and the interrelationship by which a 
transaction transpires; communication such as mail and telephone 
calls. Trade in goods and services, transport links etc. are 
forms of transport flow that often lend themselves to patterns 
of spatial integration. 
Nelan stated (Oct 8, 1990) in an article in Time Magazine reg-
arding the unification of West and East Germany that 11 ••• the 
German Democratic Republic, a relic of Stalin's post-war empire, 
ceases to exist. In their rush towards unification over the past 
eleven months East and West Germany struck down the barriers 
between them like so many tenpins: building or upgrading plants 
and equipments, construction of roads, establishing communication 
networks and cleaning up industrial pollution are expected to eat 
up more than $455 billion. Legally, the Federal Republic has 
been sovereign since 1955, but in terms of self-reliance and 
pol icy independence, unification marks a significant change 11 • 
Bruce's article is a typical illustration of what is explicit in 
the process of political integration. Its significance to the 
process study for Geographers is the search for the structural 
and spatial manifestation of such an integration in time. 
Disintegration is the opposite of integration. It is the process 
by which integration is disrupted and political systems break 
down and fall apart into two or more uni ts. In George J. 
Church's article in Time Magazine (Dec. 24, 1990) captioned The 
24 
Anatomy of Coups as part of the process leading to the disin-
tegration of the Russian Revolution, he outlined the following: 
"Revolutions are messy affairs that may go on for years with 
climax after climax before a new stable regime is finally estab-
lished. But along the way they pass distinct turning points at 
which it becomes clear that the old order is gone beyond any hope 
of resurrection, and the future possible shape, however vague and 
tentative comes into view ... the Union of Soviet Socialist Repu-
blic as a subject of international law and a geographically rea-
lity is ceasing its existence, at the same time, the first blurry 
outline of what might replace the old union began to take shape. 
The new commonwealth formed by the three Slavic Republics. To 
dramatise the break from the communist - and before that, the 
Russian imperial past, the presidents decided that the common-
wealth's co-ordinating bodies, yet to be formed would be based 
not in Moscow, nor in the Czarist capital of St Petersburg, but 
in the plain-Jane utilitarian Belorussian city of Minsk". 
Church's article is an account of a spatial disintegration 
process which is now a reality in our modern times due to ethnic 
nationalism. In this century it may not exhibit any spatial 
pattern, but a collection can be a politico-geographic spatial 
pattern of the historic past, which in the long term could be 
used to analyze the impact of current political processes. The 
disintegration of the USSR is a complex view of partitioning -
a solution often used. It entails dividing the geographic space 
or reversing the geographic space to political systems which 
previously had a joint title or were separate governmental units. 
As a Geographer, one's interest in a process study is from the 
standpoint of the impact of the super-imposed boundaries, and the 
changing spatial relations of the newly-created units or a re-
verse to the status quo. In both spatial integration and disin-
tegration, structural frameworks of the political system and sym-
bolization are the means by which political goals are impressed 
upon the landscape. 
25 
1.5.3.2 CHANGING INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARIES 
Political Geographers' interest in boundary studies is as antique 
as the phenomena itself. This is reflected in the volumes of 
literature which exist and includes Semple (1911), Boggs (1932), 
Jones (1959), Minghi (1969), and Prescott (1965). 
From the viewpoint of geographical research on international 
border landscapes, Prescot (1965) reiterated four main research 
areas which should pre-occupy Political Geographers. These areas 
of research are concerned with (1) the political boundary as an 
element of the cultural landscape; (2) the effect of the boundary 
upon the landscape and on economic activity; (3) any impact the 
boundary might have on the attitude of border inhabitants; and 
(4) the effect of the boundary upon state policy. 
The question of how changing boundaries as a unit of measuring 
spatial impact of political processes has received much attention 
among the classification of boundaries studies which exist. When 
changing boundaries become the unit for identifying the spatial 
manifestation of political processes, the focus of attGntion is 
given to the political process as an agent for creating or shif-
ting boundaries as a landscape feature. This is based on the 
analysis of the impact of the boundary shift on pre-existing 
spatial patterns of phenomena and its related role in the re-
orientation of economic, social, and political activities both 
in the region which has undergone the change in sovereignty and 
in the contiguous areas on either side. 
The length of time between the change and the actual study and, 
more significantly, what spatial patterns needed to be studied 
in order to analyse the effect of the change are the key issues 
which require attention. As a response to these, Minghi(1969: 
204) remarked, "there cannot be a definitive study of the impact 
of a boundary change, but rather because of the continuing pro-
cess that the change generates there are recordings of the impact 
at different points of time". The primary concern of any study 
26 
national space and common features emerged. National space 
became formally controlled by a communication network orientated 
to the capital city and to the ports. New spatial forms emerged 
reflecting different levels of incorporation into the capitalist 
mode. Plantations, estates, mines, and towns formed isolated 
islands where capitalist relations predominated ... ultimately 
influenced the entire national space. Peri-urban areas acted as 
a commuting zone for urban workers". 
The theoretical interest lies in the process of change and the 
interaction which the new political process generates with the 
territorial space is evident in the colonial legacy. Kaperson and 
Minghi ( 1969: 206) formulated statements describing common charac-
teristics associated with the processes of the transfer of sove-
reignty as follows: "There is usually a conscious attempt at 
systematic elimination of landscape relics of the former sove-
reignty. Different sets of priorities under the new sovereignty 
lead to changes in such features as land-use, land tenure pat-
terns, and transportation routes. Forced or voluntary emigration 
of citizens back to areas under their own flag can cause changes 
in the population distribution Immigration of population 
usually takes place especially in the administrative and economic 
spheres to replace the emigrants -both spatially and vertically 
in the independent case. Internal reorganization of adminis-
tration regions is often carried out with the aim of increasing 
the role of the central government". 
These characteristics indicate that political-geographic research 
into transfer of sovereignty or independence are spatial pro-
cesses which merit more attention by Political Geographers. The 
theoretical significance does not lie only in the comparative 
study which is offered by comparing the landscape relics of the 
past with the post-sovereignty landscape, but also associated 
political processes such as nation-building and economic deve-
lopment which became visible in the landscape as evidence of the 
new sovereignty. The state-building process may take various 
forms in different countries, depending on the conditions pre-
28 
vailing in the country. From the Geographer's point of view, 
however the interest lies in the spatial impact of the process; 
the emphasis is on what Gottmann (1973) called iconography or the 
symbol of distinctiveness which the new state government uses to 
establish itself as being in control. 
Other spatial processes may also be found in the programmes of 
economic development which the new government uses to alter or 
to reduce the level of poverty and unemployment on the national 
scale. In a nutshell, the Political Geographer's interest in the 
transfer of sovereignty as a unit of analysis is to show that the 
process in totality gives rise to aspects such as nation-building 
and economic development. Thus, if one can recognise these pro-
cesses and understand their dynamics, this will enable one to be 
in a better position to identify the distinctive structures and 
patterns which are manifested by those processes on the 
landscape. 
1.5.3.4 THE IMPACT OF POLITICAL PROCESS ON THE 
GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE 
The impact of the political process on the geographical landscape 
may be considered to be an additional process study for Geogra-
phers. The major point of difference in the analysis of the poli-
tical process lies in the political system within which the pro-
cess operates. Whereas it would be accepted that the concepts 
process and the system are inseparable, the process created in 
the chronicle of two successive political systems may not be the 
same and neither would their respective impacts on the landscape 
vary. As a result, political systems can be compared, analyzed, 
distinguished, and broadly classified diachronically as they 
shift their positions along the spectrum through time so that 
their respective impacts provide a convenient landmark for asso-
ciating each political process with the framework of its poli-
tical system. Whittlesey (1935:19) remarked that "the political 
structure erected by every group of people is, ideally, a device 
for facilitating the economic and social life of the community. 
29 
It is most successful when it neatly fits the conditions of the 
natural environment in the area where it functions". 
From this perspective it becomes feasible to analyze political 
process - integration and disintegration, changing international 
boundaries, transfer of sovereignty - as a landscape-changing 
feature which may not only vary in nature and objectives through 
time and from one political system to the other, but whose impact 
would also strongly be evident in the territorial space of its 
environs. Hence, in analysing the political process and its 
spatial attributes in one period succeeding the other, one is 
viewing political process in its restricted sense as the act of 
governing through formal political institutions and at the same 
time within the context of societal forces by which man orders 
his political life. Whereas the political system of pre-indepen-
dent Africa was organized on a societal force of colonialism and 
racism, the independent societal force is based on a new sove-
reignty, self-determination, and self-preservation. 
Therefore, by casting political process in the context of the 
societal forces it becomes feasible to understand the political 
process and its associated spatial impact. For example, a 
political system legislating the Separate Amenity Act and Group 
Areas Act can only be understood in a system whose societal 
forces are held on racial lines and also demonstrate a landscape 
pattern segregated according to ethnic population groups. Cohen 
and Rosenthal ( 1971: 10) remarked, " ... concerned with overriding 
societal forces then, one can find focus in the study of act of 
governing, whereby man applies power, usually through law, to 
shape the institution by which the governing process operates is 
the key to law-landscape analysis". 
The view adopted in this study is that by analysing political 
process in a specific time frame of the political system (before 
the inde-pendence of Bophutha tswana and during independence), one 
is researching the interaction of man's political decisions and 
actions in changing geographical landscape patterns. In other 
30 
words, it is a study which systematically identifies and asso-
ciates the spatially observed patterns in the geographical land-
scape with the political processes which created them. 
1. 5. 4 PROCESS MODELS FOR POLITICO-GEOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS 
Based on various views of aspects of political process which 
could be studied, attempts have also been made to design a number 
of geographical models for process studies. These include: the 
Unified Theory (Jones, 1954); and the System Approach (Parson, 
1950; Easton, 1965; Cohen and Rosenthal, 1971; Prescott, 1972). 
The objective of this section is to outline some politico-geo-
graphical process models in an attempt to identify the most 
suitable model for the analysis of the impact of Bophuthatswana's 
independence on the geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-
Selosesha. 
1.5.4.1 UNIFIED THEORY 
Jones' Unified Theory is a framework for the study of contem-
porary problems in Political Geography. Jones' concept of a 
unified theory is conceived as a link between an idea and a 
political area. They are conceived as two ends of a chain and the 
hyphen which connects them represents a series of intercon-
necting stages - where an initial idea results in a political 
decision which in turn leads to a movement affecting the field 
within the political area, the geographical base of the decision-
making authorities. This is represented as a linked chain, and 
is illustrated as follows: 
Political Idea-· Decision - Movement -- Field-- Political Area. 
Jones visualises all of the concepts as a chain of lakes where 
the basins interconnect at one level so that whatever enters one 
will spread to all of the others. The political idea expressed 
in the chain according to Jones, could mean any political ideas 
which are consciously expressed and may reach a favourable deci-
31 
sion. By linking movement to the decision, the implication is 
that some decisions create movement, some change it and others 
restrict it. In the process a new kind of movement either repl-
aces the old or controls it. At the end of the chain, the poli-
tical area serves as the field of research for both Political 
Geographers and Political Scientists. Jones uses the political 
area to refer to any politically organized area, e.g. a national 
state, a sub-division of the state, etc. 
Jones's holistic approach as expressed in the link chain to solve 
politico-geographical problems can be applied to all levels of 
political hierarchy. It is a significant expression of the poli-
tical area as an effective functioning of political decisions and 
actions. Its emphasis lies on the relationship between ideas, 
decision-making, movements, and areas. As a tool for politico-
geographical analysis, it provides a path between geography and 
politics, but not necessary a short cut in the link and can go 
in whatever direction one chooses. At the same time, political 
ideas and decisions are designed to either prevent, change, or 
preserve the status quo in all spheres of the political hiera-
rchy. Therefore, by applying Jones's model, in addition to 
others, the impact of decisions can only be identified by the 
pattern which existed before the political decision was applied 
in the political area. 
1.5.4.2 SYSTEM APPROACH 
The adoption of the system approach in analysing politico-
geographical problems was developed by Easton and Parson (1950) 
and has since become an important tool in Political Georaphy. 
The application of the system approach is based on the idea that 
the political process can create and influence the distribution 
of geographical phenomena only by operating within spatially 
bounded units. When the entire process and its geographical base 
is conceived as a system, it demonstrates a composite of elements 
with relations between itself and its spatially bounded unit. 
According to Muir and Paddison (1981) political activities are 
32 
linked in behavioural terms to the environment within which they 
take place (Figure 1.4). In that manner the political activities, 
according to Muir and Paddison (1981) constitute a system of 
behaviour set in an environment which influences the political 
system itself and to which it in turn reacts. 
Figure 1. 4 is used to illustrate the four components of the 
political system set in the geographical space of the political 
system which consist of the following: 
* a set of inputs consisting of demands and support which 
establishes the dynamic nature of the system, furnish-
ing it with information and ideas; 
* a centralised decision-making mechanism which receives 
and formulates the inputs into decisions or public 
policies; 
* output, the exit of the system, through which the centra-
lised decision-makers influence the distribution of 
human and physical phenomena; and 
* the feedback mechanism serves to relay information from 
the environment in order to modify new inputs and outputs. 
Environment (other systems - cultural. etc.} 
Authoritative Public 
decision-makers policies 
Feedback 
FIGURE 1.4 A SIMPLIFIED MODEL OF A POLITICAL SYSTEM 
(Source: Muir and Paddison, 1981:16) 
33 
The system exhibits both open and closed characteristics which 
enable the political system to regulate itself politically inter-
nally and externally respectively to other systems. By conceiv-
ing political activities in a system framework, one can show how 
a political system functions to influence the distribution of 
phenomena in a territorial space. Easton's system approach has 
a significant implication for this study. Firstly, it can be used 
to represent the pre-independent and independent political sys-
tems, and secondly, to identify the distinctive political process 
which has issued therefrom. Again as a distinctive tool, it can 
be applied as a framework at all levels of the political hiera-
rchy, but it cannot be used independently to analyse the impact 
of the political process on the geographical landscape. 
1.5.4.3 PRESCOTT'S MODEL 
Another effort which was made to apply the system approach to 
verify a politico-geographical problem is the one developed by 
Prescott (1972). A Professor of Geography at the University of 
Melbourne, he is known for his contributions to Political Geog-
raphy. He developed a model based on the system approach which 
provides a comprehensive description and analysis of the full 
scope of Political Geography. His model shows, at the same time 
the relationship between Geography and public policy as shown in 
Figure 1.5. 
It illustrates perceived and unperceived factors which influence 
policy-making and the operation of policies respectively, includ-
ing the consequences which flow from policies. Based on Pres-
cott's model, it is no longer fashionable to question the value 
of a particular study by asking: Is it Geography? Hence his mo-
del advances a framework for verifying whether a specific policy 
should receive attention from Political Geographers or not. 
From this perspective his model advances three stages: policy-
making, policy operation, and results of policies_ from where 
34 
making, policy operation, and results of policies - from where 
geographical factors may have an influence. It also indicates 
areas where Political Geographers should involve themselves in 
research into policies. In applying Prescott's model to this 
study, one finds that it provides a theoretical plan for studying 
the impact of Bophuthatswana's independence on the geographical 
landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha. It does not, however, indicate 
the kind of landscape components which need to be analysed to 
show the impact of the political process on the landscape. 
,c 
l t 
Policy-makers·--->- Policy--~ Operation--> Result 
t A I 
f~rceived factors i 
1. Political 1. Political 
2. Legal Ur1per_c~Jyed_ factors 2. Legal 
3. Economic 1. Political 3. Economic 
4. Geographic 2. Legal 4. Geographic 
5. Moral 3. Economic 5. 
4. Geographic 
5. 
FIGURE 1.5 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PUBLIC POLICY AND 
GEOGRAPHY 
(Source: Prescott, 1972:97) 
1.5.4.4 COHEN AND ROSENTHAL'S MODEL 
Cohen and Rosenthal's model is also another geographical model 
which has made a significant contribution as a tool for the 
analysis of spatial attributes in a political process. Their 
Geographical Model for Political Systems Analysis is set on the 
35 
premise that Political Geography is concerned with the spatial 
attributes of the political process. On that note, they unfold 
the political process and its spatial attribute within a frame-
work or system approach to embrace the overall politico-geogra-
phical concepts such as territoriality, political place, percep-
tion, decision-making etc. Cohen and Rosenthal's model illus-
trates the political role of man in society and the relation of 
that role to the land, and to indicate the consequences of that 
relation in the formation of the political system (Figure 1.6). 
--~~ l HE POLITICAL PROCESS ---~ 
POLITICAL POLITICAL 
f OflClS STflUCTUf1ES THANSACTIONS 
w 
u 
~----~--------- <i: 
Q 
IDEOLOGICAL AlJHLHcNCE HIERAHCHY or 
POLITICAi U) 
ADMINISTRATIVt PERC[PTION __J OF INHABITANTS TO l'LACE-
OF PLACE <i: 
(Pol. I c-onogr apll r) CENTEf1S u 
I 
Q_ 
<i: 
a:: 
l'.J 
0 
w 
l'.J 
1 
,111 
FIGURE 1.6 THE POLITICAL SYSTEM WITH TIME SCALE 
(Source: Cohen and Rosenthal, 1971:116) 
36 
In the model man's political role is expressed in several facets 
(as in political structure, political transaction and societal 
forces) on the multi-dimensional aspect of the land (place, 
areas, and landscapes). These were identified as the major com-
ponents in their analysis of the political system, where any form 
of relation and interaction is established. The relation between 
the political structure and the land defines the locational att-
ributes of land (e.g political structure and place defines the 
hierarchy of administrative centres). The relationship between 
the political structure and the political area defines the con-
tent and organisation of the area. What is significant in the 
model is the political action area, the sum total of the multi-
dimension aspect of the land where the political transaction 
makes its impact. 
They further simplified their model (as in Figure 1. 7) to 
emphasize the interaction between the political transaction and 
the land, where the spatial aspect of man's role takes place. The 
interaction which precedes the hierarchy, ideologies, are less 
spatial; those which follow the land tenure system though direct-
ly spatially inclined are not unique to the political process. 
In addition to this, man in his cultural and economic role also 
generates landscape change, area formation and interaction. The 
three interactions which contribute to the analysis of the poli-
tical action area are territoriality, political perception of 
place and the internal and external impact. They concluded that 
the spatial attribute of the political process, which is the main 
focus of their model, is forged by the sense of territoriality 
and place, politically perceived whether within or outside of the 
area's system. 
Implicit in their model are the time scales and societal forces 
from which po 1 it ical processes are issued through political 
structure; an indication that their impact on place, area, and 
on the landscape will differ according to the time scale. The 
entire political process and the geographical space constitutes 
the political system. 
37 
~-·---------- MAN -~-----------<-
POLITICAL POLITICAL 
STf<lJCTUF<ES TRANSACTIONS 
POLITICAL 
PERCEPTION PLACE AND PLACES 
0 
z 
<t: 
_J 
INTERNAL onGANIZA rlON 
POLITICAL AflEA 
AND EXTERNALITIES 
FOFlMATION AND 
{Focus on open/c!ost~d 
INTEFlACTION 
system) 
TEF1HITORI/\LITY LANDSCAPE 
FIGURE 1.7 THE POLITICAL SYSTEM 
(Source: Cohen and Rosenthal, 1971:117) 
Cohen and Rosenthal's model serves as a tool for the study of the 
spatial manifestation of political process and it is the most 
suitable framework for this study. However, it does not indicate 
which of the components among the mosaic of the landscape are 
mostly affected and the pattern of change from one time period 
to the other in the new political system. It is for this reason 
that one should consider it appropriate to modify Cohen and Ros-
enthal's model and to adapt it to this study's objectives. 
38 
1. 5. 5 A PROCESS MODEL FOR THE EXPLANATION OF THE CHANGE IN 
THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA DUE 
·ro BOPHUTHATSWANA' s INDEPENDENCE 
Figure 1.8 is a model which attempts to provide a framework to 
illustrate the impact of two successive political systemsl iden-
tified as TS1 (pre-1977) and TS2 (1977-1992) on the geographic 
space of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha. The main objective of the model 
is to structure the explanation of the transfer of the soverei-
gnty of Thaba Nchu district by the government of the Republic of 
South Africa to Bophuthatswana in 1977, and the consequence of 
Bophuthatswana' s sovereignty (independence) on the transfor-
mation of the geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha from 
11 (1976) to 12 (1992). 
Figure 1.8 depicts two political systems and processes which have 
been instituted on the geographical space of Thaba Nchu-Selose-
sha. In TS1 the political system for the pre-1977 is expressed 
as a facet of the political process, viz. political transac-
t ions2, political structures 3, and supportive societal forces4 -
which relates and interact with the multi-dimensional aspects of 
the land, viz. the political action area- which constitutes the 
building blocks of the geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-
Selosesha. 
The relation and interaction of the facets of the political pro-
cess with an aspect of the land, define the locational attributes 
of the land. For example, the relation and interaction of the 
lrt represents that pattern of human interaction wherein 
power and authority are generated' allocated, influenced and 
changed - the pattern whereby society is organised. 
2The laws, policies, and programmes which apply throughout 
the whole territory of the state. 
J Institutions established to serve the entire population of 
the state. 
4rdeas and beliefs which relate directly to the political 
system. 
39 
~ 
H 
THE POTITICAL SYSTEM TS I IPRE-19761 THE POLITICAL SYSTEM TS 2 (1977 -19921 G) 
C: 
::a THE POLITICAL PROCESS IN TS I IPRE-1976: )lo THE POLITICAL PROCESS IN TS 2 11977-19921 
t,tj 
f-> POLITICAL POLITICAL POLITICAL POLITICAL 
SOCIETAL FORCES! • i STRUCTL.:RES TRANSACTIONS TRANSFER OF SOVEREIGNTY TRANSACTIONS STRUCTURES SOCIETAL FORCES 
CX) 
G) ::i,. 
t,tj 
0 t-o \ I 
G) ::a 
::a 0 POLITICAL ACT!ON 
::i,. n AREA 
t-o t,tj Gl 
::r:: (fl rr1 
H (fl 
n 0 
::i,. 3: Gl 
t"" 0 ;iJ 
t:, 
t"" t,tj l> 
::i,. t"" POLITICAL PERCEPTION 
z POLITICAL PERCEPTION 
-u 
,.,. OF PLACE ~~- PLACE/S -OF PLACE I t:, 8 
(fl 
0 0 () n 
::i,. t,tj 
t-o X (/) 
tr:l t-o 
t"" -u 
0 ::i,. '.'HE.'/NAL ORGANIZA T!ON AREA FOR MA T!ON INTERNAL ORGANIZATION l> 
~ H & EXTERNALITIES z & & EXTERNALITIES 
() 
INTERACTION rr1 
8 
::r:: 8 
::i,. ::r:: 
to t,tj 
::i,. 
n 
z ::r:: 
n ::i,. GEOG'lAPYICAL LA,~D-1 TERRITORIALITY 
::r:: z TERRITORIALWt ------------------• SCA"E Ci' TYABA 
C: G) NCYIJ - SELOSESHA ~~~~Q.~~~~_'.S_ _ 2f -~~:~ _~.~~,2~C\?~ 
I t,tj ? J~ IT. - ! 
(fl 
t,tj H .!~.~=-; s; ;) : : ,: 
t"" z :'.:::c.vs GEQ--LANDSCAPE AS AT TS 2 
0 
(fl >-3 C:;S:,; iNOEPEriC t=:,< ;:::: 
t,tj ::r:: : .\]~?:.: :.'..: 3 
(fl t,tj 
::r:: ,:·=-~~~?, =: .~.:. 
=-,~~E 9 
71 O ==)~ 1 1 J;J!Z DYNAMIC LANDSCAPE. 4 
;:,pc /~1\ '-.....:v 
::i,. :~;CA~~C\ 3 8
·:~·~T~iF}.~ T Time 
c~:2E,:::1 iJ: :2:·;:s~ S Space LI 119761 
~~~.S ~~ L Landscape •  (1992) 6 
political transaction and the place shows the political action 
area of the political process. It therefore provides a political 
perception of the place. The relation and interaction between the 
political structure and the place (Thaba Nchu-Selosesha) is ex-
pressed in the area formation. The consequence is the formation 
of hierarchies of centres and a network system which forges the 
area's internal and external relations. 
The most important societal force during the pre-independent pe-
riod was the ideological perspective which influenced the organi-
zation and goals of the political process in the study area. It 
also dictated the populations' sense of attachment to land, more 
broadly to geographical area, and is expressed as territoriality. 
These three relations and interactions, first laid a land-use 
spatial pattern in the geographical landscape, with the aspects 
of the land in the political action area, where the spatial as-
pect of the political process is. The interaction that precedes 
the hierarchy (area) and ideologies are less spatially inclined. 
Spatial patterns resulting from land tenure, though significant, 
are also unique to the political process. The political and 
socio-economic role of the political process is a determined 
factor as to what kind of spatial pattern would be evident in the 
geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha during the pre-
independent period. The role of man in relation to political 
transaction (i.e legislative and other control measures) during 
TSl has a unique impact on the landscape. 
The result of the three locational attributes, viz. political 
perception of the place, internal and external organization, and 
the territoriality in the political action area explain the geo-
graphical landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha as the impact of the 
political process in TSl during the pre-1976 period. The analysis 
is based on the political and socio-economic role of political 
transactions; a facet of the political process in TSl during pre-
1976. 
41 
The geographical landscape marked 11 in TS1 is a construct of the 
landscape components (spatial patterns) inherent in the geogra-
phical landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha. It is viewed in the 
framework of the system approach where the entire geographical 
landscape is considered as a composition of different land-uses 
and each land-use constitutes a component. The composition of the 
landscape components numbered 1 to 10 denote the following: 1. 
Political, 2. Administrative, 3. Settlement, 4. Housing, s. In-
dustrial, 6. Commercial, 7. Education, 8. Cultural, 9. Recreation 
and Tourism, 10. Health. The geographical landscape 11 as in TS1 
represents the pre-independent replica of the impact of political 
processes pre-1976. 
Towards the right in Figure 1.8 the time scale lengthens the 
sovereignty upholding the political process and TS1 is trans-
ferred to a new political system in the year 1977. The new sove-
reignty, influenced by its own societal forces, defined its own 
facets of political process - political transactions and poli-
tical structures - which replaced the political system and the 
political process in TS1. The relation and interaction are be-
tween the facets of the political process in TS2 for the period 
1977-1992 and the already existing dimension of the land, viz. _ 
places, area, and landscapes (Thaba Nchu-Selosesha). Whatever the 
political role of the facets in the political process in TS2, 
they should be understood through the operation of the new sove-
reignty. 
The political transaction in TS2 should be viewed as an element 
of the total political process. Its relationship to the political 
structure is seen as a means to strengthen an effective central 
authority which the central government utilises to develop the 
needs of the societal forces and to integrate the territory. 
During the period 1977 to 19 9 2 it is being hypothesised that the 
perspective of the societal forces in its new sense of territo-
riality would indicate grave deficiencies in education, housing 
housing, health, lack of incentives, concessions for free market 
42 
enterprise, and poor infrastructures at the time of the transfer 
of sovereignty. This might have a dramatic influence on the poli-
tical and socio-economic role of the political process which is 
instituted. 
Finally, attention should also be paid to the economic and socio-
cultural role of the political processes to ascertain if they 
have been used to meet the aspirations of the societal forces. 
Also whether this has led to a change in the landscape component 
which is to be analysed and to indicate the extent of this change 
on the geographical landscape (Ll) from the pre-independent era 
to the geographical landscape L2 during the independent period. 
On the basis of the above a hypothetical geographical landscape 
L2 in TS2 has been constructed for Thaba Nchu-Selosesha which is 
similar to the components in Ll in TS1 but also includes an add-
itional industrial land-use for analysis and comparison to deter-
mine if any change occurred during the independent era in TS2 for 
the period 1977 to 1992. Whatever change might have occurred in 
the spatial patterns will be analysed; whether the rate of change 
was formerly zero (a static equilibrium state) or a steady rate 
of growth or decline (a dynamic equilibrium of state). This could 
be attributed to the impact of transfer of the sovereignty in 
1977. 
The significance of this model is that it differs from other 
conventional approaches in three respects: 
* it emphasises the characteristics of the interrelations of 
the parts of the general structure of the two political 
systems; 
* it helps to elucidate the two political processes and their 
spatial impact upon the geographical landscape of Thaba 
Nchu-Selosesha; 
* it focuses upon the components in the landscape which can be 
analysed to indicate the change and the impact of indepen-
dence as a political process on the geographical landscape. 
43 
1. 6 ANALYTIC STRUCTURE OF STUDY 
Figure 1.9 is an illustration of the analytic structure of the 
research, including the composition of the chapters of the study. 
The chapters of the study as marked in Figure 1.9 are as follows: 
* Chapter 2 represents the literature review of the impact of 
political processes on the geographical landscape; 
* Chapter 3 and 4 illustrate the spatial manifestation of the 
pre-independent (pre-1976) and independent (1977-1992) 
processes respectively on the geographical landscape of 
Thaba Nchu-Selosesha; 
* Chapter 5 shows a comparative analysis of the pre-independent 
and independent geographical landscapes; and 
* Chapter 6 provides a synthesis of the study and a scenario 
of possible future landscape changes in Thaba Nchu-
Selosesha due to a changing political environment in South 
Africa. 
Figure 1.10 provides a summary of the changing geographical 
landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha which will be analysed (past, 
present and future). In each political phase, certain spatial 
strategies have been (will be) instituted to activate the 
political process which will have the capacity to mould, 
transform or influence the geographical landscape ( e.g. 1976, 
1992 and 2010). 
44 
OBJECTIVES & SIGNIFICANCE TERMINOLOGIES 
ILITERA TURF REVIEW I 
I Pp/S ---OKJt----4-ANDSCAPE I 
~----------------, N 
GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPF OF 
ITHABA NCHU- SELOSESHAI 
T.S 
Pp/S 
ts 
(PRL-Trl 
..-
ANALYSIS PROBLEM 
STATEMENT 
GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF 
(THABA NCHU - SELOSESHA 
METHODOLOGY !POLITICAL GEOGRAPHICAL ANGLE) 
PHILOSOPHY - THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 
KEY 
Pp/S Pollllcal process&slrategy COMPONENTS OF LANDSCAPE 
-1/C ~ Impact or change I. Political 6. Commercial 
-ts- . Time period In space 2 Administrative 7. Education In or out 3. Settlement 8. Cultural 
T.S. Transfer of sovereignty 4. Housing 9. Recreation & Tourism 
L Landscape 5. Industrial 10. Health 
FIGURE 1.9. THE ANALYTIC STRUCTURE OF THE STUDY 
45 
--1 
t - - - _J 
C 
-0 .0.. . 
0 -----
.0....  
0 
u 
C 
.Q) -Cl) 
0 
0:: 0. 
N 
(l) N 
u 0) 0) 0) Independent geographical landscape C 0) 
(l) 
-0 
C 
(l) 
0. 
(l) 
-0 
C 
4 
w 
I'- Pre-independent geographical landscape 
-0 en 
-(l) .c .... 0 
0. 
<( 
Q) 
4 0. 0 
u 
V) 
-0 
uQ)  -0 V) C 
C C Vl 
0 
>--- Q) Q) 
0 -0 u 
0 tj" C 0 
0 
u CX) Q) .... u .c 
CX) 0. 0. 0. 
Q) -
-0 0 0 
CU .... 
·, :E CJ1 0 
¢ Q) -.... 0 Q) 0 CJ1 
C CX) (l.. E: 
0 CX) CJ1 - C 0 
u CJ1 
I C 
.(.l.).  .C..l).  0 .c 
0... a. u 
FIGURE 1.10 CHANGING GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU-
SELOSESHA: PAST, PRESENT, AND FUTURE 
46 
CHAPTER 2 
THE IMPACT OF POLITICAL PROCESS ON THE 
GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE: A LITERATURE REVIEW 
The analysis of the spatial manifestation of the political pro-
cess in shaping the landscape is an idea of which man, conscious 
of himself and his activities, is increasingly aware and has been 
touched on by scores of scholars throughout the ages. The fact 
is that once man has acquired jurisdiction over a territorial 
space, whether by exploration, conquest, treaty or transfer of 
sovereignty, the political processes instituted exerts inert qua-
lities which in turn modify the physical and cultural environ-
ment. It is that search for the political imprint in the land-
scape which has been documented over the ages. The objective of 
this chapter is, firstly, to review the literature which has con-
tributed to our knowledge about geographical patterns evident on 
the map of nations, states, and the cities because of political 
considerations. The second objective is to place this study in 
context with similar research studies which have addressed 
similiar issues. To achieve this the first section of the chap-
ter will focus on the two salient approaches which have been 
adopted in this regard, viz. the cultural imprint and political 
impress approach. The second section will pay more attention to 
evidence which exists in the literature regarding the imprint of 
the political process on the geographical landscape at the geo-
graphical scales extending from the supra-national level to the 
local jurisdiction of the local community. 
2.1 APPROACHES TO LANDSCAPE STUDIES 
The concept of landscape in Modern Geography emerged in Germany 
at the end of the nineteenth century and was introduced to Ameri-
can Geography by Carl Sauer in his publication, Morphology of 
Landscape in 192S. Sauer's study was an attempt to provide a 
positive alternative to the study of the man-environmental rela-
47 
tionship, which has been dominated by the philosophy of environ-
mental determinism. In literature two approaches - the cultural 
and political impress have been considered appropriate to 
interpret man's role in shaping the geographical landscape. 
2 .1.1 THE CULTURAL IMPRINT APPROACH 
The cultural imprint approach which was the first to be adopted 
to interpret man's impact on the landscape originated from the 
School of cultural Landscape. It was developed by Sauer in the 
United States and Hoskins in England. The concept, cultural land-
scape, was defined by English and Mayfield (1973:87) as" ... the 
analysis of human interaction with the physical world through the 
study of man's tangible footprints on its surface". Cultural 
landscape studies recognised that it is the ordinary, yet highly 
complex landscape, which expressed the weal th and history of 
people. This approach was pioneered by Hoskins (1958) and Nor-
land (1986) in their books The Shaping of Ireland and The Making 
of English Landscape respectively. Their studies outlined the 
evolution of the land, countryside, and urban places in Ireland 
and England from the perspective of Geography. They were prima-
rily concerned with the role of human activities in creating 
places within the constraints of the natural environment and the 
imprint created thereafter. 
Norland uncovered the relationship between settlements and land-
holding within the political and social system. In conclusion 
to his chapter, Norland (1986: 24-25) outlined the role played 
by the Anglo-Norman in the making of Irish landscape and des-
cribed the political and social organization as follows: "They 
organized the rural population into minors. They set up parochial 
systems. They built an urban network, and most primarily of all, 
they established a centralised government which protected trade. 
By doing all this they brought Ireland into the mainstream of 
European development. A contemporary visitor from Rhineland tra-
velling to Trim would have found the town, with its imposing cas-
tle, town walls, a cathedral and abbeys, a familiar site". 
48 
Hoskins' (1958) book, similarly seeks to disentangle the historic 
impress of the people on their cultural landscape as outlined by 
Norland. 
Sauer (1962) on the other hand, demonstrated a remarkable under-
standing of human communities, their way of life, and their cul-
tural landscape. In his essay Homestead and Community in the Mid-
dle Border, Sauer described the origins and evolution of rural 
life and the landscape in the Middle West from its peopling in 
the nineteenth century to its decline in the twentieth. The 
first wave of settlements came primar1ly from Appalachia Anglo-
Saxon hunters and livestock raiders who brought the log cabin, 
the long rifle, and the American frontier to the plains. Sauer 
found that German and Scandinavian farmers migrated on to the 
plains in the 1830's and introduced plough agriculture and framed 
houses to the region. Sauer concluded that the landscape and peo-
ple are clearly focused in a single image: the single houses 
with their neat fields and self-sufficient families, the town 
with its church, and later its university. The mixture of ethnic 
and religious communities in the broad matrix of dispersed set-
tlement on the town's grid. 
Denevan (1992:369-385) attempted in Pristine Myth: The Landscape 
of the Americas in 1942, to dismiss the claim by Sale (1990), 
that "New world people lived in harmony with nature and refrained 
deliberately from altering their environment, to the degree that 
they were somehow able to maintain an idyllic ecological equi-
librium". Sale's assertion was in support of the myth that per-
sisted in 1492 that America's sparsely populated wilderness was 
barely perceptible to human disturbance. However, Denevau whose 
research was concerned with the form and magnitude of environ-
mental modification rather than whether or not Indians lived in 
harmony with nature, was largely interested in what they did to 
change their landscape. Denevau discovered that by 1492 Indian 
activity throughout America had modified forest extent and com-
position. They had also created and expanded grassland and rear-
ranged micro-relief via countless artificial earthworks. 
49 
Agricultural fields were common, as were houses, towns, roads, 
and trails. The evidence was pieced together from vague ethno-
historical accounts but field surveys and archaeology supports 
the hypothesis that the Indian landscape of 1492 had largely 
changed by the mid-eighteenth century; not through a European 
super-imposition, but because of the demise of the native popu-
lation. He stated further that the pre-historic New World envi-
ronment remains conspicuous on the landscape today, ranging from 
the ruins of great cities and monumental ceremonial centres, to 
field patterns and traces of road systems. 
The cultural landscape pursued through accurate, systematic des-
cription stressed those visible, concrete elements associated 
with human occupation and the utilization of the land. In the 
view of English and Mayfield (1973:4) " ... the emphasis was on 
fact more than theory, content more than context and form more 
than processes". However, the unfortunate neglect and attention 
on form rather than process which in some cases form the corner-
stone of the explanation of spatial patterns of human behaviour 
paved the way for more attention on process studies. 
2.1.2 POLITICAL IMPRESS APPROACH 
The second approach in the study of geographical landscape in 
scholarly literature emphasizes the political process and its 
spatial manifestation. This approach commonly referred to as the 
political impress approach was pioneered by Whittlesey (1890-
1956). Whittlesey, a Professor of Geography at Harvard University 
wrote an essay in 1935 on The Impress of Effective Central Autho-
rity Upon the Landscape. In this essay he examined the various 
ways by which politics can modify the landscape. He identified 
these as an expression of security, special features of bound-
aries, expression of government activity, and the effect of the 
legal system, and labelled them as agents of political impress, 
that is, the vehicle or means by which political process mani-
fested itself in the landscape. By viewing the central authority 
as a political agent on the landscape, this study is of the 
so 
opinion that Whittlesey was reaffirming his position again on 
what he regarded as Political Geography: the differentiation of 
political phenomena from place to place over the earth's surface. 
His approach provided the perspective to improve the 
understanding of the areal variation in political character from 
place to place. Whittlesey's approach was supported by Prescott 
(1972), but the latter cautioned Political Geographers that in 
the examination of the impact of political process attention 
should not be given to political processes that have no geograp-
hical impact. Prescott provided a wider scope for the study of 
the influence of political decisions on geographical patterns as 
illustrated in Table 2.1. 
In Table 2.1 the main geographical patterns are listed on the 
vertical axis. On the horizontal axis a distinction is made be-
tween overt decisions and actions in terms of diverse govern-
mental and non-governmental decisions and actions which influence 
geographical patterns. The ticks in the table at the point of 
intersection of the vertical and horizontal variables identify 
decisions and actions which have either a possible or negligible 
influence on geographical patterns. The decisions and actions of 
political process are covered on the three geographical scales 
in terms of administration, defence, and development. Prescott's 
approach provided a wider scope for research which deals with the 
influence of political decisions and actions on geographical 
patterns. Table 2.1 illustrates a single period, but by applying 
Prescott's approach the table can be applied to show the rela-
tionship between decisions and actions, and that geographical 
patterns can change with the duration of time. 
Political Geographers who subscribed to this approach included 
Parson (1950), Jones (1954), Easton (1965), Cohen and Rosenthal 
(1971) and Christopher (1984) · Their contributions gave substance 
to the approach because they designed geographical models and 
provided a theoretical framework for the study and analysis of 
geo-political impress· To date, their models as discussed in 
chapter one, continue to serve as the only alternative to the 
51 
--
studies of the spatial impact of political process. 
TABLE 2.1 THE INFLUENCE OF POLITICAL DECISIONS AND ACTS ON 
GEOGRAPHICAL PATTERNS 
? Uncertain influence 
Source: Prescott, 1972:15 
While this study acknowledges the significant contribution of 
Whittlesey, Prescott, and other Political Geographers it also 
recognises that the cultural approach is inevitable in the spa-
tial analysis of political processes. For if it becomes necessary 
to trace evolution of the present landscape, then in the view of 
Bell (1986), the distinctive and varied organization of space 
before it came into contact with modern political systems can 
only be identified in the cultural landscape. It is the nature 
of change in the landscape through its organization rather than 
its replacement, which has been the object of geographical ana-
lysis. 
52 
2.2 SCALE OF IMPACT OF POLITICAL PROCESS 
From the literature one can identify process studies which have 
been studied at all levels of the geographical scale. The result 
of the studies at each level of the geographical scales has in-
jected realism into the impact of political process on the envi-
ronment and also to the understanding of why there are varia-
tions in political character throughout the world. The signifi-
cance of this study is intended to illustrate the political di-
versity of political process studies. Again, it will certainly 
to indicate the position of this study among the geographical 
scales. For the purposes of this study, some of the ideas which 
have been uncovered about political process studies and the im-
pact of various political processes are examined at the supra-
national, national, and local levels. 
2.2.1 THE IMPACT OF POLITICAL PROCESS AT THE 
SUPRA-NATIONAL LEVEL 
The division of political process into three geographical scales 
is an acknowledgement that political process emanates from the 
centre although its impact may spread to other levels. rt is 
also a reflection of the "three tiers" administrative levels in 
the world's political system. Literature existing at the supra-
national scale indicated that there are powerful international 
organizations (e.g. United Nat ions ) and regional groupings which 
exert a form of authority and undertake to act in specific mat-
ters in specific regions which influence geographical patterns. 
At the supra-national level, colonization, decolonization, and 
changing international boundaries are a few of the processes 
which have been widely covered in the studies of Hodgson and 
Stoneman (1963), Christopher (1984), Bell (1986), and Drakakis-
Smith (1987). 
In the studies mentioned the authors defined and distinguished 
between colonialism and imperialism to give perspective to their 
line of studies. However, the two terms were used inter-change-
53 
ably as pre-independent political processes. Bell (1986) 
explained colonialism as essentially involving political control 
over a territory by a foreign power. He added that it was the 
scramble for Africa which initiated political change of this kind 
which coincided with the political process of economic transfor-
mation known as imperialism. Drakakis-Smith (1987:11) termed the 
two concepts as capitalist colonialism and imperialism and 
defined the former as " ... the assumption of power for economic 
purposes, while imperialism ... as encompassing a similar process 
but within a more formal political framework and in circumstances 
of more extensive settlement by representatives of metropolitan 
or colonial power". Despite the differences in their def ini-
tions, the writers paid attention to colonialism in Africa and 
Asia. 
To begin with Drakakis-Smith (1987:11) indicated that" ... colo-
nialism should not be regarded as a homogenous political process, 
but it varied enormously across the world according to complex 
mix of particular countries involved and the specific motivation 
for expansion at the time it occurred". Mabogunje (1972) recog-
nised Smith's view but indicated that the interaction between 
colonialism and the territorial space of Africa and Asia should 
not be assumed to have taken place on a blank slate of backward, 
traditional societies on which the process was inscribed. Mabo-
gunj e ( 19 7 2: 5 7) described in spatial terms the impact of the 
distinctive and varied political organisation of space of pre-
colonial times as" ... powerful state structures, long distance 
interaction between groups, the sub-division of land and agricul-
tural land-use as a representative outcome of particular form of 
political economic and social organisation". The significance 
of the views in this paragraph according to Crush and Rogerson 
(1983) was that it is the nature of change in the spatial organi-
zation rather than replacement of it which has been the basis of 
analysis of spatial change. 
In Africa the changing political maps illustrated by Hodgson 
and Stoneman (1963:46-4 7 ), Bell (1986:67-86), and Christopher 
54 
(1984:30) are indications of the pattern of alien political 
processes. Their maps provided the essential background for the 
understanding of the sequence of occupation from colonial rule 
to the emergence of sovereign states. According to Christopher 
(1984:27) the African map in the 1880's shows that "compara-
tively little of the continent was under direct European con-
trol ... and that the partition is closely linked to the diplo-
matic history of Europe, and was undertaken with little regard 
for the intrinsic value of the African continent". Significant 
changes to the landscape emerged with the imposition of political 
boundaries and colonial names for each colonial territory. The 
evolution of the African map excludes political entities as known 
elsewhere in the world, but a few scarcely existed except along 
the peripheries. 
Although the colonial era was of short duration over much of the 
African continent according to Rodney ( 1972), the European powers 
shattered the majority of the pre-existing societies or at least 
held them in subservience for long enough to impose many alien 
ideas. A significant example given by Christopher (1984:193) to 
support Rodney's statement revealed that II .large numbers of 
Europeans who came to Africa either to settle permanently or to 
exploit the opportunities offered in the continent contributed 
to new European societies being formed which were able to impress 
their ideas upon the landscape and created an image of France or 
England overseas". 
As part of his contribution to the studies about colonialism, 
Drakakis-Smith (1987) provided a simplified framework and a 
description of the stages of the spatial impact of colonialism 
on colonial cities in Asia (Table 2.2). The table bears close 
resemblance to the views and the examples which were given by 
Rodney(1972) and Christopher(l984). 
The impact of colonialism on the Political and Social Geography 
of Africa was profound. The boundaries defined imposed a new uni-
formity on the political organization of space which has changed 
55 
TABLE 2.2 STAGES OF THE SPATIAL IMPACT OF COLONIZATION 
IN ASIA 
i CHRONOLOGICAL PHASES MAJOR FEATURES OF THE IMPACT 
Pre-contact Small, organically patterned towns 
predominate 
j 1500 
II  Mercanti.  l e Colonialism Limited colonial presence in 
existing ports; trade usually in 
I natural products of local region 
1800 
Transitional Phase Reduced European interest in 
investment overseas; greater 
profits made in industrial 
revolution 
1850 
Industrial Colonialism European need for cheap raw mate-
rial and food; colonialism takes 
territorial form, new settlement 
I patterns and morphology created 
/ 1920 
I Late Colonialism Intensification of European 
I morphological influence; extension 
to smaller towns in hierarchy; 
increased ethnic segregation 
11950 
/ Early Independence Early rapid growth of indigenous 
I populations through migration in 
I search of jobs; expansion of slum 
I and squatter settlements 
Source: Drakakis Smith, 1987:12 
very little after independence. Bell (1986: 71) held that " 
a reliance on lines of latitude and longitude in the absence of 
geographical detail resulted in tribal groups being politically 
divided, particular features emerged in West Africa". For exam-
ple, the Ewes were split between the Gold Coast (now Ghana) as 
a result of a new boundary drawn immediately after the inde-
56 
pendence of Ghana in 1957. In support of the debate about colo-
nialism, Boateng (1979), and Soja and Weaver (1968) discovered 
that the pre-colonial landscape patterns were distorted through 
the process of colonialism in West and East Africa respectively. 
In spite of the geographical diversity of the two areas, the 
similarity in the patterns which emerged in those areas, in the 
view of this study, testifies to the potent force of coloni-
zation. In both areas their studies revealed that the spatial 
patterns (railway lines and roads) were externally orientated to 
mines and plantations, and exports and wholesale trade were 
channelled through newly-built capitals and seaports. The major 
centres of colonial commerce and administration, subsidiary towns 
and villages were established to act as points of collection of 
produce and as service centres. The overall pattern was essen-
tially primate in which one centre dominated and in which the 
colonial elite was concentrated. 
A number of prominent forces began in the mid-nineteenth century, 
which contributed to the process of decolonization. Glassner and 
De Blij (1980:325) outlined such evidence as" ... the steady evo-
lution of democracy in Western Europe, the United Kingdom, and 
France; ... the spectacular success of Japan in industrialising, 
in defeating a Greater Power of Europe ... and in starting her own 
colonial empire demonstrated that independence, wealth, power, 
and industrialization were not reserved only for Europeans". In 
spite of the change and the disintegration of colonial struc-
tures, little at tempt has been made to consider the spatial 
impact of colonial process as patterns of historical interest. 
However, colonial structures have been seen not only in terms of 
how they have influenced the behaviour of independent states, but 
they have been become a yard stick for assessing the pattern of 
post-independent changes. 
Christopher (1984) indicated that as a result of new administra-
tive structures, the ex-colonial state during independence had 
their internal administrative boundaries radically altered to 
meet the changed methods of administration. The repeated drawing 
57 
of Nigeria's internal boundaries was sited as a point in case by 
Barbour (1982). In Malawi and Tanzania it was illustrated in the 
relocation of the political capital after independence. 
In Tanzania Gilbert ( 19 7 4) indicated that the decolonization 
process was spelt out in the Arusha Conference of 1966, where a 
declaration for the establishment of Ujamaa socialist village 
system was established. Mascarenhes and Claeson (1972) identi-
fied that a new system of growth and service centres emerged as 
vehicles for stimulating rural development. Glassner and De Blij 
(1982:337) concluded that" ... there was a new emphasis on deve-
lopment of the country, land reform programmes, attempts to 
resettle nomads, investment in massive infrastructure projects 
and to diversify the economy. . . in part for political and 
nationalistic reasons, even if the industries are uneconomic and 
agriculture were neglected ) ... ". It is therefore not surprising 
that independent African governments have sought to modify and 
Africanise the image of colonial capitals, with new parliament 
buildings, conference centres etc. In these attempt the dev-
elopment programmes to change colonial disparity became the po-
licy of independent nations. However, because independence did 
not occur at the same time and at as large a scale as colonia-
lism, studies directed at aspects of independence as a political 
process can only be found at the national and local levels in 
different nations. 
Another political process study which became evident in the lite-
rature was the establishment and demarcation of international 
boundaries at the supra-national level which reflected a varying 
degree of human political behaviour. Research by Brunn (1 974 ), 
Kibulya (1967), Reitsma (1972), Schlier (1959), and Weigned 
( 1950) has demonstrated in various ways how boundaries have 
affected and influenced geographical patterns. Although inter-
national boundaries appear very permanent today their stability 
has not always been achieved without military conquest, treaties 
and agreements between the countries concerned. The consequence 
is that political symbolism in the landscape along such interna-
58 
tional boundaries has assumed a variety of styles. 
Brunn (1974) identified some of these styles at the Mexico and 
Canada entry stations. He found that plates on bridges marked 
the actual boundary between nations. On land a series of monu-
ments appear along road sides or in open fields. Whittlesey 
(1935 :223) uncovered that " ... along international boundaries 
the landscape may be strewn with features intended by the central 
authority to maintain security. At the least a customhouse and 
immigration post (often housed in the officer's home) stands at 
every major route crossing. On some European border gates, usual-
ly a heavy balanced pole stands ready to be lowered at night and 
for emergency". 
The Berlin Wall which separated East and West Germany from 1961 
to October 1989 represents one of the greatest impacts of man on 
the boundary landscape. This classic example of human behaviour 
was erected to interrupt a threatening form of spatial inter-
action according to Kasperson and Minghi (1969) and was cons-
tructed by the former East German Government for security rea-
sons. The destruction of the Berlin Wall in 1989 by both govern-
ments represented a new form of spatial and political integration 
between two former opposing political systems. It illustrates not 
only the role of political decisions, but the dynamic nature of 
political boundaries evident in the landscape of modern times. 
Nelan (1990:12) described it as follows: "In their rush towards 
unification, East and West Germany struck the barrier between 
them ... At the moment the German Democratic Republic, a relic 
of Stalin post-war empire, ceases to exist ... An estimation as 
high as $775 billion spread over ten years to upgrade and build 
roads and transportation network". These are indications of the 
spatial processes likely to be evident in the landscape relevant 
for geographical analysis. 
The landscape patterns on each side of international boundaries 
studied by Reitsma ( 1972) and Brunn ( 1974) along the United 
States-Canada border and Kibulya (1967) on the Zaire-Uganda bor-
59 
der revealed the areal limitations of two state governments and 
the differing impact of the administrative and economic policies 
on the opposite side of their borders on the landscape. Reitsma 
and Brunn provided an excellent example where the United States-
Canada international boundary represents distinct economic pat-
terns in the agricultural activities in the Great Plains. In a 
homogenous physical and cultural terrain, the secondary and ter-
tiary crops reflected the policies of the governments of the two 
nations. Barley was more important to the United States govern-
ment as it was related to the wheat allotment programmes for 
which acreage was restricted. Oats was more valuable to Canadian 
farmers as it was in line with their agricultural self-suffici-
ency and livestock needs. Both concluded that the variations in 
the crops, livestock, and farm size are a reflection of the boun-
dary and the areal limit of different policies in a homogeneous 
environment. 
The literature at the supra-national level provided an indication 
of the impact of political process on the geographical landscape. 
2.2.2 THE IMPACT OF POLITICAL PROCESS AT THE NATIONAL LEVEL 
The axiomatic indication at the national level regarding research 
into political process impact studies had been established in a 
somewhat broader context by Whittlesey (1935). Mackinley's (1952) 
study The impact of American Federalism upon the management of 
Land Resources also provides a detailed account on a topic which 
has gained world attention and promoted concern in the modern 
world. 
Christopher's (1982) study on the political imprint of the cen-
tral authority provided an example of the impress of laws and 
legislation on the South African geographical landscape. He cited 
an example that in South Africa the added regulations of racial 
zoning of residential and business areas resulted -in·  th.. e di· s t·i nc _ 
tive South African city with its separate suburbs for the vari-
ous population groups· The Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act 
60 
in 1959 also provided for the creation of separate sovereign 
states in the place of the existing black rural reserves. 
One of the major responsibilities of any politically organized 
unit, especially at the national level, is to provide services 
and infrastructure to the population within its borders. The way 
to achieve this is usually contained in distinct socio-economic 
programmes by the nation or the state, but to some extent the 
impact goes beyond the metropolitan centre. Under programmes of 
economic development, Brunn (1974) gave examples of programmes 
with national ramifications such as education, employment, and 
housing which are designed to affect the advancement of all 
impoverished groups in the nation. 
While much of the spatial impact studies are associated with po-
litical decisions, economic decisions without political conside-
rations were found to be rare. The importance of political and 
governmental programmes and policies, in economic decisions has 
been significant for several decades. Brunn (1974:332), however, 
noted that " Economic Geographers by and large in their dis-
cuss ion of dee is ion-making have ignored political realities, 
except for selected passing references. By the same token Poli-
tical Geographers have tended to bypass this important topic, 
preferring, it seems, to leave it to the domain of the Economic 
Geographer". 
Brunn (1974) provided examples of topics with political and eco-
nomic ties which warranted examination by both Political and Eco-
nomic Geographers. Brunn (1974:332-333) identified some of the 
examples as follows: "whether the agricultural or industrial sec-
tor is considered, influences of federal policies have played a 
key role ... in all regions of the nations. Apart from programmes 
such as the grants-in aid and ... specific economic development 
attributed to actions endorsed by the executive or legislative . 
. . . the production of some agricultural items is still tied to 
certain federal programmes, without which the economic health of 
specific areas would be drastically affected". According to 
61 
Brunn, some programmes handle economic matters for example a 
region which is tied to industries and agriculture. For instance, 
federal anti-poverty programmes providing economic upliftment to 
an area may include highway construction, job training, recrea-
tion development, public health, and education. 
Even though in the literature there is no exhaustive list of the 
ties between political and economic decisions, the examples given 
by Brunn are similar to Prescott's (1972) attempt to provide an 
ex-haustive list ( see Table 2.1) which outlines areas for Poli-
tical Geographers to consider for research. 
Robinson (1962) and Nelson's (1952) studies provided no justifi-
cation for Brunn's (1974) view that Political Geographers have 
not given serious attention to research into political and econo-
mic ties. As far back as 1952, studies into the spatial manifest-
ation of agricultural and federal programmes in Australia had 
already been completed. This was reflected in Robinson's research 
work on Political Influence in Australian Geography, in which 
he studied the extent to which development has been a widely 
espoused goal among the federal system of government which had 
itself acted as a geographical agent to influence the regional 
distribution of activities. He discovered that the political 
autonomy and the different development policies were reflected 
in the spatial differentiation of the states. According to 
Robinson, his appraisal of developments in Australia over the 
past six decades supports the contention that the states are, in 
some respects, more geographically distinct than they were at the 
time of federation. A federal structure was implanted in Aust-
ralia in 1900-1901 largely as a result of economic pressure 
groups, but over the years, the states have acquired a suffi-
ciently distinctive character for them to be treated as geogra-
phical units. 
Nelson (1952) on the other hand examined the boundaries of the 
Vernon area of California to assess the contribution to the 
understanding of areal distributions and functional association 
62 
of various elements in the urban landscape. He began by noting 
the homogenous character of Vernon in California and found that 
in a relatively homogenous region the city government had used 
its powers of incorporation, licence, taxation, local regu-
lation, and annexation to achieve its unstated objectives. The 
end result was the emergence of industrial, transportation, and 
public land-use patterns. Nelson's study was accompanied by maps 
which vividly demonstrates the resultant spatial changes in the 
homogenous region. His study, together with Robinson's study 
provides a detailed, striking pattern of spatial differentiation 
in the landscape, attributed to political impress, and the tie 
between politics and economy. 
At the national level it became evident in the studies of Brunn 
1974) and Glassner and de Blij (1980) that as a state evolves and 
develops it acquires a set of traditions and common concerns 
which becomes associated with its culture. These elements have 
tied together diverse groups of people into a common identity 
associated with that particular state. The implication thereof, 
according to Glassner and de Blij (1980:336), is that "states 
acquire their own iconography: that is the unifying symbols or 
bonds which are not completely alike to other political units in 
terms of symbols of national distinctiveness a flag, an 
anthem, heroic slogans, a national stadium, a national airline, 
a national costume, postage stamps carrying nationalistic 
messages ... ". These were found to give each state a uniqueness 
which is shared by all of the residents as the state is trans-
formed from one status to another. More often, the iconography 
is used to advertise the particular features of the state which 
in a way connotes certain images on the landscape to those 
residents outside its borders. 
The call for the abolition of colonial laws and legislation 
became a common feature of the decolonization process in cities 
in Asia and Africa. According to Drakakis-Smi th ( 19 8 7) it was 
associated with indigenous people moving into the cities, at-
tracted by the prospect of jobs in the lucrative and commercial 
63 
positions from which they had been previously excluded. Even 
though cities do not change overnight or immediately with a shift 
of government, nevertheless, the urban world of the 1960s and 
1970s in the literature were found to be different from that of 
the earlier decades. Christopher's (1982: 215) support for 
Smith's view was illustrated with the situation in Bophuthatswana 
where "new capital cities ... as well as prestige projects which 
have been undertaken in black states, ... the holiday complex at 
Sun City and the University of Bophuthatswana. 
According to Cowley (1985), the decision to locate the capital 
of Bophutha tswana at Mmaba tho in what was regarded as post-
apartheid Bophuthatswana was taken by the legislature in 1976. 
In Nigeria the decision to move the capital from Lagos to Abuja 
was to locate the state's capital in the approximate geographical 
centre. 
The factors which influence the selection of towns as national 
capitals is partly dependent on the historical and cultural dev-
elopment of towns. While in some cases the decision-makers may 
reveal their spatial preferences by considering and recommending 
specific locations. The final decision may represent more polit-
ical than economic considerations. 
A significant example of the locational decision of state ca-
pitals was given by Cowley (1985). Cowley indicated that for 
sometime a number of possible sites had been suggested for the 
proposed new capital after Bophuthatswana's independence. Mafi-
keng residents had done a great deal to persuade the government 
to locate the capital near Mafikeng. To many this appeared an 
appropriate choice since not only was Mafikeng more central to 
the proposed fragmented state, but the administrative head-
quarters of the self-governed Bophuthatswana was located in Mon-
tshiwa, a few kilometres outside Mafikeng. Eventually the propo-
sal by Mafikeng residents was turned down and the decision was 
taken by the Bophuthatswana legislature in 1976 to locate the 
capital in Mmabatho, seven kilometres to the north-west of Mafi-
64 
---
keng. 
Ideally the nation's capital represents a political no-man's land 
or a political node where all parts of the nation's philosophy 
can merge. Significant to this literature review is the awareness 
of the importance of the location of national capitals. Hence, 
the place carved out for the national seat of government is not 
isolated, but it occupies a place within a larger space, namely, 
a political region, that has its own cultural and traditional 
heritage. 
Independent developments on a national scale have increasingly 
been put in to prestigious projects. It can no longer be remarked 
that the post-colonial cities and towns lacked impressive monu-
ents. Cowley (1985: 115) took note of" ... the massive building 
and construction programme of Mmabatho ... has produced the array 
of new government buildings and residential housing". In Winter's 
(1982) view, the Francophone cities in Africa have been rebuilt 
with a stress on visual appearance. An example of such an image 
of the building was the central city high-rise complex in all of 
the Francophone African cities. Abidjan is the most impressive 
example. A substantial portion of the old colonial houses in its 
plateau suburb have been replaced by governmental, corporate, and 
residential high-rise buildings. These buildings, have sometimes 
little economic justification. On one level it symbolises a post-
independent effort to replace the colonial relics and to upgrade 
the city and the country as part of the modern world. 
Kasperson and Minghi 's ( 1969: 206) thoughts on sovereignty trans-
fer were formulated into general statements as follows: "There 
is usually a conscious attempt at systematic elimination of land-
scape relics of former sovereignty, and an urge to create visible 
evidences of the new sovereignties; different set of priorities 
under the new sovereignty lead to changes in such features as 
agricultural land-use, land tenure pattern and transportational 
routes; forced or voluntary emigration of citizens of the former 
sovereignty back to areas under their flag can cause changes in 
65 
population distribution and a least shortterm economic decline 
in areas most affected; immigration of new sovereignty population 
usually takes place, especially in the administrative and econo-
mic sphere to replace the emigrants - both spatially and verti-
cally in the boundary change case, and vertically in the indepen-
dence case; internal reorganization of administrative regions is 
carried out with the aim of increasing the role of the central 
government ... 11 • 
The thoughts of Kasperson and Minghi (1969) added a new dimension 
to the political-geographic research into independence, and thus 
illustrated that sovereignty is a spatial process which could 
influence changes in the environment. Their discussion suggests 
a broader scope of political impress on the environment which 
merits attention. 
2.2.3 IMPACT OF POLITICAL PROCESS AT THE LOCAL LEVEL 
A variety of sub-national political units exist on regional and 
urban scales. The following are examples of two: 
* Regional: counties in United Kingdom, departments in 
France, cantons in Switzerland, federal states in Nigeria 
and the United States, regions in Ghana and provinces in 
South Africa; 
* Urban: metropolitan councils, Regional Service Councils, 
local authorities, municipalities etc. 
In practice, political units take a variety of forms. Those poli-
tical uni ts which receive political power from the national 
government, but their significance as units according to Muir 
( 1981): 106) 11 might be to protect and preserve regional 
diversity and permit the co-existence of different outlooks and 
cultural ... 11 • 
The units have the mandate to act for areas under their juris-
diction, which may lead to uniformity or diversity in the land-
scape. Therefore, the existence of effective regional and local 
66 
-
authorities implies the power to collect taxes and institute 
policies and guidelines which will help direct the social and 
economic development of certain spaces. Such is the nature of 
the administrative decisions which are set within the framework 
of the national process which set their mark on the local land-
scape. 
The traits of laws and legislative processes inherent in the 
development of the urban policy of municipal councils, mandated 
by national policy and practice in South Africa have produced 
evidence of the spatial impact of the process es at both the 
regional and local level. The study by twelve writers contained 
in the book Homes Apart: South Africa's Segregated Cities edited 
by Lemon (1991), demonstrated in various ways the spatial impact 
of laws and legislation on the urban fabric of South African 
cities. A case in point was illustrated by Krige (1991:108) about 
the consequences of the urban policy in the city. He wrote the 
following: "Mangaung was the area in Bloemfontein where apartheid 
planning had the greatest impact on the spatial patterns. The 
establish-ment of buffer strips was the first change that came 
about. the second change ... was the zoning of the three 
dominant African groups, namely the Tswana, South Sotho, and 
Xhosa; ... the next change was the provision of houses by the 
central government to address the acute housing shortage". 
During colonial times the distinction between the European and 
African sectors was not just linguistic; it was visible in the 
cityscape. schoentjes (1932) indicated that in the Belgian Congo, 
official policy called for a 500 metre strip between two types 
of cities, and in Kinshasa (Leopoldville) the two sectors were 
arranged so that the European city would never be downwind from 
that of the African. In the pre-independent cities of Zimbabwe 
and Namibia the findings of Simon (1991) and Dewar (1991) respec-
tively were a testimony to the racial separation and segregation 
as pervasive features of the city's geographical environment. 
The impact caused by independence legislation and laws on the 
67 
pre-independent landscape has been the object of analysis of 
spatial change. The independence revolution since 1945 ( the 
transfer of sovereignty from colonial to indigenous) has led to 
the complete substitution of one political system for another. 
This in turn has given rise to a new set of processes, in many 
cases radically abrogating laws and legislation which were found 
in-compatible to the people. This was discovered and contained 
in the studies of Winters (1971), Drakakis-Smith (1987), Drum-
mond and Parnel (1991), Simon (1991), Dewar (1991). Drummond and 
Parnell indicated that the most immediate change during the 
independence of Bophuthatswana and the incorporation of Mafeking 
involved the abolition of statutory residential segregation by 
race. Harvey (1987), in a paper on black residential mobility in 
independent Zimbabwean cities illustrated that spatial arrange-
ments in the cities had been strongly influenced by the segre-
gation of the black and white residential areas during the colo-
nial period. During the independence, the Land Tenure Act was 
repealed and European areas were opened up to the black popu-
lation for residential occupation. 
Harvey's con tr ibut ion reiterates the spatial man if es tat ion of the 
alterations to the organisation and structure of society as a 
result of the winds of change. He discovered that" ... employment 
patterns have changed noticeably as blacks enter commercial, 
industrial and political occupations never before available to 
them. School enrolment showed a dramatic increase in the number 
of black children as education becomes freely available to all 
races in all schools" (1987:1). 
Writing on the Urban Morhogenesis in Francophone Black Africa , 
Winter (1971) noted that in spite of the significance of inde-
pendence in francophone Africa as a change from colonial rule in 
the 1960's, the date was not particularly significant for urban 
change. However, he remarked that the urban world during that 
period was quite different from that of earlier decades. The 
passing of colonialism brought an end to ethnic segregation and 
replaced it with economic segregation. The former European quar-
68 
ters became upper class quarters. The old African quarters be-
came neighbourhoods for the poor. Hence, the distinction between 
the two types of neighbourhoods remained in the urban fabric. 
Again the post-1960 migrants brought elements of their village 
geography to the city. The spatial impact again was the creation 
of peri-urban, or partially agricultural neighbourhoods on the 
urban periphery. All of these were also reflected in the cities 
of black independent African states studied by Harvey (1982), 
Cowley (1985), Simon (1990), and Dewar (1990). 
A metropolitan area may exhibit a variety of public facilities 
and ins ti tut ions. These represent various municipal, county, 
district, and federal agencies. The locational pattern of these 
facilities such as parks, police protection, fire coverage, and 
post offices is to serve the entire metropolitan population. 
While public facilities are considered essential to the normal 
functioning of any city, Brunn (1974) held that their locations 
often reflected the internal political and geographical consider-
ations as well as their utility. In specific instances the repre-
sentatives of a particular suburb on a city council or a key 
businessman on the planning or zoning board may eventually decide 
where the expressway will be routed and where the new part will 
be developed. He concluded that political powers are often impor-
tant in urban areas and they often reflected in the location of 
public facilities occupying small or large amounts of space. 
In the colonial cities, zoning and regulative processes at local 
levels in the framework of the national political process have 
been perceived negatively because local colonial governments used 
zoning as clauses to prohibit the movement, acquisition, and own-
ership of property in certain areas by specific ethnic population 
groups. The colonial local territorial space was characterised 
by a residential landmark of separation between the ruler and the 
ruled. Smit and Booysen (1977) were of the opinion that zoning 
in South Africa had a far-reaching implication in the provision 
of services, property ownership, participation in administration, 
and the morphology of African townships. While these represent 
the spatial impact of colonial political processes, it is the 
nature of the change that has formed the basis of analysis in the 
69 
literature. 
Independence as a political process in South Africa's homelands 
since 1976 and during the 1980s, has given rise to significant 
changes in the urban fabric at the national and local level. In 
the study by Claire Pickard-Cambridge (1984) into the extent of 
the impact of Bophuthatswana' s independence on Mmabatho and Mafi-
keng, it was proved that the independence and incorporation of 
Maf ikeng into Bophutha tswana was associated with significant 
changes. One significant example was the attitude of white inha-
bitants in the local community who threatened to vacate the area 
if incorporation would mean opening schools, hospitals and other 
social services to all races. To allow for a smooth incorpo-
ration, the Bophuthatswana authority allowed the white schools 
and hospital to remain white for a period of five years, which 
was later extended further. Cowley (1987) indicated that the town 
Maf ikeng, al though incorporated, remained quite separate adminis-
tratively from the neighbouring urban areas of Mmabatho-Montshi-
wa. In spite of the incorporation in 1980, full amalgamation and 
integration of Mafikeng only took place in July 1984 into the 
greater administrative area of Mmabatho. The incorporation did 
not result in a pronounced exodus by whites from Mafikeng as has 
anticipated, but, according to Drummond (1991), the physical size 
of Mafikeng expanded dramatically. The population grew from 3 5 
000 in 1976 to over 85 000 in 1985. 
Other examples of changes on the local level having a direct 
impact on post-independent processes in Southern Africa also 
exist in the literature of Harvey (1982), Dewar (1991), and Simon 
(1991). In a paper presented to the Southern African Conference 
of the commonwealth Geographical Bureau in Lusaka, Harvey out-
lined the spatial manifestation of black residential mobility in 
a post-independent Zimbabwean city. As a background to his find-
ings, he acknowledged the restriction enshrined in the Land Ten-
ure Act of 1969 which stipulated that an African shall not own, 
lease, or occupy land in the European Area. After the passage of 
the act segregation strongly influenced the spatial arrangement 
70 
--
of the city's black and white residential areas during the co-
lonial period. 
Dewar (1991) acknowledged the findings of Harvey after similar 
research in post-independent Harare. He outlined the major 
changes which have occurred in Harare, that were largely the 
result of local authority initiatives to increase taxes on the 
provision of social amenities and to institute differential tax 
rates on commercial and industrial properties. In terms of the 
objectives of the local authority regarding improving the quality 
of life of the city's poorer residents, it provided a basis for 
assessing a change. Dewar(1991) acknowledged that a significant 
innovation had been the creation of seven polyclinics with cen-
tralised multi-unit facilities. Many new clinics and primary 
health care facilities were also opened in high-density areas. 
He indicated that the Harare City Council also acted as a cata-
lyst to promote small-scale marketing and petty commodity produc-
tion. This was accomplished in a number of ways: by developing 
sites and facilities for formal shopping outlets and for peoples' 
markets; by removing earlier colonial restrictions on hawkers and 
vendors; and by the extensive licensing of emerging taxis. 
Throughout the literature review it has become evident that the 
impact of the political process in the most fundamental sense 
should be regarded as a measure of internal coherence of the 
political sys tern. Through its institutions, agencies, and the 
relevant personnel, the system reaches a decision, issues an 
order or implements a chain of activities. These become the out-
put of the political system which has an impact on society, which 
in turn leaves its imprint on the environment. The significance 
of this study in this respect adds a whole new dimension to the 
Political Geography of South Africa. It is an indication that a 
systematic study of the homelands' independence could contribute 
to the understanding of independence as a political process and 
its impact on the geographical landscape. 
71 
CHAPTER 3 
PRE-INDEPENDENCE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA 
The paradigm which dominates conventional reasoning about the 
appraisal of landscape changes arises from the existence of 
different perspective for viewing change. The essence of this 
reasoning is that a phenomenon would continue to exist in its 
state of rest and that change would not occur unless that state 
is influenced by an external force. Assessing change, therefore, 
will depend on the perspective from which one views the pheno-
menon before it was influenced by the external force. It is the 
implication of this axiom which has a bearing on this chapter. 
For this study to establish that the independence of Bophuthat-
swana has changed the geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selo-
sesha, this chapter sets out to indicate the land-use patterns 
of the pre-independent geographical landscape as a basis on which 
subsequent changes can be identified, compared, and analysed. 
For the purpose of this chapter, the pre-independent political 
process is structured into three political phases: pre-colonial 
(pre-1884), colonial (1884-1947), and apartheid (1948-1976)1. 
Each phase will be defined and analysed in terms of the political 
strategy, process, and the spatial manifestation of the processes 
which dominated each phase. However, the significance of the 
pre-colonial and colonial phases, for the purpose of this chap-
ter, focuses on the impact of historical strategies and processes 
since the mid-1880's on land dispositions, dispossession and the 
resettlement of the Barolong into planned villages which toaether 
gave birth to the present boundary of Thaba Nchu. Secondly, to 
illustrate how the political processes of those times created the 
Although the apartheid era is part of the colonial 
political dispensation, from a Bophuthatswana point of view this 
period is discussed separately. 
72 
politico-environmental scene for apartheid planning strategies 
since 1948, which together with the original processes will help 
to uncover the pre-independent geographical landscape of Thaba 
Nchu-Selosesha as in 1976. 
3.1 PRE-COLONIAL PHASE, PRE-1884 
The pre-colonial phase is defined as the period of migration by 
the Barolong and their final settlement at Thaba Nchu in 1833 to 
1884. The Barolong's search for a settlement was not politically 
motivated. It was simply a search for a peaceful place for Chief 
Moroka's people. The significance of this section focuses on the 
founding of Thaba Nchu as the territorial base of the Barolong 
and the influence of the Barolong's contact with the Voorrekkers. 
The Setswana language and Batswana people, according to Schapera 
(1984), Jordan (1987) and Breutz (1989), are one of the three 
major divisions into which ethnologists and linguists usually 
classify the Sotho group of the Bantu-speaking people in Central 
Africa. Today, the Batswana (singular: Motswana) are found all 
over South Africa, especially in the western and central district 
of the Transvaal (especially Marico, Rustenburg, Ventersdorp, and 
Lichtenburg), and in the northern district of the former Cape 
Province (Mafi-keng, Vryburg, Kuruman and Taung). There is also 
an offshoot in the Orange Free State (OFS), commonly referred to 
as the Barolong Boo-Seleka tribe. 
The history of Thaba Nchu is synonymous with the history of the 
Barolong Boo-Seleka tribe and is as old as the tribe itself. 
According to Kitching (1984), Molema (1987), and Murray (1992), 
the Barolong occupied the land between the Molopo and the Vaal 
Rivers, (as indicated in Figure 3.1) in the Northern Cape and the 
South Western Transvaal under their great warrior Chief Tau. The 
death of Chief Tau in 1760 precipitated a process of political 
fission from which emerged a number of independent communities; 
each identified by reference to the names of his four sons; Rat-
lou, Tshidi, Seleka, and Rapulana. 
73 
KWENA .- .. ---( .... 
•Konye I >"' 
iE 
I 
NGWAKETSE 
TRANSVAAL 
N 
Lithakong 
•Kuruman 
TLHAPING 
Grlekwastad 
• -~· 
THABA NCHU 
.. 'I 
ORANGE FREE STATEO 
." ·-., ' \ 
"·" -~ \ 
-~ 
" ·-.;: • Philippolis ./ 
·s:: ) 
0 28 56 84 112 140 km ·~. _,,_,. ·"' f 
"=· 
'· ··-:/  
FIGURE 3.1 THE MIGRATION OF THE BAROLONG 
(Source: Kitching, 1984:2) 
74 
In addition to the political fission which brewed after Chief 
Tau's death and to the chronic insecurities in which most 
communities found themselves during the 1820's as a result of the 
upheaval on the highveld known to the Sotho-Batswana people as 
the lifaqane, the tribe disintegrated into small groups. This 
led to each group seceding under a discontented member of the 
ruling family in search of a peaceful new locality. 
As illustrated in Figure 3.1, the Barolong migrated to Thaba Nchu 
from Phitshana via Maquasse (south of Wolmaranstad), where they 
first established their headquarters and thereafter continued to 
Platberg (Motlhana-wa Pitse) on the Vaal river. According to 
Molema (1987) and Murray (1992), the Barolong were joined by 
clusters of other refugees and by December 1833 the population 
had swollen to approximately 12 000 people, two-thirds of which 
were Seleka Barolong under Chief Moroka. According to history, 
they were also joined by two Wesleyan missionaries, namely Reve-
rends Archilbell and J. Edwards. The entire community migrated 
southwards from the Vaal River until they arrived at the chiefdom 
of Chief Moshoeshoe of the Basotho. In 1833 the immigrants led 
by Chief Moroka negotiated with Chief Moshoeshoe and were granted 
a settlement at Thaba Nchu. 
There are conflicting interpretations regarding what transpired 
in the negotiations and the terms of agreement between Chief 
Moshoeshoe and Chief Moroka with regard to the Barolong's occu-
ation at Thaba Nchu. Murray (1992) indicated that from different 
sources it was explained that Chief Moroka interpreted it as an 
act of friendly neighbourliness, and to Chief Moshoeshoe, it was 
a recognition by the Barolong of his own political sovereignty. 
In Bophuthatswana Pioneer (1992:18) it is expressed that "in the 
extravagant language of the documents drawn up at that time by 
the Wesleyan Missionaries, Moshoeshoe thereby granted, bargained 
and sold to them all that spacious country designated Thaba Nchu" 
as shown in Figure 3.2. Following the agreement, the tract of 
land as indicated in Figure 3.2, known as Thaba Nchu, became the 
territorial base of the Barolong under the jurisdiction of chief 
75 
Moroka. 
According to Van Aswegen (1990), in late 1836 and early 1837, the 
Barolong experienced their first contact with the Voortrekker 
parties of Andries Potgieter and Gerrit Maritz respectively at 
Thaba Nchu. They were hospitably received by Chief Moroka and 
were granted a place for temporary settlement which became known 
as Morokashoek. A monument was erected at the narrow Victoria Nek 
bearing a plaque with the following words: "Owing to its situa-
tion in relation to the Western Cape Colony and the goodwill of 
Barolong Chief Moroka and the Wesleyan Missionary James Archi-
bell, Thaba Nchu or Blesberg became the meeting place of the 
Voortrekkers. The trek parties of Andries Potgieter, Gerrit Ma-
ritz, Piet and Karel Landman, and others were encamped here and 
in the vicinity from 1836 onwards. The first Voortrekker Govern-
ment was enacted on 2 December 1836". 
During the period 1836-1838 there was peaceful co-existence and 
co-operation between the Voortrekkers and the Barolong, but on 
the other hand there was conflict between the Voortrekkers and 
other parties (e.g. the Ma tebeles in 183 7) . The Baro long co-
operation with the Voortrekkers was demonstrated in the Battle 
of Vegkop in 1836 when Potgieter's party lost all their cattle. 
They were assisted by Chief Moroka who provided them with oxen 
to enable them to continue their journey. The Barolong also 
assisted the Voortrekkers in their first attack on the Ndebele 
in 1837 by giving them about 60 people to act as cattle herdsmen 
for the cattle they seized in the battle. According to the Bop-
huthatswana Tourist Board's newsletter headed Guide to Thaba Nchu 
(1990), in recognition of the benevolent deeds rendered to the 
Voortrekkers by Chief Moroka, the Ereskuld Dutch Reformed Miss ion 
erected a church, a primary school, and a mission in 1928 for the 
people of the Barolong. 
By 1854 the Thaba Nchu district had become effectively indepen-
dent and was recognised by the Boer Republic of the Orange Free 
State (OFS) which came into existence that year. The Barolong 
76 
• Former settlement of Seleko Borolon(J 
BECHUANALAND PROTECTORATE 
( (Protectorate 1865) 
I -'""""'' I ' -, 
I ' 
,' • Pretoria 
I 
I 
I TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC 
I 
_, ~ 
BRITISH BECHUANALAND 
(Crown Colony 18851 
FREE STATE 
Bloemfontein • 
CAPE COLONY GRIQUALAND 
N EAST 
• Aliwol North 
Colesberg (annexed to 
200 Cope 1879) 0 100 
Km 
Sienie/9 
FIGURE 3.2 THE TERRITORIAL BASE OF THE BAROLONG, 
1880 
(Source: Murray, 1992:14) 
77 
territory emerged from the second Sotho-Boer War of 1865-8 as an 
isolated enclave in the OFS. It was cut off from chief Moshoe-
shoe's reach by a broad swath of very good arable land known as 
the "conquered territory" as shown in Figure 3.2. It was appro-
priated by the OFS and became subject to white settlement. The 
sovereignty of the Barolong in Thaba Nchu was highly tenuous 
throughout the 1870's, and this was reflected in the erosion of 
Chief Moroka's internal authority. This was evident in the wave 
of emigrations including that of the Rapulana Barolong led by 
Matlabe in 1875. These emigration led to attempts by Chief Moroka 
to restrict his people from moving which irritated the white 
farmers on the other side of the border, as they were accustomed 
to drawing seasonal labour from the Barolong territory. In addi-
tion to this problem, there were constant complaints by white 
farmers on both sides of the OFS border over allegations of stock 
theft. Even though diplomatic relations remained firm between 
President Brand of the OFS and Chief Moroka, for the Free State 
burgers, an independent black state in the heart of the Boer 
Republic territory was a glaring anomaly. Their only plan was 
when and how it would be incorporated into the OFS, not whether 
or not it should be. 
The Barolong under Chief Moroka maintained a precarious political 
independence until his death in 1880 which paved the way for 
colonial intervention. This brief spell of the pre-colonial 
period illustrates the evolution of the territory of Thaba Nchu 
and its first contact with the Voortrekkers in the 1880's. At 
this stage, Thaba Nchu was mainly a rural landscape of dispersed 
villages of people who had a feeling of common identity. The pre-
sence of the Free State burgers outside the borders of Thaba 
Nchu, however, and their reliance on the district for labour 
signified an outwardly noticeable sign of future possible en-
croachment on the territorial base of the Barolong. 
78 
3.2 COLONIAL PHASE, 1884-1947 
This was a period which was characterised, firstly, by colonial 
penetration through the annexation of the territory of the Baro-
long by the OFS Government and increased land-use policies which 
to some extent reduced the size of the territory of the Barolong. 
Secondly, this phase illustrates how the Barolong were dispos-
sessed of their land and segregated into planned villages. The 
salient question of interest in this phase for this study is to 
established why it was that the territory was annexed and further 
how did OFS administration influence the spatial disintegration 
of the territory? 
According to Molema (1987) and Murray (1992) a fierce succession 
dispute arose after the death of Chief Moroka in 1880 between 
Samuel Lehulere, a member of the ruling family, and Tshipinare, 
the newly installed Chief of the Barolong. The subsequent years 
witnessed violent confrontation between the two. Threatened 
political conflict and mounting tension diminished the support 
and recognition President Brand had for Chief Tshipinare. In the 
light of these problems, President Brand was not confident, given 
the long history of conflict between the Boers and the Basotho 
over land in the eastern OFS, that the Basotho would not renew 
their claim of the territory. At the same time, the British 
annexed the Transvaal in 1877 and it was speculated that there 
was a possibility of the British Government intervening in the 
OFS if this local conflict was allowed to get out of hand. In 
addition it appears that President Brand was also considering the 
interests of the Free State burgers who perceived the succession 
dispute as an opportunity to take over the territory of Thaba 
Nchu (Murray, 1992). 
The takeover of Thaba Nchu was precipitated by a civil war during 
which Chief Tshipinare was murdered. As a result, a proclamation 
was issued by President Brand on 12 July 1884 and Thaba Nchu was 
annexed by the OFS. It marked the introduction of colonial admin-
istration to the territory. According to Murray (1992) President 
79 
Brand promised to guarantee the land rights given by Chiefs Moro-
ka and Tshipinare and to set aside sufficient land for locations. 
How much ground would be sufficient and which land rights had 
been made by Tshipinare proved difficult to resolve. A legal 
question was whether customary and administrative authority 
vested in subordinate chiefs and headmen would be respected and 
recognised. At this stage, the Barolong' s future access and 
security to the land seemed very doubtful particularly in the 
light of the possible impact of the new colonial administration 
on the territorial base of the Barolong (Thaba Nchu). 
According to Murray(1992), Chief Tshipinare, either due to poli-
tical insecurity or financial maladministration, had commissioned 
a trigonometrical survey of the territory into farms and had 
granted land rights to senior members and headmen. Seeing that 
President Brand had promised to recognise all land rights granted 
by Chief Tshipinare and to ensure that the people retained their 
residential rights, the Volksraad had to decide whether the indi-
vidual title grants were to be recognised as inalienable pro-
perty. Subsequently, two Commissions of Enquiry, namely the Prin-
sloo and Gregorowski, were appointed to investigate the question 
of land rights. Following their investigations, the latter reco-
mmended that the division and allocation of the territory for the 
Barolong be made as indicated in Figure 3.3. and Table 3.1. 
The Barolong understood that OFS Government farms, which included 
some of the best arable lands in the territory, were reserved for 
Barolong occupation. However, Molema (1987) and Murray (1992) 
have indicated that the Barolong were surprised when the govern-
ment evicted the inhabitants and leased the farms in the sub-
divided lot for a period of five to ten years, initially to 
whites, and later to establish white residents in the Free state. 
The Barolong regarded this as an act of betrayal by the OFS gov-
ernment. The Volksraad also included a provision that grants of 
land to whites were to be subject to personal occupation, but 
grants of land to Africans were to be inalienable for a period 
of fifteen years, after which they could be sold to whites. 
80 
D.  Farms granted to whites 
~ Farms reserved for OFS oovernment 
B Farms set aside for African Reserves 
D Farms granted to Borolong 
N 
0 10 20 
I 
Km 
Sienle/94 
FIGURE 3.3 THABA NCHU: THE GREGOROWSKI LAND DISPOSITIONS, 
1885 
(Source: Murray, 1992:38) 
81 
TABLE 3.1 LAND DISPOSITION IN THE THABA NCHU DISTRICT, 1886 
TYPES OF LAND/FARMS AREAS IN MORGEN PERCENTAGE 
Farms granted to Africans 245 288 66 
Farms granted to whites 39 750 11 
Farms reserved for OFS 
Government 58 686 16 
Two African reserves 25 732 7 
TOTAL 369 456 100 
Source: Murray, 1992:39 
Despite the fifteen year non-alienation clause, the prominent 
grantees sold their land within six years of the Volkraad settle-
ment and left the territory. By 1892 about 36 farms, together 
comprising more than half of all the land granted to individual 
Barolong, had passed from black to white ownership. The underly-
ing reasons were that, firstly, the prominent grantees were demo-
ralised by OFS rule; secondly, the Baro long chieftaincy had 
effectively been undermined, and lastly its land appropriated by 
the OFS. Some Barolong dispersed to the Witwatersrand where the 
dis-covery of gold had proved a lucrative avenue for prospective 
emigrants and job seekers. In 1892 Thaba Nchu town was establ-
ished near the Moroka Ward. The first municipal council was 
elected in 1895. 
Following the appropriation of the land by the OFS, the south 
African Boer War brought in its wake new strains into the terri-
tory of Thaba Nchu. A land settlement was instituted by Lord Mil-
ner who engineered the settlement with ex-British soldiers in the 
district after the war. The British troops entered Bloemfontein 
in March 1900 and in May the Boer Republic of the OFS was incor-
porated into the empire under its new name, Orange River Colony 
(ORC). The ex-troops were concentrated at Thaba Nchu on ORC 
lands bought by Charles Newberry in 1901 and on government farms 
which the ORC inherited from the OFS. The most significant 
impact of this form of invasion was the deliberate promotion of 
white agriculture to the detriment of the black share-cropping 
peasantry, which was ultimately destroyed (Murray, 1992). 
82 
3.2.1 THE NATIVE LAND ACT OF 1913 
The next major piece of legislation after the settlement of ex-
British soldiers was the Native Land Act promulgated in 1913. The 
Land Act was one of the most important pieces of legislation of 
the first Union Government, and has shaped land policies in South 
Africa ever since. The Land Act embodied two principles. Firstly, 
it prohibited share-cropping contracts between white landowners 
and black peasant farmers. Secondly, it required the designation 
of Scheduled Land where Africans could not buy or rent land and 
where non-Africans could not acquire rights to land. It also 
provided for the setting apart of additional land for African 
occupation in future. 
To implement the objectives of the Act, the Beaumont Commission 
was set up. In 1916 the Commission identified 11,6 million morgen 
of land throughout the Union of South Africa as Scheduled Land 
within the terms of the Act, and 8,73 million morgen as addi-
tional land to be released for African occupation in due course. 
In Thaba Nchu the fragmentary patch and Seliba locations amounted 
to 24 290 morgen and were declared as Scheduled Areas while the 
remaining black-owned farms in the district, comprising 82 677 
morgen, were declared Additional Areas to be released in due 
course for African occupation (Figure 3.4). 
These proposals, which were embodied in the Native Administrative 
Bill of 1917, were vehemently opposed by white farmers and their 
representatives in the Union Parliament. The opposition perceived 
any extension of land as a threat to the supply of labour for 
farmers. According to Kitching (1984) the opposition was very 
strong in the OFS and subsequently, the OFS Land Committee was 
set up to make alternative recommendations to reflect the in-
terests of white farmers who were unwilling to make land avai-
lable for African occupation. 
According to Murray (1992) the recommendations which were made 
concerning Thaba Nchu were revealed that the fragmentary patch 
83 
Boundary of territory annexed, 1884 
II Areas scheduled as African Reserves by Beaumont 1916 
~ Barolong freehold farms 
D White-owned land 
-+--..... Railway 
I 
I 
,/ 40 
_, //~ 
<-- ~--/-
( 
I 
( 
..... --""\ 
\ 
I 
I 
r 
Sannahspos 
'-
\ 
~ 
0 
0-
0- 518 
~ 
516 ~63 
517 
l 
\ 
l 
I 
~ 
\ 
\ r 
I / 
I 
( 
I 
I 
\ 
N ( 
I 
0 10 20 
Sienie/94 
FIGURE 3.4. THABA NCHU: AFRICAN RESERVES AND BAROLONG FARMS, 1913 
(Source: Murray, 1992:96) 
84 
of land, as identified by the Beaumont Commission, and the farms 
granted to the Baro long ( Figure 3. 3 and Table 3. 1) should be 
reduced in size and rationalised in distribution. Some white-
owned land should be purchased between certain areas of the 
Beaumont's additional fragments and other additional fragments 
should be excised from the schedule of the proposed Act. Thus the 
committee envisaged the formation of two consolidated blocks of 
land in the Thaba Nchu district consisting of just over 100 000 
morgen. In spite of the recommendation, the spatial impact of the 
kind of segregation and dispossession inherent in the Act was 
quite enormous. Black land-owners and tenants were alienated, 
dispossessed, displaced from the land, and totally dispersed 
according to the plan of the Native Land Act of 1913. Many 
drifted into the two small African reserves and others were 
absorbed into the industrial labour force either as temporary 
migrants from the reserves or as permanent residents of black 
townships in the OFS and Southern Transvaal. The emergence of 
the spatial terminology associated with this process was evident 
in the remarks by Christopher (1982: 49) " ... that it was hardly 
surprising that in states under white settlers, little land was 
set aside for black population, and therefore extensive tracts 
of white-owned lands occupied by blacks were designated squat-
ters". The segregation element inherent in this Act was also 
evident in the support this Act gave to the situation where black 
areas were delimited and were prevented from any further purchase 
of land in the white areas. 
The estimated scale of evictions which took place in the period 
immediately following the passage of the Land Act in the Thaba 
Nchu area cannot be confirmed. Estimates were made on one aspect 
of the eviction when the magistrate of Thaba Nchu reported on the 
approximate number of those likely to be turned off from farms 
in terms of the Act prohibiting sowing on share or leasing of 
land by Europeans to natives· As a result, 1 Os O households 
(approximately 5 000 people), were estimated by Murray (1992) to 
have been driven off farms belonging to Europeans. However, the 
aggregate estimate of the OFS was put at 5 000 families affected 
85 
by the Act; thus 25 000 to 30 000 people, although the OFS Local 
Land Committee of 1918 could not confirm the exact figures. 
3.2.2 THE NATIVE TRUST AND LAND ACT OF 1936 
The Native Trust and Land Act of 1936 represented the next piece 
of land segregation following the Land Act of 1913. In terms of 
the Act, a state agency called the South African Native Trust 
(SANT), later the South African Development Trust (SADT), was 
established. The establishment of the SANT clearly marked the 
start of the creation of the bantustans. The major function of 
SANT was the partial consolidation of land through the purchase 
of Released Areas so that small and scattered reserves could be 
consolidated into larger fragments or blocks as had been recom-
mended by the Beaumont Commission. 
Among the functions granted to SANT, were the powers to acquire 
and administer land for settlement and to provide support, bene-
fit, and material welfare to the natives of the Union. All land 
'scheduled' for blacks in terms of the 1913 Land Act was vested 
in the Trust. In Thaba Nchu the proclamation of the Act mandated 
SANT to consolidate the scattered reserves by means of large 
sums of money voted by Parliament for the purchase of the three 
Released Areas identified in Figure 3.5. The spatial implication 
of the functions of SANT could be perceived in terms of the land-
use patterns that were to emerge. 
In Thaba Nchu the implementation of the OFS Land Committee's 
recommendation and other land purchases by SANT contributed to 
the transformation or reduction in size of the territory. Three 
blocks of Released Areas (Figure 3.5) were purchased including 
areas to be excised. Following the sums of money allocated to the 
SANT for the purchase of three blocks of Released Areas, the 
small and scattered reserves were consolidated into one block 
with the exception of Moroto, Klipfontein, and Thaba Phatswa 
(Figure 3.5). The figure shows the distribution of 50 172 morgen 
acquired by the Trust in the late 1930s. It comprised the whole 
86 
D White Land - . A frlcan Reserves ,"' _,/ I ; I .,."' I D Released Areas scheduled in 1936 Act / ', / I / I 
I'  
D Land excised from Released Areas I . I by proclamation 1938 (. 
\. Excelsior 
r:"'.',..":',,... '~ 
illtf~ Land added to Released \ Areas by proclamation ', 
1938 I I 
I 
\ 
' \ 
\ 
\ 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I ' 
I 
I 
I 
I- ---
\ 
I 
I 
I 
I 
Wes~mlnster 
' ' \ ' 
/ ' ' 
I ' 
I ' 
I ' 
I ' I 
I _ ."' I 
I _, 
,- ,; 
I / .... 
I 
', ::."' ~ 
I 
\ 
I RELEASED 
I ! 
I '1 
I" , AREA 
I 
I 
%' , NO. 3 
0- ~ 
~ ' 'I ~ I  I 
~ \ 
I 
I 
'1 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
N I I 
I 
I 
I ,--------
I .,,. 0 10 20 
I 
I ,. 
.,,. " 
I .,,. ' ..... , .,,. " Km 
.,,. ,. / \ \ 
\,.,. 
FIGURE 3.5 THABA NCHU RELEASED AREAS, 1936 AND 1938 
(Source: Murray, 1992:130) 
87 
-African Reserves [I]] Land bouoht by SANT7 late 1930s 
' Excelsior 
r-:"'.l Land bouoht by SANT, 
I~ late 1940s 
• 
Westminster 
,,,hTwhabac  
N 
0 10 20 ~""'''" 
Km 
Sienie/9 
FIGURE 3.6 THABA NCHU LAND BOUGHT BY THE SOUTH AFRICAN 
NATIVE TRUST, 1930 AND 1940 
(Source: Murray, 1992:160) 
88 
of the released areas as indicated in Figure 3.5. The consoli-
dated land contributed to the dwindling boundary of Thaba Nchu. 
In the OFS there had been a drastic cut from 148 316 morgen to 
79 500 morgen. The corresponding effect in the Thaba Nchu 
district was from 100 000 morgen to 50 172 morgen. 
The Native Affairs Department (NAD) was instituted under SANT on 
the newly acquired Trust Land, to assume the powers spelt out in 
Proclamation No. 31 of 1936. It was entrusted with the power to 
declare an area as a Betterment Area in which livestock could be 
culled and the use of arable land regulated. The department was 
to provide land for settlements to relieve congestion in the two 
established reserves and to resettle those Barolong who, for some 
reason, had been driven from the land. 
The establishment of Betterment Schemes in terms of the Procla-
mation marked the beginning of the concentration of people into 
planned trust settlements and the formal recognition of the set-
tlements in the Thaba Nchu reserves, namely Ratlou, Morolong, 
Motlatla, Ratau, and Mokwena. It was also the first time the 
rural and agricultural density of the reserves were estimated to 
identify the optimum population size and land needed to ensure 
an improvement in the people's subsistence life. 
The demographic information revealed by Murray (1992) showed that 
the Thaba Nchu Reserve (approximately 6 631 morgen) was estimated 
to have a population of 5 000 people and 2 330 'cattle units'. 
From this it was inferred that in terms of the people the Thaba 
Nchu reserve were understocked (in terms of 0.8 cattle per tax-
payer), meaning that the land and stock were inadequate to meet 
the subsistence needs of a family. The reserves were overstocked 
in the sense that the available grazing land was badly denuded 
and the environmental conditions could only carry one beast per 
10 morgen. 
On that basis the committee proposed that 16 922 morgen of land 
be set aside as 'adjunct' to the Thaba Nchu reserve consisting 
89 
of three blocks of trust-acquired land which immediately adjoined 
it. The land-use pattern which emerged out of the proposal was 
an allocation of 14,5 morgen of grazing land, sufficient for 3 
cattle units per taxpayer and 4 morgen of arable land per tax-
payer for the people of Thaba Nchu. Similar estimates were made 
for the Seliba reserve which had an estimated population of 7 050 
people and 5 118 cattle units in its total area of 17 686 morgen. 
The following proposals were made: the whole of the Moroto block 
was to be set aside as an 'adjunct' for the Seliba reserve which 
would allow 4,7 to 5 cattle units per taxpayer and an arable plot 
of 4 morgen. 
In terms of the planned settlement scheme eleven trust villages 
were established in the district as (see Figure 3.6). Two out-
lying settlements, Tiger River and Moroto, were established in 
the north-western and north-eastern portions respectively of the 
trust land set aside as adjunct land to the Thaba Nchu reserve. 
The four other settlements, namely, Gladstone, Tweefontein, 
Rietfontein, and Klipfontein were also created in the southern 
block of the Released Area No. 3. The planned settlement villages 
were estimated for a population of 500 families. A culling opera-
tion, throughout trust administered land, was carried out in 
1940. The entire exercise was vigorously resisted by the people 
of Seliba reserves. 
3.3 PRE-APARTHEID SCENE: CONCLUDING REMARKS 
As indicated by Pioro (1972), in pre-colonial times many African 
people organized their habitat quite satisfactorily within the 
framework imposed on them by the natural environment and tradi-
tional techniques of product ion· The pat tern of land-use and 
settlement was well adapted to the exigencies of geographical and 
social environment. Among the small dispersed settlement units 
were major villages which were the seat of the tribal chiefs and 
centres of trade and social ceremonies. The same pattern, 
according to oral sources, was evident in the pre-colonial Thaba 
Nchu district. 
90 
However, a drastic change in the spatial structure of the tribal 
society came about with the coming of the Voortrekkers in 1836 
and the annexation of Thaba Nchu district by the OFS Government. 
It marked colonial penetration which imposed land division, alie-
nation, and subsequently segregated the land, the people, and all 
of the socio-agricultural practices. 
The structural dislocation of the cultural landscape of the Baro-
long was substituted with a pattern of planned rural agricultural 
villages alongside the rural African villages of Morolong (now 
Moroka), Mokwena, Ratau, Ratlou, and Motlatla. The traditional 
subsistence farming was upgraded with Betterment Schemes even 
though it had already suffered competition from white farming and 
because of the migration to the new areas of commercial produc-
tion in the urban centres. 
During the pre-1948 era some initial landscape structures emerged 
which forms part of the geographical landscape of pre-indepen-
dent Thaba Nchu. The pre-apartheid landscape consisted of rural 
areas with scattered agricultural villages where farming prac-
tises were practised. A number of African villages emerged 
around the town which were perceived as peri-urban areas. 
3.4 APARTHEID ERA 
Because of the symbolic and distinctive nature of the South 
African landscape which, inter alia, is the result of a high 
degree of government regulations and control, an appraisal of the 
era would for some time continue to be essential for any land-
scape which could be created or erased. This was long acknow-
ledged in the preface of Christopher's book, South Africa (1982). 
He indicated that during" an age of operational thinking it 
becomes imperative that all thoughtful citizens of the world 
today should know some of the changes man has already wrought in 
his physical habitat, and which he is now modifying with accele-
rating power" ( 1982: 8) · From this perspective the apartheid plan-
ning strategy which altered the South African landscape will con-
91 
tinue to persist in the Political Geography of South Africa. For 
the purpose of this study, the meaning and impact of the process 
of apartheid planning should be outlined to uncover its influence 
on the Thaba Nchu district. 
The word "apartheid" means apartness or a state of separation in 
Afrikaans. In South African politics it initially developed as 
a political slogan during the electoral campaign for the 1948 
Parliamentary election. However, with the coming into power of 
the Nationalist Party in 1948, apartheid as a political slogan 
rejuvenated a systematic strategy of national planning. In the 
context of this study, the term apartheid is used to denote the 
spatial separation of the various people of South Africa. It is 
in this perspective that this study perceives the spatial element 
inherent in its implementation as a national planning strategy 
from 1948. 
3.4.1 APARTHEID PLANNING 
Smith (1976) explained that apartheid is a distinctive spatial 
planning strategy and a remarkable, bold exercise in the spatial 
re-organisation of society. As a "solution" to rural and urban 
land-use problems in the South African context, Christopher 
(1986:330) indicated that "it was a major exercise in land-use 
planning in order to achieve the separation of the various peo-
ples in South Africa". To Smith (1976) and Christopher (1986) it 
entailed a strong spatial element which was pursued on a racial 
basis. When appreciated it becomes fundamental to the understand-
ing of the Political Geography of South Africa. The uniqueness 
of the spatial structures born out of the planning process accor-
ding to Christopher (1986), are substantial and are not likely 
to be easily eradicated. 
The basic underlying principle of apartheid planning as a na-
tional and urban policy was to assign the different racial groups 
to distinctive and particular places for what was supposed to be 
their exclusive occupancy and use. At the national level it was 
92 
to ensure white supremacy and total control of the territorial 
space of South Africa. The principles of apartheid planning were 
associated with the implementation of a plethora of laws, acts, 
executive actions, and policies. 
According to Smith (1990), apartheid as a spatial planning stra-
tegy proceeded through a number of distinct phases and therefore, 
significant features can be discussed. In diagrammatic form, 
Smith illustrated the essential phases of the features of apar-
theid planning which became associated with the homeland poli-
tical development (Figure 3.7). 
According to Figure 3.7 apartheid planning can be divided into 
four phases. Phase 1 represents a composition of ethnic diver-
sity with segregation in the cities, shanty towns, a large scat-
tered population in the countryside, and the reserves. The tradi-
tional subsistence economy was connected to the city by migrant 
labour flow. Phase 2 illustrates the making of the social geo-
graphy of the cities by means of the Group Areas Act and the 
resettlement of urban and rural blacks into what were deemed to 
be their homelands. In phase 3 a distinction emerged between two 
kinds of cities; those in which the black townships were assigned 
to nearby homelands with the residents becoming frontier commu-
ters (for example Selosesha), and those far from the homelands 
where the black labour force had to be migrants or permanent 
residents within "white" cities. The entire exercise inc 1 uded the 
elimination of black spots to promote homeland consolidation. In 
phase 4, the final spatial political division emerged as follows: 
independent black states (Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda, and 
Ciskei); self-governing territories (Gazankulu, KaNgwane, Kwa-
Ndebele, KwaZulu, Qwaqwa, and Lebowa); and the Republic of South 
Africa. 
How apartheid planning developed as a dynamic process to 
influence politico-geographical phenomena in the context of the 
study is of tremendous importance. In the context of this study, 
apartheid planning emerged as a dynamic process to the detriment 
93 
PHASE I PRE - 1948 
CITY RESfRVE 
RURAL 
PHASE 2. 1948-1959 
~ R.--;----,'·-a:. -. 
: .·. :· .:;;.: . 
1------ML----.. •:;· 
~R ... 
'<&' .---..\ :·. I'  
I 
CITY HOMELAND 
I 
RURAL ~ 
PHASE 3: 1960-1975 @- I 
ML.·-._R-----, I 
R ---.-l.;;c.,:{~jt:CK NATIONAL I 
CITY 
RURAL STATE 
PHASE 4: 1976-1985 
'm21 .I \v R. 
• • ..:..- • ...!-----
.::-•.·: . 
______CI_TY _____RU_RA_L ____ __,B,__L_A _C_K _RE_PU_B_ LIC  
Blacks ~ 0 Black spots 
Whites • Border industries 
Coloureds * Homeland industrial development centres 
Asians -ML -- Migrant labour 
Indus tries 
-- CR  -- FRreosnettietler mceomntm uting -· . _ j 
·-:·. Black rural population - M -- Migration 
--'\,- Reduction 
-~--- ----- - -------------------- - -- ------ ------
FIGURE 3.7. THE STAGES OF THE SPATIAL MANIFESTATION OF 
APARTHEID PLANNING IN SOUTH AFRICA 
(Source: Smith, 1990:74) 
94 
of the locational distribution of phenomena associated with 
ethnic population groups through the following processes: 
* homeland political development; 
* the transformation of urban areas; 
* forced removals; 
* redrawing of homeland political boundaries; 
* labour movements. 
The subsequent section will consider these processes to emphasize 
the extent of the influence they have on geographical phenomena 
in South Africa. 
3.4.2 HOMELAND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT 
The policy of homeland development was one of the major policies 
of the political restructuring of the reserves for the exclusive 
and autonomous occupation of blacks. Against the background of 
ensuring white supremacy and total control of the majority of the 
territorial and political space of South Africa, the Promotion 
of Bantu Self-Government Act 1959 was promulgated. The Act 
provided for the consolidation of the reserves and the creation 
of separate sovereign states in which the people could be admin-
istered independently by their own government. In this Act, acc-
ording to Smith (1990), the government was committed to establish 
homelands, as self-governing or independent republics for black 
autonomous self-rule. 
The policy of homeland development is explained as follows in the 
book, Homelands, which was issued by the government-sponsored 
Bantu Investment Corporation ( 19 79: 1) : "Since it is the pol icy 
of the white government that the black nations for which it still 
acts as guardian should eventually be able to exercise the right 
to full national independence. It is evident that the final geo-
political division of the Republic of South Africa lies at some 
point in the future. The progressive political development of 
the Republic's black peoples and their gradual crystallisation 
into independent nation states ( like their independent neighbours 
95 
in Lesotho, Botswana and Swaziland) will obviously demand an 
adjustment of the current geo-political borders and boundaries 
of the Republic of South Africa. Once the process of emancip-
ation has reached its conclusion, the Republic of South Africa 
will become a sovereign, independent white national state which 
will be associated with her black neighbour states on the basis 
of political independence and economic interdependence". 
The entire planning exercise implies that black independent 
nations would emerge with political rights in those areas and 
hence not result in the loss of white control over the remainder 
of the country. 
From the entire apartheid planning strategy there can be no doubt 
how the objective of the plans could be achieved without inducing 
a dynamic process which would not influence the location and dis-
tribution of geographical phenomena. The salient point of inte-
rest in this strategy was how it influenced the emergence and the 
location of the black autonomous states. 
As the policy of separate autonomous states unfolded from 1959, 
so did the process of the creating and redrawing homeland poli-
tical boundaries. The removal and relocation of black spots 
resulted in the expropriation of black-owned areas in predo-
minantly white-owned areas. Many of those areas had originated 
with the Land Act of 1913. By 1955 it was estimated that approxi-
mately 16 2 hectares of such areas had been expropriated. The 
number of those affected by such a process were estimated to be 
250 000 blacks by the end of 1976. 
As the Act continued to unfold the envisaged ten states esta-
blished for the major ethnic groups resulted in land apportion-
ment and consolidation structures as indicated in Table 3.2 and 
Figure 3.8. The major groups included the Zulu, Xhosa (divided 
into two states: Transkei and Ciskei), Venda, Shangaan, Swazi, 
Tswana, South Sotho ( Basotho), North Sotho ( Pedi), and South 
Ndebele. Table 3.2 illustrates land apportionment in the South 
96 
African black states. 
TABLE 3.2 LAND APPORTIONMENT PROCESS FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF 
BLACK STATES IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1973 and 1975. 
I BLACK STATES POSITION BEFORE POSITION AFTER I 
I PROPOSED CONSOLIDATION PROPOSED CONSOLI- 11 
I (1973) DATION (1975) II 
I AREA No. BLOCKS AREA No. BLOCKS ii 
II  (OOOha) (OOOha) 111 
1I 1-----------------------------ill 
I TRANSKEI 3 871 2 4 501 3 11 
I II 
I CISKEI 942 15 770 1 11 
I II 
I KWAZULU 3 273 48 3 239 10 II 
I II 
II
  QWAQWA 48 1 62 1 II 
II 
jBOPHUTHATSWANA 3 799 19 4 043 6 'ill 
LEBOWA 2 248 14 2 518 6 
I 
l VENDA 618 3 668 2 ii 
Il GAZANKULU 633 4 741 3 II 
II 
KANGWANE 208 3 391 1 II 
KWANDEBELE 20 3 73 2 
II TOTAL 15 662 112 17 006 35 II 
Source: Christopher, 1982:50 II 
It is evident from Table 3.2, that blacks were dispersed in 112 
blocks over the entire territorial space of South Africa in 1973, 
and that these were consolidated into 35 blocks by 1975. It is 
also depicted in Figure 3.8, that the process resulted in some 
blocks being consolidated into single blocks, while some blocks 
were excised, and in others, land was added to them. The entire 
consolidation process witnessed a regrouping of territory for the 
establishment of states. The geo-political influence on the 
political space of South Africa was the shift and relocation of 
population and re-drawing of political boundaries. In spite of 
the exchange efforts towards achieving a single territorial unit 
for each ethnic group, this was far from reality according to 
Christopher (1982), 
97 
./ 
/ 
~ Areas to remain / / 
.... / / 
• Areas to be added r" \ 
li/f.;~nt/d / i Areas to be excised 
/./~ \ 
0 
) t--1 
- · - · International boundaries ./-· )) 
I Gl I c;;,.~=:;j ~ ·, 
- -- - Provincial boundaries I 
I ~ \, Ol 
.. J 
/ 2. ! 
j ~ ~ ~ 
BOTSWANA TRANSVAAL ~y j ~ 
." 
·""·-· 
OPretoria 
oJohannesburg 
'"..,- ... _.. .. 
' ' 
I 
I 
Kimberley o/ Thaba Nchu 
,,/~loemfontein ~ 
I 
\ LESOTHO 
' ietermaritzburg \. 
I 
' Durban ' I 
' ' ' .... , .... .,,.,-"''-, 
CAPE PROVINCE 
N 
0 100 200 300 km 
Sienle/94 
FIGURE 3.8. CONSOLIDATION PROPOSALS FOR BLACK STATES, 1975 
(Source: Christopher, 1982:51) 
98 
Finally, three states, namely, Ciskei, Qwaqwa, and Kangwane were 
consolidated into single geographical uni ts while the independent 
states of Transkei, Bophuthatswana, and Venda were consolidated 
into three, six, and two portions respectively. 
Bophuthatswana was granted independence by the Government of the 
Republic of South Africa in 1977 after Transkei in 1976 and later 
Venda and Ciskei in 1979 and 1981 respectively. The others inclu-
ding KwaZulu, QwaQwa, Lebowa, Gazankulu, Kangwane and KwaNdebele 
remained as self-governing territories with ex-officio tradi-
tional leaders as heads of government. 
3.4.3 THE TRANSFORMATION OF URBAN AREAS 
The Group Areas Act of 1950 was another piece of racial legis-
lation inherent in apartheid planning strategy which ensured the 
transformation of urban areas. According to Christopher (1986: 
333), the act "provided that all towns should be divided into 
zones for the occupation of each group. No one could reside, own 
property or conduct a business outside the group area zoned for 
the person's own group". 
According to Christopher's explanation, the implication of the 
Act was to segregate each of the racial groups in the country 
into separate residential and commercial areas. It meant that 
every person in South Africa was assigned to a racial group and 
each group occupied a specific area in the town or city referred 
to as the "Group Area". This strategy was conceived as an urban 
planning policy which was to ensure that each group area was 
designed to be physically separated with a buffer strip or no-
man's-land between it and the next. However, long before the 
introduction of the Act, in the minds of the people and officials 
the Land Acts of 1913 and 1936 had already divided the land along 
racial lines and the Group Areas Act of 1950 merely made it a 
mandatory urban planning PO l icy. The first step towards the 
transformation of urban areas was through the process of forced 
removals. 
99 
3.4.4 FORCED REMOVALS 
The concepts of removal and resettlement are construed in this 
study to mean the process of relocation and consolidation of the 
different ethnic population groups into allocated areas. on a 
national scale, apartheid planning was pursued on territorial, 
organizational, and ethnic lines. The consolidation of black 
states became a process of absolute importance, which of course 
was the prime objective of apartheid planning. The first step 
was the removal of black spots from white areas and secondly, the 
demarcation of land for particular race groups. To achieve this 
it required the relocation of large numbers of blacks from areas 
which had been proclaimed for other racial groups. There is 
conflicting information regarding the figures involved, but the 
estimated figures cited by the Black Sash Organization put it at 
approximately 3 million people from 1960 to 1980. A study by the 
Surplus People Project undertaken by Platzky and Walker (1985) 
arrived at 3,5 million over the two decades. Table 3.3 illus-
trates the number of people (mostly black) affected by the var-
ious types of removal and relocation according to the Surplus 
People Project which is considered to be the most comprehensive 
study yet undertaken in this regard. 
The creation of racially homogeneous residential areas in cities 
and towns affected all of the racial groups. By the end of 1987, 
1 321 Group Areas had been proclaimed in all: 576 for the occu-
pation of whites, 495 for Coloureds, and 250 for Indians. Black 
residential areas in this regard were called townships. The 
elimination of black spots from "white" areas was part of the 
process of consolidating land for the homelands and transforming 
towns and cities. It is from this perspective that the relocation 
of black spots and the demolition of townships, shanty towns, and 
other 'unauthorised' settlements should be understood to have 
erased and influenced settlement patterns. 
100 
TABLE 3.3 POPULATION AFFECTED BY REMOVAL OR RELOCATION DUE TO 
APARTHEID PLANNING BETWEEN 1960-1983 
TYPE OF REMOVAL NUMBERS 
Eviction of black tenants, squatters, and surplus 
labour from "white" farmlands 1 129 000 
Clearance of black spots and homeland 
consolidation 647 000 
Urban relocations and removals from "white" areas 
to homelands townships 670 000 
Removals from unauthorised (informal or 
spontaneous) urban settlement 112 000 
Group Areas removals arising from racial 
re-zoning 834 000 
Relocations due to development schemes and 
clearing sensitive areas 23 500 
Political moves such as banishment and 
flight from oppression 50 000 
Others 30 000 
Total 3 495 500 
Source: Smith, 1990:15 
3.4.5 URBANIZATION WITHIN THE HOMELANDS 
A major process which became apparent during the 1970's with the 
unfolding of the homeland development programme was the rapid 
urbanization of parts of the homelands. This began as a central 
government policy in 1960 after influx control measures had 
failed to reduce the African population to the metropolitan white 
areas of South Africa. Homeland urbanization was also associated 
with attempts to disperse industries from metropolitan areas to 
towns close to the borders of the homelands. 
The first stage in this process was the proclamation of new 
townships in the homelands as a means of side-tracking potential 
101 
rural migrants to the "white" towns and cities. Secondly, it was 
also to resettle blacks who had been displaced from "white" farms 
and black spots in white proclaimed areas. It was subsequently 
followed by the freezing of family housing development for blacks 
in townships in "white" urban areas from 1968 and was substituted 
with the development of townships in the homelands as dormitories 
for frontier commuters. 
The immediate effect of the process was the deproclamation of 
some townships outside, but close to the homelands, to prevent 
further settlement and to allow for the relocation of residents 
to new townships within the borders of the homelands. In some 
cases the boundaries of homelands were changed to incorporate 
townships into the homeland. A case in point is the incor-
poration of KwaMashu into KwaZulu. This process was further 
accelerated when state expenditure on black housing in "white" 
areas was diverted to the homelands. It was coupled with the 
enticing incentive of the right of ownership as compared to 
rental houses on the periphery of the metropolitan areas. Accor-
ding to the SAIRR ( 1983: 439-40), between 1970 and 1981 the 
number of housing uni ts in the proclaimed townships in the 
homelands increased from about 80 000 to almost 200 000 and the 
population from 525 000 to almost 1 500 000. Approximately 15 
percent of the homeland population was living in urban areas by 
the early 1980's. out of this process a number of black urban 
settlements, including Mdanstsane and Ga-Rankuwa emerged which 
had an influence on the spatial restructuring of labour supply 
and movement. 
3.4.6 INDUSTRIAL DECENTRALISATION 
Another process created by apartheid planning was that of indus-
trial decen tral iza t ion away from the metropolitan centres of 
south Africa. Decentralization in most developing countries has 
been a strategy for reducing inequalities between the core and 
peri-pheral regions of the national space economy. In South 
Africa, however, the situation was quite different; it was a 
102 
disguise to ensure and maintain a developed white core and 
underdeveloped or developing black periphery. 
The use of industrial decentralization as a process was initiated 
in 1960. The process sought to encourage the development of bor-
der areas or selected "white" towns adjoining the homelands. By 
creating development centres in underdeveloped peripheral regions 
the underlying objectives were twofold; firstly, to alleviate 
metropolitan congest ion through the reduct ion of the flow of 
permanent blacks to the cities; secondly, its success was to be 
seen in terms of job provision for blacks to contain them in the 
homelands. The major attraction of the programme to business 
investors was the cheap available labour which existed in the 
homelands alongside the financial incentives (e.g. grants towards 
land, capital, housing costs and tax concessions) offered by the 
programme implementing agents. 
The basic feature of the decentralization programme in this study 
has its bearing on the emerging spatial patterns in the home-
lands. According to Krige (1991), the spatial impact was evident 
in Botshabelo. He indicated that within six years of implemen-
tation, 57 factories had been established and were in production 
employing up to 10 000 local workers. A part of Bloemfontein 
industrial area had been relocated to about 20 kilometres east 
of Bloemfontein and 30 kilometres west of Botshabelo in 1988 and 
was named Bloemdustria. The relocation of Bloemdustria was part 
of the decentralization drive to restrict the flow of blacks to 
Bloemfontein and to get job avenues in the industrial areas 
closer to where the homeland labour force lived. 
3.4.7. LABOUR MOVEMENTS 
The supply and movement of black labour has a long history in 
South Africa. It was regulated by the doctrine of the Stallard 
(Transvaal Local Government) Commission of 1922, which was 
concerned with the restriction of the number of urban Africans 
so as to minimize expenditure on their locations. The implication 
103 
of this idea had its roots in the threatening African influx 
which shaped the basis of official attitudes towards urban 
blacks. For several decades it upheld the doctrine (Transvaal, 
1922: paragraph 42) that "the native should only be allowed to 
enter the urban areas, which are essentially the white man's 
creation, when he is willing to enter and minister to the needs 
of the white, and should depart there from when he ceases so to 
minister". The attempt to secure and regulate labour supply 
without accommodating labour permanently in the working resi-
dential environment was a characteristic feature of the decen-
tralization policy. It contributed to the freezing of black 
residential development in white South Africa, as well as the 
relocation of black residential areas to the peripheries of 
metropolitan centres of South Africa and in the homelands. The 
repercussions of these processes on the spatial forms of black 
labour movement is illustrated in Figure 3.9 and has been con-
ceptualised into three different categories by Smith (1992) which 
are as follows: migrant workers; frontier commuters travelling 
daily from the homelands; and permanent residents who are perma-
nent residents of "white" South Africa cities and who travel 
daily from black townships on the periphery of the city to job 
opportunities in the urban areas. 
The first category of labour movement is migrant labour. The 
worker lives in a compound, hostel or dormitory at the mine or 
other place of employment and returns home after the completion 
of the contract (usually one year duration). The process of osci-
llating between single existence in the "white" city and brief 
spells of family life in the homelands (and foreign countries) 
was also another characteristic feature of the migratory labour 
movement. Table 3. 4 and 3. 5 provides a clear picture of the 
number of migrant workers from the homelands and foreign coun-
tries working in the South African economy. 
104 
I. MIGRANT LABOUR: 2 000 000 
Hostels 
I • • I Black Black 
foreign 
countrie 
~--''White'' city 
2. FRONTIER COMMUTERS: 850 000 
White South 
Africa 
Black homeland 
White city---\ Black township 
in homeland 
Homeland 
boundary 
i 
White city in I. I, 
white South Africa i• 
i 
11 
j; 
i 
~FIG=U-R~E ~3.~9.~ ~DI~FFWEREcNT~ PSPTATlI\AyL =FOjR~M~S ~OF~ ~BL~AC=K -L=AB=OU~R= M-O=VE=ME=NTi ..l 
IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1980 
(Source: Smith, 1990:74) 
105 
TABLE 3.4 MIGRANT WORKERS FROM THE HOMELANDS, 1970-1986 (1 OOOs) 
II HOMELAND OF ORIGIN 1970 1977 1982 1986 11 
II Bop hut ha t swan a 1 5 0 1 7 9 2 3 6 2 61 1I  
IICiskei 52 47 59 60 ii 
II II 
J/Transkei 268 263 347 337 II 
JI Venda 22 26 37 49 II 
II Gazankulu 40 39 64 99 I/ 
II Kangwane 18 2 9 6 7 7 7 II 
II KwaNdebele 11 24 52 71 II 
II KwaZulu 270 305 294 449 II 
11 Lebowa 140 140 180 234 I/ 
11
IIII  Q,·,1·:-:iq1.,.1 a 4 43 60 67 
II 
I1I1  
11-----------------------------~I/ 
II TOTAL 975 1 095 1 395 1 704 i/ 
I 
Source: Smith, 199~:48 
The number of blacks from foreign countries rose to a peak of 
836 000 in 1960 and then declined during the period of deco-
lonization of Southern African countries as is shown in Table 
3. 5. In 1986 there were approximately 2 million black migrant 
workers in white South Africa, most of them being from the home-
lands. 
TABLE 3.5 MIGRANT WORKERS FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES, 1973-1986 
(1 OOOs) 
/ Country of Origin 1973 1977 1983 1986 I 
I II 
I Botswana 46 43 30 I 28 
II 
11 Lesotho 149 161 II 146 138 
II 
II Malawi 140 13 30 31 
/I Mozambique 127 111 61 '7 ? II I ....J 
/ Swaziland 10 21 17 22 II 
/ Zimbabwe 3 33 8 7 
I 'I
(including others) 486 392 I,
  
II TOTAL 359 303 II 
Source: Smith, 1992:48 Ii 
The second category of the black labour movement is that of the 
106 
frontier commuter. This is defined as blacks who reside in the 
homelands but travel daily to work in the urban and rural areas 
of "white" South Africa. They commute across homeland boundaries 
and are referred to as frontier commuters. 
Table 3.6 shows the trend of frontier commuters during the 1970's 
and first half of the 1980's. The increasing number of frontier 
commuters in Bophuthatswana and KwaZulu reflects the proximity 
of those parts of the homelands to cities in "white" south 
Africa. The largest commuter flow was from Bophuthatswana into 
Pretoria and KwaZulu into Durban. 
TABLE 3.6 FRONTIER COMMUTERS FROM HOMELANDS INTO "WHITE" 
SOUTH AFRICA, 1970-1982 (1 000s) 
Homeland of origin 1970 1976 1979 1982 
Bophuthatswana 84 131 155 173 
Ciskei 40 34 37 38 
Transkei 3 7 9 8 
Venda 3 4 6 6 
Gazankulu 3 6 8 8 
KaNgawane 3 23 33 44 
KwaNdebele 0 0 4 12 
KwaZulu 127 279 352 395 
Lebowa 26 44 58 76 
Qwaqwa 1 2 3 12 
TOTAL 291 536 664 773 
Source: Smith, 1992.50 
The third category of the black labour movement referred to in 
this study are domestic commuters. This refers to black workers 
who live permanently in the cities and towns of "white" South 
Africa and commute from the periphery of those areas to their 
jobs. 
107 
3.5. THE IMPACT OF APARTHEID PLANNING ON THE THABA NCHU 
DISTRICT 
Just as apartheid planning impacted on the geo-political 
landscape of South Africa at a national level, a similar impact 
was felt at the regional and local levels. This remaining section 
considers the impact of apartheid planning on the geographical 
landscape of the Thaba Nchu district through means of: 
* political developments within the Thaba Nchu district; 
* the trend of urban development; 
* forced removals and resettlements of the dispersed population 
groups into planned and unplanned settlements; and 
* labour movements from Thaba Nchu-Selosesha. 
3.5.1 POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE THABA NCHU DISTRICT 
With the territorial basis of Thaba Nchu fully established by the 
Land Acts of 1913 and 1936, the elaboration of the apartheid 
strategy into a system of government began with the Bantu Autho-
rity Act of 1951. The passing of the 1951 Bantu Authorities Act 
by the South African Government provided for the recognition of 
exist-ing tribal councils as tribal authorities. Paving the way 
towards self-governing status was the Promotion of Bantu Self-
Government Act of 1959, the Bantu Homeland Citizenships Act of 
1970, and the Bantu Homeland Constitution Act of 1971. In April 
1961 the first major move towards unity was made when separate 
Tswana-speaking tribes were combined politically with the forma-
tion of the Tswana Territorial Authority. 
In terms of the administrative reforms en-route to an indepen-
dent state, the boundaries of the envisaged six blocks were con-
solidated in 1970 into what would constitute Bophuthatswana and 
were redrawn to coincide with the eight Regional Authorities. 
This number was later increased to twelve which included the 
Barolong Tribal Authority of Thaba Nchu. 
On 1 May 1971, the Tswana Legislative Assembly was established 
108 
and full self-governing status was obtained on 1 June the fol-
lowing year and Bophuthatswana was bestowed. In 1971 and 1972 
twelve magisterial districts came into being. These coincided 
with the boundaries of the Regional Authorities. It is the appli-
cation of these ethnic administrative structures which drew the 
Thaba Nchu district into the national political system of Bophu-
tha tswana. The Thaba Nchu Reserve Board was replaced by the 
Barolong Tribal Authority after it had been established in 1953 
and therefore became a regional structure of the Tswana Terri-
torial Authority which was constituted in 1961. 
As part of the redrawing of the boundary of the Thaba Nchu dis-
trict the "white" Thaba Nchu town was excised from the district 
and all of the Tswana ethnic villages in the reserve were con-
solidated to constitute the district. The spatial impact on the 
district of Thaba Nchu resulted in the dwindling of the large 
territorial space of the Barolong (Figure 3.10). In terms of the 
areal limit of jurisdiction, the open space (the buffer strip) 
between the African residential villages and the "white" Thaba 
Nchu town became the 'international' boundary between the dis-
trict and the RSA. Thaba Nchu town and Thaba Nchu district 
existed as two separate entities under different governments 
until the incorporation of the town into Bophuthatswana in 1983. 
The above-mentioned basic structures were extended in two res-
pects in terms of the Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act 
which gave recognition to the Tswanas as one of the black 
national units destined for independence. Firstly, it allowed 
for the appointment of a South African Commissioner-General in 
the homeland to serve as a direct link between the South African 
Government and the Tswana Territorial Authority to guide them in 
their political development. Secondly, it empowered the Tswana 
Territorial Authority to make reciprocal representation regarding 
the same functions. 
109 
Origina 
(1884) 
--0-0-0- Existing Thaba Nchu 
(1992) 
I JI ill Bultfonteins' 
Botshabelo 
Leeufonteln 
129 
Roolfonteln 
60 
Bultfonteln • Il 
I• ]fa 
,----
I'  
I BOTSHABELO 
I 
I Thoba Nchu Mountain 
'\ I  Q 
I Site of 
' .... Groothoek 
N 
0 10 20 
km 
Sienie/94 
FIGURE 3.10 THE NEW BOUNDARY OF THE CONSOLIDATED DISTRICT 
OF THABA NCHU, 1960 
(Source: Murray, 1992:3) 
110 
3.5.2 THE TREND OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT 
Another process which influenced the spatial development of Thaba 
Nchu was the process of industrial decentralization. The trend 
of accelerating township development in the homelands was made 
more effective by freezing the construction of family houses for 
blacks in white areas. This was followed by channelling grants 
for housing towards the homelands. This situation became evident 
in the studies of Krige ( 1991: 102) on apartheid planning in 
Bloemfontein which revealed that "... the temporary status of 
African residents in Mangaung reached a climax in 1968 when all 
further land addition to African residential areas were frozen, 
and it was decided that family housing would be provided for in 
the Thaba Nchu area in future". The construction of housing uni ts 
in the proclaimed township of Selosesha adjacent to Ratlou began 
in 1969. Between 1970 and 1976 the number of housing units in the 
proclaimed township of Selosesha increased from 790 to 1 120 and 
the population in this township rose from 3 475 in 1970 to s 763 
in 1976 (Bophuthatswana at Independence, 1977:124). 
Administratively, Thaba Nchu town had no link with Selosesha 
township. The two existed as two separate settlements and the 
latter, together with the African rural villages was separated 
by a buffer strip. In March 1976, Selosesha Town Council was 
esta-blished. The administration of Selosesha was placed under 
the jurisdiction of a Superintendent and members elected to form 
the Selosesha Town Council. 
With a series of valleys and disjointed large tracts of unde-
veloped land separating neighbourhoods one may think such a small 
area like Thaba Nchu town and its neighbouring African rural vil-
lages would not warrant the implementation of the Group Areas 
Act. In spite of the built-up environment, the implementation 
of the Group Areas Act was mandatory for all municipalities to 
implement and was made evident in the neighbourhood by the demar-
cation of the buff er strip. The spatial impact of the buff er 
strip was not to indicate a no-man's area, but to make the boun-
111 
dary of the "white" proclaimed town of Thaba Nchu very clearly 
discernable. The same boundary marked the "white" area which was 
excised during the consolidation of the Thaba Nchu district as 
part of the homeland. 
If the Group Areas Act is to be considered a "geographical agent" 
inf 1 uenc ing the spatial dis tr ibu t ion of phenomena, then the re lo-
cat ion of the Strydom Teachers' Training College from Bloemfon-
tein to the Thaba Nchu district was as a result of the Act. The 
relocation of the college to Thaba Nchu enabled the district as 
a whole to be self-sufficient regarding black teacher training. 
The same Act was responsible for the transfer of Bartimea Special 
School for the Blind and the Deaf in Ficksburg to Thaba Nchu. 
Both ins ti tut ions were relocated to Thaba Nchu because the 
specific areas where both institutions were located had been pro-
claimed for non-blacks. 
3.5.3 FORCED REMOVALS AND RESETTLEMENT OF DISPERSED 
POPULATION GROUPS INTO PLANNED AND UNPLANNED 
SETTLEMENTS 
The removal and resettlement of the black population throughout 
the reserves was part of a process of consolidating the district. 
This was one of most important factors explaining of the emer-
gence of settlement patterns in Thaba Nchu-Selosesha. 
The Seliba reserve was the prime site which opposed the measures 
endorsed in the betterment scheme and rehabilitation programmes 
introduced by NAD on land administered by SANT. During the 
period of the Orange River Colony, the two African reserves, 
Seliba and Thaba Nchu, each with its own headmen had established 
separate reserve boards. Because of SANT jurisdiction over the 
two reserves, the acquisition of the trust farms between them 
could be interpreted as an effort to integrate the two reserves 
for the purposes of consolidation to avoid a duplication of 
functions in the two adjacent areas. On that note, the NAD 
accordingly took measures to extend the jurisdiction of the Chief 
112 
of the Thaba Nchu reserve to the Seliba reserve. Even though the 
territorial integration did not materialise, the people of Seliba 
failed to recognise the Chief of the Thaba Nchu reserve (Murray 
1992). 
The opposition raised by the people of Seliba did not end with 
their failure to recognise the Chief, but it was also led to 
their opposition to the use of the land between them and the 
Thaba Nchu reserve for the implementation of a betterment scheme 
and a rehabilitation programme. Resistance at Seliba according 
to Murray (1992), spurred on and by 1965 forced removals were 
imminent in line with the resettlement programme. In May 1969 an 
unplanned settlement (Bultfontein 1), sprang up six kilometres 
north west of Thaba Nchu town, north of the railway station, as 
a result of the removal of people from Seliba. It was followed 
by the contruction of Bultfontein 2 on the other side of the 
road. By mid-1970 the site of Bultfontein 3, near the railway 
station, had also filled up with refugees displaced from white 
farms throughout the OFS. In addition to the forced removal of 
blacks from urban areas in "white" South Africa in the 19 60 's 
through to the mid-1970's, tens of thousands of people, mainly 
Basotho, left "white" farms, smallholdings around Bloemfontein, 
and small towns all over the OFS and drifted into the Thaba Nchu 
African villages of· Morolong, Mokwena, Moroka, Ratlou, and Mo-
tlatla as well as the Bultfonteins. In addition to the expansion 
and increased population in those areas, a large concentration 
of 'illegal' squatters developed in the bend of the railway line 
east of Thaba Nchu railway station and west of Mokwena village 
which became known as Kromdraai squatter settlement. Even though 
population statistics for the early 1960's are not available, 
Krige (1992) and Murray (1992) have indicated that the population 
of the Thaba Nchu district increased from 41 986 in 1970 to 
116 600 in 1979. This increase in population is a clear indi-
cation of how homelands were used as catchment areas for surplus 
Africans in "white" urban and rural areas. 
113 
3.5.4 LABOUR MOVEMENT 
The emergence of spatial patterns in Thaba Nchu-Selosesha is 
viewed to be closely associated with the spatial restructuring 
of labour movement in the framework of labour supply and movement 
in South Africa. As a result of successive removals and the dis-
placement of the population from the reserves and other places 
into planned and unplanned settlements, coupled with the urban-
isation trend, the majority of the people were now concentrated 
into the rural African villages, the three Bultfonteins, and the 
new township of Selosesha. They became dependent on employment 
outside of the boundaries of Thaba Nchu district e.g Bloemfon-
tein, the OFS Goldfields, the Rustenburg Platinum mines, and the 
farms. It could therefore be inferred that three differential 
spatial forms of labour movement emerged in Thaba Nchu-Selosesha, 
viz. migrants, frontier commuters, and domestic commuters. 
The operation of frontier commuter transport was also assisted 
by the operation of the Thaba Nchu Transport Company, under the 
name of Lerwanya. According to the company's 1976 analysis of the 
mode of transport taken by black commuters from Thaba Nchu to 
Bloemfontein, it was discovered that, among the total of 2 800 
day frontier commuters, the train carried 2 300 and other forms 
of transport 500. The company also operated internally and accor-
ding to its estimate for 1976/77 carried about 365 000 local 
passengers per annum. 
3.6 THE PRE-INDEPENDENT GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE 
OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA 
From the above discussion, the unfolding of the pre-independent 
political process in a physical form became the geographical 
imperative determining the different land-uses in the study area. 
Racial segregation and structural separation and disparity (for 
example differences in settlement areas) became the pervasive 
features of the study area's geographical environment. The phy-
sical separation which was manifested by the buffer strip in the 
114 
geographical space created and emphasized differences in culture, 
education, settlement, housing, health, and access to recrea-
tional facilities. 
This study is of the opinion that the making of the OFS, and of 
course Bloemfontein, as a "white man's land" had a direct impact 
on the emergence of land-use patterns in Thaba Nchu. As illust-
rated in Figure 3 .11, the consequences of the process in the 
study area can be said to comprise the following: 
* the political consolidation of the boundaries of the reserves 
into a homeland block of the Barolong as part of Bophuthat-
swana; 
* the emergence of Selosesha as a formal settlement for Tswanas 
due to the impact of Frozen Residential Development (FRD) at 
Mangaung; 
* the emergence of informal settlements at Bultfontein 
(1, 2, and 3) and the squatter settlement of Kromdraai 
due to people being squeezed off OFS farms; 
* Thaba Nchu district became the catchment area for 
surplus blacks from the "white" areas in the OFS; 
* the separation of the two urban areas by an apartheid buffer 
strip resulted in Selosesha and Thaba Nchu town being exclu-
sive black and white town respectively; 
* the relocation of the Strydom Teachers' Training College and 
the Bartimea Special School for the Deaf and the Blind from 
Bloemfontein and Ficksburg respectively to Thaba Nchu; 
* the emergence of betterment and rehabilitation schemes contri-
buted to the emergence of trust villages in the district 
e.g. Moroto, Paradys, Merino, Commissiedrift, and Gladstone 
etc; ' 
* the setting apart of coloureds (from Thaba Nchu to Thaba 
Patshwa); 
* the emergence of a migrant labour system to Bloemfontein, 
the OFS Goldfields, Rustenburg and other urban and rural 
areas; and 
* the emergence of a daily frontier commuting system between 
Thaba Nchu and Bloemfontein; originally a train link which 
115 
I OFS GOLDFIELDS I 
\ URBAN AREAS AND WHITE FARMS IN THE O.F.S. 
\ 
It- N 
\ 
[ RUSTENBURG PLATINUM MINES I 
~ 
··········~ 
····· .... 
OFS 
BLOEMFONTEIN 
Q ML Exclusive white residential -- 000000 -·-..- ~li1grant labour 
~ Selose::iho town~,h1p • CBD ~?:e-..,._____._ Frontier commuters 
Forced removals due to 
~ Rural /l..fr1cun villagt:~ Group Areas Act ...______.._.____.. .. ·-- Buffer strip 
Bultfontciri 1nforrnol ~ Forced removals SA;pr e-independent 
squatter seltlemen! Gophu tho tswa.10 
Squa!lers ~~ Impact of frozen residential 
boundary IThaba Nchul 
development @) Strydom Training College 
...._~ Removal of coloureds 
® S0rt1rneo Sc~ool 
-+----r-+---+ R a i I w o y 
Road 
FIGURE 3.11 THE IMPACT OF APARTHEID PLANNING ON THABA 
NCHU-SELOSESHA 
116 
developed into a bus service. 
Based on this study's classification of the land-use components 
in terms of political and socio-economic development, the major 
land-use components in the 1976 geographical landscape of Thaba 
Nchu-Selosesha are illustrated in Figure 3.12 were identified to 
be characterised by a dual distinction between two racial popu-
lation groups, viz. Thaba Nchu town for "white" South Africans 
and Selosesha, together with the Bultfonteins and surrounding 
African rural villages, and Kromdraai for blacks. The two major 
distinctions were evident in the following landscape components 
( 1 - 8 ) . 1. Pol i t i cal ; 2 . Adm in i s tr at iv e ; 3 . Set t le men t ; 4 . 
Housing; 5. Commercial; 6. Educational; 7. Cultural. 8. Health. 
A descriptive account of the distinctions in the geographical 
landscape of Thaba Nchu and Selosesha will follow and summary 
details are provided in Table 3.9. 
3.6.1 POLITICAL LANDSCAPE 
Between 1948 and 1976 the sovereign authority which presided in 
the study area was vested in the government of the RSA. The visi-
ble evidence of the power of the authority of the government was 
not limited to the laws and other legislative measures in place, 
but also national symbols which were associated with the identity 
of the government. These symbols were limited to the national 
flag, coat of arms, and portraits of the state president. These 
were confined to the police station, the magistrate court buil-
dings, and the municipality office at Thaba Nchu. In Selosesha 
there was no visible evidence of the political symbols even 
though it fell under jurisdiction of the South African Govern-
ment. It had, however, been administered by the ex-officio self-
government since 1972. 
In spite of this, the legislative imprint of the power of the 
government was familiar to the residents of Selosesha, the Afri-
can rural villages, and the Bultfonteins. It was recognised and 
evident in the open buffer strip. The buffer strip was approxi-
117 
\ 
\ TFONTEIN 
. 
lro1rnnq 
Colle qt• 
--To- B-io! 11}_f~1-te-/n -- -------------- . -------- .... _- - ----
I 
N 
I 
CBD 
Exclusive While Res.identiol} ~.,,,. 
Formal Setllemen! 
African Formal Res1den!1ol ~ 
Hurol African Villages } 
.AMAGAKARI 
Bullfonle1ns· Informal St 11it'merd \\\  '"' 
\ 
Informal "Squotler · Set111 men \ 
s s Primary- &. Secondary 'c 
S s Educalionol lnsli!utlons 
Police Station 
\!i~ Hospi1al (Heolth Cen!resl 
STC Selosheshu Town Council 011\ce 
M Municirolily of Thobo Nchu 
Non-Rociul Sel!lt:men!~ 
R Ro.creation {ColoureJs & Alnco11sl 
$ • 
.i! z Slrydom l raining Colleye 
1000 .:'.km 
b;. ·-;j 
FIGURE 3.12 THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1976 
118 
--
matlely 100 - 150 metre in width and almost surrounded the white 
residential area of Thaba Nchu. It served as a political boundary 
beyond which the African had no franchise, nor settlements 
rights. 
In the streets of the Thaba Nchu town Afrikaner street names were 
an exclusive indication of the ethnic identity of the town. In 
Selosesha the street names reflected the names of some prominent 
members of the Barolong tribe. However, in the streets the recog-
nition of the government's authority also became evident accor-
ding to the registration plates ( OT ) on vehicles in the Thaba 
Nchu district. In the post offices at Ratlou and Thaba Nchu the 
sale of South African stamps emphasized the visible national 
symbols of the South African Government. 
3.6.2 ADMINISTRATIVE LANDSCAPE 
The pre-independent control of colonial cities and towns was 
exercised by administrators who constituted the seat of local 
government. In Thaba Nchu and Se loses ha, the existence of a 
number of administrative institutions and the areas under their 
jurisdiction was basic to the understanding of the administrative 
landscape. During the pre-independence era, Thaba Nchu Munici-
pality and Selosesha Town Council were the only significant local 
government institutions in the study area. Other than for these 
two, the Barolong Tribal Authority exercised traditional control 
over the total district as part of the self-government state. 
The territorial jurisdiction of Thaba Nchu Municipality and 
Selosesha Town Council was limited to Thaba Nchu Town and 
Selosesha respectively. The jurisdiction of the two institutions 
was separated by the open buffer strip. The residents of the two 
areas did not have franchise in each others administrative 
decisions. 
The administrative function of Selosesha Town Council was 
strictly to allocate and maintain state houses. The municipality 
119 
was in-charge of the allocation of buildings to businessmen and 
other basic incentives including the provision of electricity, 
water, maintenance of the streets and general environment. 
3.6.3 SETTLEMENT LANDSCAPE 
The landscape of settlement was the most spectacular manifest-
ation of the pre-independent political process. It started, ini-
tially, with the African rural villages of pre-colonial times 
and continued through to the establishment of Thaba Nchu town in 
1892. Following the implementation of apartheid strategy, the 
process of settlement development became one of the pervasive 
features of the Thaba Nchu district. Hence the district became 
the catchment area for the surplus blacks in the OFS. 
It gathered momentum in the study area following the political 
development of proclaiming the Thaba Nchu district as part of 
Bophuthatswana. Subsequently, Selosesha was established and 
proclaimed a township in 1969 with the construction of residen-
tial houses for displaced residents of Bloemfontein and Bethany. 
At the same time, the informal settlements of Bultfontein 1, 2, 
and 3 and Kromdraai emerged. 
The overall pattern was a dispersed settlement of disjointed, 
large tracts of undeveloped land separating the neighbourhoods. 
It consisted of the two separate formal settlements of Thaba Nchu 
town and Selosesha and the informal settlements of the African 
rural villages of Moroka, Ratlou, Mokwena, Ratau, Seroala, and 
Motlatla; Bultfontein 1, 2, 3, and Kromdraai squatter settlement. 
In spite of this, there was no attempt to work towards a unified 
settlement between Thaba Nchu town and Selosesha. The formal 
settlements were structured according to a well planned formal 
layout while the informal settlements followed no definite plan. 
3.6.4 HOUSING LANDSCAPE 
With the pre-independent process finally set, the housing 
120 
landscape which emerged became extricably bound-up in the types 
of settlement in Thaba Nchu-Selosesha. In the formal settlement 
of Thaba Nchu and Selosesha the houses were laid out in a grid 
pattern with gravel streets intersecting at right angles. The 
houses in Selosesha were predominantly planned for the displaced 
black residents. The 980 houses were of different styles, sizes, 
rental, and purchase prices as illustrated in Table 3.7. In the 
exclusive "white" residential area of Thaba Nchu the houses were 
predominantly privately owned. There was no particular architec-
tural style in the housing landscape. In the informal settlements 
the houses were mostly privately owned and self-constructed from 
mud-bricks and corrugated iron sheeting. 
TABLE 3.7 PRE-INDEPENDENCE HOUSE TYPES IN SELOSESHA, 
RENTAL AND PURCHASE PRICE, 1976 
I TYPES OF HOUSES RENTAL QUANTITY PURCHASE 
PRICE 
I 
(R)* (R)* 
II  . Tin cottage (2-rooms) 8.88 12 825.00 I 
Prefabricated (1-roorn) 12.89 50 I 935.00 I 
1 I 
56/6 2 room house 14.50 158 3000.00 
I 
56/4 4 room house 37.04 710 9000.00 I 
. 11/1 wooden house 22.54 50 1650.00 
Source: SETPLAN, 1992:34 11 
(* prices /rental as at 1992) 
3.6.5 COMMERCIAL LANDSCAPE 
The commercial landscape of pre-independent Thaba Nchu-Selosesha 
was limited to the small CBD in the Thaba Nchu town. Regulated 
in terms of the Group Areas Act, it was a business area mono-
polised by the white business community in the Thaba Nchu town. 
It was the centre of business activity for the study area and 
the district. There was no well-developed commercial sub-centres 
outside of the CBD. 
There was no apparent pattern in the occurrence and types of 
121 
shops in the CBD as detailed in Table 3.8. The arrangement of 
shops conformed to the road pattern. The intersection of the two 
gravel access roads did not constitute the centre of business 
activity. 
TABLE 3.8 AN INVENTORY OF PRE-INDEPENDENT COMMERCIAL 
ACTIVITIES IN THE CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT 
OF THABA NCHU, 1976 
IE NTERPRISE FREQUENCY 
supermarket 2 
1
Garage/Filling Station 2 
Spares/Panel Beating 3 
Butchery 4 
General Dealer 19 
Bottle Store 2 
Cafe/Restaurant 6 
Furniture 9 
Shoe store 1 I 
1Clothes Store 7 I I 
Agent/Broker 2 I 
Transport Service 1 11 
Hardware/Building 1 11 
'I 
jAction 
Dry Cleaner 1 
Pharmacy 1 
JHotel 1 
Hair dresser 3 
Building contractor 3 
Professional 1 
Bank/Building society 1 
Wood/Coal 1 
Source: Bophuthatswana at Independence, 1977:133 
3.6.6 EDUCATIONAL LANDSCAPE 
In Thaba Nchu-Selosesha the educational landscape of the pre-
122 
independent period had a remarkable imprint of colonial and 
apartheid political processes. The most important educational 
ins ti tut ion was the Ereskuld Primary School, which, together with 
a church and a mission house, was donated as a gift of honour to 
the Barolong Tribe by the Afrikaner. Moroka School was built and 
named after Chief Moroka. It serves as a Teachers' Training 
School in addition to being a high school. 
PHOTOMAP 3.1 THE ERESKULD PRIMARY SCHOOL STILL MAINTAINS 
ITS NAME, A SIGN OF APPRECIATION FROM THE 
AFRIKANER TO THE BAROLONG OF THABA NCHU 
............- .. 1 
Other important educational ins ti tut ions include the Strydom 
Teachers' Training School and the Bartimea Special School for the 
Deaf and the Blind which were relocated to Thaba Nchu from Bloem-
fontein and Ficksburg respectively. The missionary role in educa-
tion is also evident in the number of educational institution 
bearing christian names. This includes St. Paul's and st. Augus-
tine's Primary schools. During the period of transition to inde-
pendence, Bophuthatswana was declared a self-government territory 
in 1972. During this period (1972-1976), a number of schools were 
established in dilapidated houses which were not conducive to any 
purposeful learning. 
123 
t- iJ 
' . ' 
1. f,. 7 
:c 2 J_ ~-? \1 ~- fl t- of t hi? 
t .h a t o f ,~; 11 l t 1_ 1 r- '? . I ~ ,~, '...• n ~ i s t e d o f t h O T ha t, a Nc  h u t o w n rE1 l J_ ;i, n rj 0 f 
street names mostly to Af Ll kaners in Thaba Nchu town and of 
Tswana origin in Selosesha Township. Other features of the cu1-
tura.l 1.andsr.::ape were the Anglican church I the Dutch Reformed 
Church 1 c1.nd St. Paul's Chwcch. There was a well-developed recrea-
tional sports centre for the exclusive use of residents from 
Thaba Nchu town in addition to a whites only Thaba Nchu Hotel. 
PHOTOMAP 3.2 THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH IN THABA NCHU 
3.6.8 HEALTH LANDSCAPE 
The most important institutions which took care of the health and 
welfa.r'? of the peoplP were Moroka Hospit~l 1 Poloko Sana.tnr·-i1-11- .1 -1...  r 
and the Barend van Rensburg Children's Home all in Selosesha. The 
presence of limited health facilities could be attributed to the 
lack of any substantiative administrative institutions and the 
limited size of the settlements. 
TABLE 3.9 A COMPARISON OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF 
THABA NCHU AND SELOSESHA, 1976 
I LANDSCAPE 11 
I COMPONENTS THABA NCHU SELOSESHA 11 1
I1 --------------------------__jl I POLITICAL II 
\ Government RSA Ex-officio self \1 
I government services 1
I starting from 1972 IlIl  
I
1
\ Franchise Limited to whites Limited to Africans j1 
I Symbols Flags, coats of arms, The same 1
', national anthem 1' 
I 
Stamps South African The same \ 
Number Plates OT OT I 
Street Names Afrikaner Tswana I I 
I ADMINISTRATIVE II 
Local Municipality Selosesha Town Council, 
I 
I 
I 
Barolong Tribal Autho- I 
I 
I rity I 
I SETTLEMENT I I 
Formal Thaba Nchu Selosesha I 
1 
Informal None African rural villages: II I 
Moroka, Ratau, Mokwena, I I 
Ratlou, Seroalo, Motla- \ 
tla, Bultfontein 1, 2, I 
3; Kromdraai squatter I 
I settlement 
I 
I Boundary Buffer strip The same I 
j Racial Group White Black I 
1 Spatial I 
Organiszation Nucleated Dispersed I I 
Morphology Grid layout Undefined I 
I 
Transport Bus and taxi depot Railway Station 
125 
(TABLE 3.9 continues) 
II Road Gravel Gravel 11 
II 
II Function Residential, Residential and services 11 
II 
I Commercial, I 
I 
I 
I Services 
I 
I 
II Judiciary II 
II HOUSING II 
II 
II Formal Privately-owned Government planned 
II 
11 
I II 
I estates II 
I JI 
I Informal None Mud, brick, wooden II 
II shacks, and corrugated II 
II 11 
iron 11 
I' II 
I COMMERCIAL II 
II 
I 
II CED Variety of dispersed II 
I 
I shops II 
I 11 
I EDUCATIONAL 11 
I 
/I Tertiary No development Strydom Training College J 
I I 
I Secondary No development Moroka, Goronyane I 
I 
I schools I 
11 
II Primary Gerrit Maritz Ereskuld, Tawana, II 
I St. Paul's and St. 
II 
II 
I 
I Augustine 
II 
II 
I II 
I CULTURAL ii 
I 
/i Church Anglican, Dutch Methodist II 
II Reformed 
II 
Ii 
/I Hotel Thaba Nchu Hotel No development JI 
JI 
II HEALTH II 
II No development Moroka Hospital II 
II Poloko Psychiatric II 
Barend van Rensburg 11 
II II 
Children's Home 
'I II I 
126 
CHAPTER 4 
THE IMPACT OF BOPHUTHATSWANA'S INDEPENDENCE AS 
A POLITICAL PROCESS ON THE GEOGRAPHICAL 
LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA 
In chapter three it was mentioned that an appraisal of the land-
scape changes cannot be made from a perspective of being ignorant 
of the initial state of the condition of the phenomenon. Once 
that state has been uncovered and established it becomes impera-
tive to outline the external factors considered to have influ-
enced the change in order to assess the nature and extent of the 
change. This chapter represents the climax of this study and its 
perspective for viewing any landscape changes in Thaba Nchu-Selo-
sesha is focused on the political process from 1977 to 1992. Po-
litical independence is regarded as the dominant force exhibiting 
itself in the transformation of the political imprint of the pre-
independent geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha. 
Therefore, for the purposes of this study, the objective of this 
chapter is structured as follows: 
* to analyze the political and socio-economic strategies 
which were initiated by independence as a political process 
to build Bophuthatswana as a new nation; and 
* to analyze the impact of these political and socio-
economic strategies by the Bophuthatswana Government on 
the geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha from 
1977 to 1992. 
4.1 INDEPENDENCE OF BOPHUTHATSWANA 
The controversy which surrounds whether Bophuthatswana is a pro-
duct of apartheid or not is not the object of the discussion, but 
is a point of interest which reflects how Bophuthatswana per-
ceived its independence. In a presidential address to the meeting 
of the Convention for the Democratic South Africa (CODESA) in 
Johannesburg on December 1991, President Mangope was quoted as 
127 
saying, "Bophuthatswana is not a product of apartheid but the 
legacy of British imperialism and colonialism that went wrong 
... " (Bophuthatswana Pioneer, 1992:2-3). He regarded the Bantu 
Self-Government Act of 1959 as "an opportunity provided by the 
South African Government to regain our sovereignty ... ". In the 
context of the President's utterance, Bophuthatswana crossed the 
rubicon in December 1977 to a "post-apartheid" society which he 
described "as a new and glorious opportunity to give rise to the 
hopes and aspirations of our people, scrapped all apartheid 
laws and created a non-racial society to remould our people, 
who are scattered in groups and tribes over a wide area, and 
forged them again into a nation, II 
One significant inference which this study makes from the presi-
dent's statement and the Bantu Self-Government Act of 1959 is 
that both regarded a state's existence as fundamental to the 
concept of sovereignty, meaning that the concept sovereignty 
cannot be found in a society where there is no state. Once the 
concept has emerged in any society, its further development will 
have an ultimate link with further changes in relation to the 
society and its government on one hand and the territorial base 
of the sovereignty on the other. It is through this relationship 
that the sovereignty exerts its impact on the territorial base. 
Within the above framework, the opportunities and challenges of 
independence were numerous. An indication was that the government 
was faced with the responsibility of building a nation and ini-
tiating developments in terms of providing employment, housing, 
educational facilities, health care, and to develop the human 
potential. This also included the provision of social services 
and the creation of physical infrastructure. In the perspective 
of this study, the government was mandated to institute a pro-
cess which could not have exerted an impact or transform the 
political imprint of the pre-independent landscape. It is within 
this context that a wide range of strategies, programmes, and 
projects were initiated during the independence. 
In the following section the geo-political space of Bophuthat-
128 
-
swana will be described to show the environment within which the 
political processes were pursued during the independence period 
from 1977 to 1992. 
4.2 THE GEO-POLITICAL SPACE OF BOPHUTHATSWANA, 1977-1992 
There were twelve administrative district into which Bophuthat-
swana was divided. As i 11 us tra ted in (Figure 1. 2) , the twelve 
dis-tricts are as follows: the western block which constituted 
the dis-tricts of Kudumane (previously called the Tlhaping 
Tlharo) and Ganyesa; immediately to the south of this lies the 
second block which forms the district of Taung; the central block 
formed the district of Distsobotla and Molopo where the capital 
Mmabatho was situated; further north was the fourth block, 
containing the districts of Lehurustshe, Madikwe, Mankwe and 
Bafokeng; further east was the block comprising the districts of 
Odi 1, Odi 2, Moretele No 1, and Moretele No 2 ; about 250 kilo-
metres south east of the district of Taung and quite separate 
from the rest of the country, is the district of Thaba Nchu. 
Against this background of a fragmented geo-political space, the 
challenges facing Bophuthatswna demanded political and socio-eco-
nomic processes which would enable it to forge a unified nation. 
For the purposes of this study, some of the most important stra-
tegies which were pursued have been identified to include the 
following: the process of nation-building; the establishment of 
national and district centres; the setting up industrial develop-
ment points; the provision of housing; educational development 
programmes; health care provision; recreation, cultural and 
tourism development. These will be discussed, analyzed, and 
related to the emerging and changing geographical landscape of 
Bophuthatswana from 1977 to 1992. 
4.3 POLITICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC FORCES IN OPERATION SINCE 
INDEPENDENCE 
The first strategy initiated during the infant stage and which 
129 
has continued for the last fifteen years was to unify and build 
a nation split by colonial and apartheid strategies. The uneven 
and fragmentary distribution of the seven blocks containing the 
twelve districts was a demonstration of the lack of territorial 
homogeneity which constituted its foremost hurdle in forging a 
nation. At the same time it was the government's highest priority 
to encourage the inhabitants of each block to recognise 
themselves as part of the new nation. 
In the context of this study the process of building a nation in 
a newly-created state is defined as generating and nurturing 
nationalism to replace segregation and racism and the attempt to 
create a sense of identification with loyalty to the new nation. 
It was this strategy of fostering nationalism in Bophuthatswana 
which induced a process that led to the promulgation of a common 
constitution. In terms of the constitution, a national assembly 
was established which coopted all of the traditional leaders and 
elected members from the twelve districts. The cons ti tut ion 
provided for the symbols of an independent statehood; a national 
flag, a national anthem, a coat of arms (Photomap 4.1),and the 
recognition of Setswana and English as the official languages. 
It furthermore provided for three categories of people to become 
citizens of Bophuthatswana. These are (a) all Batswana as de-
fined by the Act of Parliament; (b) any other person legally 
domiciled in the Republic of Bophuthatswana at the time of inde-
pendence for a period of five years; (c) all those who applied 
and were accepted as citizens. All such citizens were issued with 
Bophuthatswana identity documents. 
The constitution also created a judicial function for the Repu-
blic of Bophuthatswana which was vested in the supreme court. 
The supreme court had jurisdiction over all persons residing in 
the country. It also established magistrate courts in all of the 
regions. 
While the constitution alone cannot guarantee the security and 
protection of the nation's people, the establishment of a loyal 
130 
PHOTOMAP 4.1 THE COAT OF ARMS (Above) AND MACE OF 
BOPHUTHATSWANA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY (Below) 
I 
;I,;· . \ 
. .~·  .
.,7   
, . 
..  
~-~itil ·rs.H WAR.A GANANG . LO DIRE PULA E NE·~~ ,, ;.· 
-1 :C::~f;-,:,~~·F;~ ;t ..\.•.•".•• ,,•~.. ,•
 ., .J,. ..  
. 
~ ...   
rI('~ l.· ..c  
f 
131 
police and defence force in highly visible police stations and 
defence force base, became the physical images of the new 
independent nation. 
Within the framework of building a unified nation the central 
government established a number of institutions like the Bop-
huthatswana National Airline (Bop Air), Mmabatho International 
Airport, Mmabana Cultural Centres, National Game Reserves, and 
convention centres. During this period some of the pre-indepen-
dence landscapes were renamed to reflect the identity of the new 
government. 
4.3.1 ESTABLISHMENT OF ADMINISTRATIVE CENTRES 
The establishment of a national capital and district adminis-
trative centres became one of the strategies set forth by the new 
government. The significance of changes which took place during 
independence in most national capitals were, according to Davies 
(1972:35) " ... not only has the state inherited the colonial ter-
ritory, but its most important element, the capital, and with it 
the basic infrastructure of the state usually focused in the ca-
pital. Its scarcely surprising that independent governments have 
sought to modify and Africanise the image of the new colonial 
capitals, with new parliament buildings, and conference centres". 
The significance of national capitals and how they are built was 
highlighted by Glassner and De Blij ( 1980: 100), who stated "what-
ever the origin of capitals, it is destined to embody and exem-
plify the nature of the core area and of the state, a reflection 
of its wealth, organization, and power; some states have 
poured money into their capital cities to create there an image 
of the state ... as a goal for the people's aspirations, and a 
source of national pride". 
The decision to locate and build a national capital was taken by 
the Bophuthatswana legislature in December 1976. The capital of 
Bophuthatswana, to be called Mmabatho, was located on a green 
132 
field site seven kilometres to the northwest of Mafikeng. Accor-
ding to Cowley (1985), at the time of the initial decision to 
locate the capital, the people of Mafikeng attempted to persuade 
the government to locate the capital near Mafikeng. To many it 
appeared to be the most appropriate choice because Mafikeng was 
cen-tral to the fragmented state. In addition, the administrative 
headquarters of the self-governing homeland was located in Mon-
tshiwa, a few kilometres outside Mafikeng. 
The significance of the name of the national capital, Mmabatho 
which in Setswana means "the mother of the people", was a re-
flection of the historical and cultural development of the Bat-
swana who regarded the capital as a symbol of their spiritual 
home, a home of freedom, and united nationhood. The building and 
rapid growth of an administrative infrastructure during the first 
five years of independence is indicated in Table 4.1. 
TABLE 4.1 DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS FOR THE NATIONAL CAPITAL 
IN MMABATHO, 1977-1982 
PROJECTS ESTIMATED TOTAL 
COST (R'OOO) 
Government Offices 23 750 
Civic Centre 3 218 
University Core Building 3 600 
Automatic Telephone Exchange 835 
Communication Tower 386 
High School 3 765 
Police Single Quarters 1 980 
Police Station 1 880 
Infrastructure: road, water, 
sewerage, electricity, 
stormwater 15 437 
Others 76 612 
TOTAL 127 463 
Source: Five Years of Independence, 1982:15 
133 
While public institutions and facilities are considered a neces-
sity for the normal functioning of a nation, where and when they 
are established reflects the stages at which a country is in its 
the political history. In most cases in post-colonial Africa some 
of these institutions are found to be so well established that 
there is no need to initiate new ones immediately after indepen-
dence. The situation was, however completely different in Bophu-
thatswana. It had not inherited any colonial national capital and 
district centres. The administrative structures of the pre-inde-
pendent territory was radically changed, and a new one had to be 
set up to meet the needs of the new administration. As a result, 
new district boundaries were demarcated and district centres were 
established. Table 4.2 illustrates the background of the newly-
proclaimed districts and their district centres. 
TABLE 4.2 THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE AND INDEPENDENCE DISTRICT 
CLASSIFICATION 
~ PRE-INDEPENDENT I INDEPENDENT I 
~,DISTRICT I NEWLY PROCLAIMED NEW DISTRICT 
1 CLASSIFICATION I DISTRICT CENTRES 11 
I1 V ryburg I Kudumane Mothibistad 1' 
II Vryburg \ Gyanyesa Gyanyesa 1 
jMafikeng I Molopo Mmabatho I 
I Lichtenburg and I Ditsobotla Itsoseng ~ 
11 Maf ikeng I II 
11------_____.L_-----------11 
jl Taung / Taung Taung 11 
IMarico I Lehurustshe Lehurustshe I 
IPilanesberg I Mankwe Mogwase I 
I Rustenburg \ Bafokeng Tlha' 
!Brits I Odi No 1 & 2 Ga-Rankuwa 
~Hammanskraal Moretele No 1 & 2 Temba / 
ijPilanesburg and I Madikwe Madikwe 11 
II Rustenburg j 
1
I~I Thaba Nchu I Thaba Nchu Selosesha -~111 
134 
The district classification during the pre-independent era was 
intended to illustrate the district where the newly-proclaimed 
districts and district centres were previously located. The Bop-
huthatswana Government had to establish new district centres and 
build the necessary infrastructure within the shortest possible 
period if it was to establish its a power base effectively. The 
establishment of a district administrative infrastructure was a 
necessity in most of the districts because such facilities were 
completely non-existent. 
Table 4.3 illustrates the locational distribution of adminis-
trative and public facilities which were established at the na-
tional and district centres of Bophuthatswana between 1977 and 
1992. The location pattern of some of these facilities was meant 
to serve the community in which they were located, but their spa-
tial patterns reflect the demand for these services immediately 
after independence. The process introduced by the strategy at the 
onset of independence is evident in the construction of buildings 
throughout the length and breadth of the country. Every depart-
ment was in some form or another involved in a building activity 
to accommodate the function it had to offer to the people in the 
national and district centres. 
4.3.2 INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL DEVELOPMENT 
Another strategy to induce development in Bophuthatswana which 
has manifested itself spatially was the nurturing of industrial 
development centres in selected districts of the country. It was 
a strategy comparable to the growth centre strategy usually em-
ployed in most developing countries as an attempt to reduce the 
inequality in the national space economy. By ear-marking indus-
trial development centres the objectives to be achieved in this 
particular instance, according to Stohr (1974:24)," was to 
establish new centres in lagging or underdeveloped peripheral 
regions". 
135 
TABLE 4.3 ADMINISTRATIVE AND PUBLIC FACILITIES IN THE NATIONAL 
AND DISTRICT CENTRES OF BOPHUTHATSWANA, 1992 
I NATIONAL CAPITAL DISTRICT CENTRES 
I 
I Ministerial Offices District Administrative and I I 
Departmental Offices I 
I I 
I Parliament House Governors' Offices I 
I BNDC Headquaters Regional Development I I 
Corporation I 
I I I 
I National Police Headquarters District Police Stations 
II  I National Defence Headquarters Defence Force Bases I 
/ Social Security Headquarters 
I National Fire Brigade Head- I I 
j quarters Fire Service Stations I 
I National Sports Stadium Sports Complexes I 
I I /  Nati. ona l Conventi. on Centre Local Halls 
I 
I National Cultural Centre Mmabana Cultural Centres I 
I I Museums and Art Galleries Archives I 
I Bophuthatswana University Colleges of Education I 
I 
j Post and Telecommunication I I 
I Headquaters Post Offices I I 
I Correctional Services Offices Rehabilitation Centres I I 
II  Ho spi.  tals Hospitals and Clinics II 
I I 
I Supreme Court Magistrate Courts 
I 
/ International Hotels Variety of Hotels I 
II 
I National Park National Parks II 
I 
I National Prisons Police Cells I I 
\ Financial Institutions Financial Institutions I I 
\Mine Headquaters Mine Labour Recruiting Offices\ 
I International Airport Airports and Airstrips 
I 
I Shopping Complexes Shopping Centres 
I 
I 
IL I I 
The selected centres included Babelegi in the Moretele No 1 
district, Ga-Rankuwa in the Odi No 1 district, Mogwase in the 
Mankwe district, Selosesha in the Thaba Nchu district, Pampier-
136 
stad in Taung, and Mothibistad in the Kudumane district (Table 
4. 4). According to Fair ( 1987: 68), the selected towns " ... had 
little economic base of their own and were rather residential 
areas than towns in their own right, ... their growth potential 
as industrial centres is therefore limited if by growth one means 
the capacity for sustained growth base on sure economic foun-
dations". 
It was against this background that the Bophuthatswana National 
Development Corporation (BNDC) was established in August 1975. 
The BNDC, however, could be perceived as an off-spring of the 
Corporation for Economic Development (CED) and the Bantu Mining 
Corporation (BMC) which were in operation in the homelands. Both 
had been established as a development and mineral prospecting 
agency. After the establishment of the BNDC, the CED and BMC were 
abolished and all of their assets and training facilities were 
gradually taken over by BNDC and their personnel were seconded 
to it. 
At this stage, the challenges which faced the BNDC gave the gov-
ernment no option but to abrogate the pre-independent industrial 
concessions and incentives the CED offered during its dece~trali-
zation programme. Hence, it was restructured and introduced as 
a new incentive package in April 1982. The new package was a 
necessity in view of the diversity of the problems, possibilities 
and the uniqueness of each industrial development centre's rela-
tive location in the country. This was demonstrated by the dif-
ferent rates of concessions and incentives offered to industria-
lists at the distinctive locations of the industrial development 
point as illustrated in Table 4.4. 
The main functions of the BNDC were as follows: 
* to provide infrastructure for the industrial and commercial 
enterprise development; 
* to create employment opportunities by establishing industrial 
and commercial enterprises with a separate division hand-
ling small businesses; 
137 
* to assist commercial and industrial undertakings in 
Bophuthatswana with training, counselling, and other after-
care services; 
* to promote handicrafts and tourism in Bophuthatswana; 
* to build hotels, shopping centres, and factories; and 
* to part ic ipa te in joint trading and manuf act ur ing ventures with 
other organizations. 
The BNDC created subsidiary Regional Development Corporations at 
all of the growth points. It was this role which gave perspective 
to the industrial development centre strategy which was to trans-
form the territorial space economy of Bophuthatswana from a pre-
industrial economy to an industrial economy with a strong centre 
as evident in most developing countries. 
After thirteen years of active part ic ipa t ion in the economic 
development of Bophuthatswana, the BNDC in its 1992 annual report 
unveiled its impact on the economy. The report indicated that 
" ... the Corporation invests R12 million to RlS million per year 
on joint ventures, ... the value of the joint ventures are mani-
fold, bringing expertise and technologies, commerce, trade and 
facilities to Bophuthatswana which may not otherwise have been 
available". The report further stated " ... the commercial inte-
rest supported by BNDC, includes the construction of rural shop-
ping centres countrywide, with the most recent one at Lehurutshe 
at the cost of Rl5,9 million, while a further R22 million had 
been earmarked for shopping centre development at Mabeskraal, 
138 
TABLE 4.4 INDUSTRIAL INCENTIVES FOR BOPHUTHATSWANA'S INDUSTRIAL 
DEVELOPMENT POINTS, 1988 
BABELEGI MOGWASE PAMPIERSTAD 11 
GA-RANKUWA MMABATHO SE LO SE SHA I 
I 
MOTHIBISTAD I 
------------------ -- -----rI I 
I INTEREST RATE SUBSIDY I 
I For 10 years, interest I 
i 
I paid in the form of a II 
j taxable cash grant cal- II II 
l culated on a pre deter- II II 
mined market-related II II 
interest rate, on 100% II 
II 
I of the outlay on land II 
I and buildings and 50% I 
I 
II on the additional I 
I capital with an invest- I I 
I ment limit of R7m. (%) 25 45 70 I 
I 
I II RENT~L ~UBSIDY 
II  For the first 10 years II 
annual rentals on land II 
1 
I and building shall be II 
II 
a percentage of erec- II II 
ltion costs equal to the II 
l predetermined market- II II 
I 
I related interest rate II 
II 
less the specified per-
I II centage of that interest II 
25 45 11 70 I 
II  :J:::P.u t~Lo · Y1"•"1."1':,'1·~' "1"  INC.,.r.:..1.N TIHv  I ..r.:.,  I 
/Anon-taxable cash I I 
I incentive for 7 years I 
I I calculated as a per I 
I I centage ot- t.he  to_t al-  I 
I 
ll wage bill subject to a I 
139 
(TABLE 4.4 continues) 
I specified amount per ii 
I worker. Percen- II 
tage total wage bill. 80 80 95 11 
I Maximum amount oer 11
!I worker (R). ~ 35 80 100 1111 
I TRAINING GRANT 111\1 
I In addition to the 
I actual cost incurred a II 
I training allowance for fl 
I _ . . II 
approved training fl 
I II 
I schemes and centres of II 
I 12 5% of the training 111 
cost may be deducted 111 
1
for tax purposes against II 
I proof of external audit II 
I cert if ica te. The resul- /I 
I tant tax savings may be II 
Ii paid as a cash grant. Yes Yes Yes II 
11 ----~--·~--------··------------~--- ---i1
I ELECTRICITY SUBSIDY 1 11111 
I The difference between II 
1
1\ the local tar i ff and II 
1
1 the ESCOM tar if£ appli- \\ 
I 11 
11 cable in the Eastern fl 
I 11 
I Transvaal. No Yes Yes 11 
I I 
I ~--~----··--------------------~-----~------·---------~-------------~~ 
III .P.r ".T~ L .P.J ~.'P~Z·\·'1 '1" II~ ~ II  
I On selective basis for I 
I goods manufactured in j 
I the area (In excep- I 
tional cases in the I 
I II Eastern Transvaal). No 40% 40% 11 
I I 
11------~--------------------------·------------ ---------------- -- ---------------·· -- .- ------- --~ 
11 ROAD TRANSPORT II 
liA general c~rncession .JI 
140 
TABLE 4.4. continues 
11 
~of one 14 ton truck 
II 
~per undertaking. Yes Yes Yes j 
I 
I 
II RELOCATION ALLOWANCE I I 
"FROM CERTAIN METROP0- I 
1 LITAN AREAS !I 
I In respect of certain II II 
I I approved relocation I 
I 
II costs with a maximum I 
I 
II of RSOO 000 as well as I 
I 
\an additional 20% for I 
\ further quantifiable I 
1 I 
II 
IJ costs. Yes Yes Yes I 
I 
11 
IIHOUSING FOR EXPATRIATE I I 
I I KEY PERSONNEL 
I 
,,Maximum loan ceilings I 
J of R51 000 per dwelling I 
11 
jwith an exception of one I 
~loan for RSS 000. Loans I I 
J for houses in the RSA 
11 
I 
I may be financed by the I 
I 
I I.D.C. The subsidy 
I 
!will be paid as a percent- I 
~age of the applicable bond I 
II rate 20 40 40 11 
II I 
11-----~---···----------·-·· ····-----------····-- - -----·-------- -- -- --- - I 
~ PRICE PREFERENCE ON I 
I 
'1 TENDERS TO 
I ( II i) Indeoendent and self-
111 - II 
governing states (%) 10 10 10 II 
11 (ii) Other central and pro- I 
I 
vincial authorities (%) 5 5 5 I 
11 
I 
I I 
Source: Five Years of Independence Republic of Bophuthatswana, 
1982:23 
141 
Itsoseng, and Skilpadfontein. A newly created small business di-
vision within the corporation put together a selection of fina-
cial packages to suit clients from the informal sector to big 
achievers in the small business world. They range from the start-
up loan, the size which depends on the project, to a comprehen-
sive assistance programme The extent of support for the 
small business ... extends to counselling and training in all 
aspect of business management, including the provision of infra-
structure facilities ... " (BNDC, 1992:2). 
Table 4.5, shows the expansion of BNDC and Figure 4.1 the growth 
of manufacturing industries in the industrial reg ions of the 
space economy of Bophuthatswana since independence. From Table 
4.5 and Figure 4.1 it is evident that a substantial impact had 
been exerted on the geographical landscape in terms of industrial 
and commercial development. At the same time, shopping centres 
emerged during the period 1977 to 1992. The growth of manufac-
turing industries was obvious in the new land-use pattern of the 
industrial development centres. These factories employed some 
10 000 workers in 1977 and this rose to 47 000 in 1992. Most of 
the employment was created by the clothing factories. By 1992 
industrial investment had risen from R63 million in 1978 to R847 
million in 1992 and the total number of industries in Bophuthat-
swana had risen to 392 (Figure 4.1). 
From 1977 to 1992 the spatial impact of the industrial develop-
ment points, together with other developments, emphasised the 
existence of a strong localising or polarizing principles in the 
spatial organization of political and economic activities in 
Bophuthatswana. The industrial development points attracted the 
agglomeration of various factors of production, viz. capital, la-
bour, technical skills, and entrepreneurial advice. 
142 
TABLE 4.5 BNDC DEVELOPMENTS, 1978-1992 
MARCH 1978 FEBRUARY 1992 
( R) ( R) 
(in millions) (in millions) 
BNDC INVESTMENT INDUSTRY 
Buildings 29,9 297,5 
Loans 10,8 53,2 
COMMERCIAL DEVELOPMENT 
Small Business Loans and 
Buildings 3,2 14,4 
INFRASTRUCTURE 
Shopping Centres 46,5 
SHAREHOLDING IN ASSOCIATED/ 
SUBSIDY COMPANIES 
Shares at Cost 0,6 134,0 
Loans 0,8 60,4 
INDUSTRIALIST'S INVESTMENT 
IN INDUSTRY 63,0 847,0 
EMPLOYMENT 10 000 47 000 
(Of which 43 000 
are citizens) 
CURRENT STATUS 
BNDC's Investment is reflected by the following: 
a work force of 47 000 (of which 43 000 are citizens) 
392 factories, 80 mini factories and 357 workshops have 
been erected at an investment of R247,94 million. 
The total value of investment in shares in 1992 was, at 
market value, in excess of Rl billion. 
In 1992 jobs by small businesses in Bophuthatswana are 
in the region of 20 000. 
Source: BNDC, 1992 
143 
GROWTH OF EMPLOYMENT IN MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES, 
1977-1990 
ESTABLISHED INDUSTRIES 392 
GARANKUWA 
BABELEGI 
1990 MOGWASE 
SELOSESHA 
TLHABANE 
MMABATHO 
TAUNG 
MOTHIBISTAD 
1977 BABELEGI 
0 100 200 300 400 500 
GROWTH OF EMPLOYMENT IN MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES, 
1977-1990 
CJ PRE-INDEPENDENCE 
Thousands IZJ INDEPENDENCE 60 ~~~~~--~~~~~~~~~~---. 
50 47 
40 
30 
20 
10 
10 
1977 
Figure 4.1 GROWTH OF MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES AND 
EMPLOYMENT IN BOPHUTHATSWANA, 1977-1990 
(Source: BNDC, 1992:4) 
144 
According to Fair ( 1982: 11) " ... the fact that development occurs 
in some localities and less so or not at all in others has two 
significant effects". The implication of Fair's statement could 
be witnessed in the disparity in the pattern of economic activity 
between the national and district centres and their surrounding 
ru-ral areas. The rural hinterland and district centres did not 
experience growth at the same rate. As a result, the space eco-
nomy which emerged comprised a strong national and district cen-
tre core and peripheral rural areas. 
By 1992 the space economy of Bophuthatswana could be hypothesized 
to have developed to a point where national and district centres 
exhibited strong political and socio-economic ties such that 
strong interactions had developed between them. The ties existed 
in almost every aspect of economic, political and social respect 
in such a way that the national and district centres stood were 
inter-dependent to each other. This relationship was expressed 
by two major flows of resources and transactions between them. 
Firstly, the flow from the national centre to the district cen-
tres came in the form of decisions and supportive resources; 
secondly, the district centres predominantly contributed to the 
flow of labour to the cores in South Africa. 
4.3.3 HOUSING DEVELOPMENT 
Independence meant that individuals should be able to become home 
owners. Private individuals were encouraged to purchase houses. 
Housing development gathered momentum with industrial development 
and the establishment of new administrative centres in the dis-
tricts. Subsequently, housing became one of the country's priori-
ties and this led to the establishment of the Department of Local 
Government and Housing in December 1982. Between 1977 and 1982, 
housing provision was a function of the Department of Urban 
Affairs and Land Tenure. Within that period, the BNDC, as a 
Development Corporation, constructed 1 500 houses in Mmabatho, 
Mogwase, Babelegi, and Selosesha. Between 1977 to 1987, according 
to the Bophuthatswana Information Bulletin 10 Years of Indepen-
145 
dence 1987, about 6 300 houses of different specifications had 
been constructed at the cost of R126 million. Some of the housing 
projects are indicated in Table 4.6. 
TABLE 4.6 HOUSING PROVISION BY THE BNDC, 
1977-1987 
TOWN 1977-1987 
Mmabatho 1 200 
Mogwase 500 
Ga-Rankuwa 412 
Selosesha 488 
Lehurutshe 300 
Winterveld 538 
TOTAL 3 438 
Source: A Nation On The March 1987:106 
In the areas indicated in Table 4.6 about 1 800 serviced sites 
were developed and provided with facilities such as water, 
sewerage, roads, stormwater drainage, and electricity at a cost 
of Rl6 million. It was estimated that about 8 900 serviced sites 
had been sold countrywide, of which 5 000 houses had been built 
by individuals. 
In 1992, the Bophuthatswana Housing Corporation (BHC) was esta-
blished as an independent corporation with the sole responsi-
bility of providing "Housing to all the people of Bophuthatswana 
by the year 2000". The spatial impact of BHC, according to its 
News Bulletin of 1992, ranged from selling serviced stands to 
individuals; selling stands with houses to individuals financed 
by financial institutions such as Bophuthatswana Building Society 
(BBS), Standard Bank of Bophuthatswana (STANBO), and the First 
National Bank (FNB); selling stands with houses to individuals 
financed by BHC where other financial institutions lending cri-
teria are not met by the individuals concerned; and to renting 
stands with houses or flats to individuals. 
146 
4.3.4 EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 
In the absence of a national education strategy, the First 
National Education Commission of 1978 was established one year 
after independence. Its terms of reference included the need to 
survey and analyze, not only the educational challenges facing 
the newly independent nation, but also to determine to develop 
Bophuthatswana's own educational system to replace the inherited 
Bantu Education System. Eight years later the Second National 
Education Commission of 1985-6 was set up to evaluate progress 
made regarding the implementation of the recommendations by the 
first Commission. It recommended further ways to the education 
system in all of the sectors. In addition to these Commissions, 
other Commissions such as Mokitime's Commission of Inquiry into 
the Education Act of 1979 and the Provision of Physical Facili-
ties for Education in Rural Areas in 1984 could be said to have 
contained the blueprint for the Bophuthatswana' s educational 
development. 
The interest of this study lies in the spatial perspective of the 
implementation of the Commission's recommendations to replace the 
inherited educational system. Therefore, educational development 
is defined to mean the establishment of physical infrastructure 
for the purposes of providing services and opportunities for 
learning useful skills and knowledge to further the development 
of the individual and the nation. It is in this context that the 
blueprint of the Commission's recommendations are perceived to 
have made an impact on the territorial base of the new sove-
reignty. This could therefore be analyzed to uncover its spatial 
impact on the emerging land-use patterns in urban areas of 
Bophuthatswana from independence. 
Prior to the implementation of the First Education Commission's 
recommendation, a preview of its findings indicated the extent 
of the conditions of educational developments. It was indicated 
in the First Educational Commission Report (1978:35), that "some 
schools are old and dilapidated, toilet facilities are sometimes 
147 
totally absent; only a few schools have offices, staff rooms, 
laboratories and libraries that could comply with basic educa-
ional needs Qualifications of teachers are far worse in 
certain areas than in others ... although statistics are hard to 
come by, it is clear that many children hardly complete standard 
10, and those who leave with standard 10 certificate find it 
difficult to obtain employment or avenues for further education, 
the fact was the curricular offered at high school is hardly ever 
vocationally orientated. Al though, the sole purpose of high 
school was not necessary for employment, the 'products' of the 
system are not fitter for opportunities available in the outside 
world, at the same time avenues for further studies were 
limited". 
From the above preview of the old educational system, a picture 
of two levels of inadequate educational development emrges. The 
first level indicated inadequate and non satisfactory facilities 
for any purposeful learning. The second level also projected a 
pattern of non-existing vertical linkage from one educational 
structure to the other as well as spatial inequality in terms of 
"what is where?" and "what is offered?" and who offers it?" with 
regard to the availability of schools, the nature of the 
curricular, and the quality of teachers implementing it. 
If the new educational development was to play a useful role in 
providing quality education, the view of the First National Edu-
cation Commission was that "initially 25% of the national budget 
should be devoted to education and that this amount should gra-
dually tape off to 15, 5%". This was to be regarded as a first 
stage for an infant nation which would be required to erase the 
spatial inequality in education and to provide avenues for a 
diversity of vertical educational structures. 
However, the trend in the national budget, as illustrated in 
Table 4.7, indicates a declining financial allocation for educa-
tional development, which in the view of the Second National Edu-
cation Commission of 1985-6 (1985:11) showed that "education has 
148 
continually been relegated to a lower order of priority". In 
spite of the initial lowering percentage from the financial 
allocation for education, the year 1986-7 was an exception in 
which the salary quota the entire education allocation. 
TABLE 4.7 PERCENTAGE OF NATIONAL BUDGET ALLOCATED TO 
SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES OF EDUCATION, 1978-1986 
I 
111978 II 1983 1984 1985 1986 II 
II 
,I II II 
1117' 17,7% 15,9% 15,5% 18,1% II 2% II 
II 
j 
Source: Report of the Second National Commission, 1986:11 
In a separate analysis of the educational budget from 1981-85, 
the Second National Education Commission discovered that only 10% 
of the education budget was being spent on building schools, 
libraries, and on special education. The education budget allo-
cation for the period 1987-92 was inaccessible, but Table 4.8 
attempts to provide a picture of educational development in 
Bophuthatswana for the period 1977-92. 
Table 4.8 illustrates the growth in educational facilities since 
independence. According to the table the first national univer-
sity was established in addition to other tertiary institutions. 
The growth in educational facilities was also associated with a 
relocation of centres of learning from old buildings into new one 
ones. In most cases the relocated schools were renamed after pro-
minent members of society or to reflect the identity of the dis-
trict. 
149 
TABLE 4.8 GROWTH IN EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES IN BOPHUTHATSWANA, 
1977-1992 
EDUCATIONAL STRUCTURES 
1977 1985 1992 
Primary schools 727 838 932 
(classrooms) 5 200 7 299 8 930 
Middle schools - 284 364 
(classrooms) - - 3 439 
High schools 42 93 163 
(classrooms) 640 1 119 2 677 
Early Education centres - - 498 
Schools For the Disabled - - 23 
Adult Education Centres - 201 201 
Colleges of Education - 5 8 
Circuit Education Offices - - 17 
Manpower Training Centres - - 4 
Technikons - - 4 
Agricultural Colleges - - 1 
In-Service Training Centre - - 1 
University - - 1 
Sources: Bo p 1huthatswana at Inde p endence, 1977:89. 
Report of the Second National Educational 
Commission, 1986:23. 
The National Educational Reports, 1992:15. 
4.3.5 HEALTH AND WELFARE PROVISION 
Bophuthatswana, in its effort to keep up with the goals of other 
nations and international world bodies' commitments to "Health 
for all by the year 2 000" , initiated a comprehensive primary 
health care programme. Even though health care and welfare are 
services rendered to individuals, health care and welfare is used 
in this study to connote the establishment of institutions where 
health and welfare services are rendered. 
In early 1977 Bophuthatswana had 116 clinics and nine hospitals, 
150 
of which eight were mission hospitals: thus only one belonged 
to the government. In instituting its health care programmes, 
the government took over the control of mission hospitals. By 
1982, according to Five Years of Independence, over Rl6 million 
had been spent on upgrading hospitals and building new clinics. 
By 1992, the number of clinics had increased to 138. During 
fifteen years independence, 26 of the clinics and 10 hospitals 
in Bophutha tswana had been rebuilt or upgraded with modern 
medical facilities. 
4.4 THE SPATIAL IMPACT OF BOPHUTHATSWANA'S 
INDEPENDENCE ON THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE 
OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1977-1992 
The period 1977-1992 was a very significant period in the history 
of the district of Thaba Nchu. It marked the period when the dis-
trict came under the direct administration and jurisdiction of 
the Bophuthatswana Government. This important event took place 
on 7 December 1977. With independence the territorial supremacy 
was vested in the new state government which never had the legal 
authority and power to make decisions at will within its own 
jurisdiction. It was this vested authority which has directly 
influenced in the changes which had taken place in the geograp-
hical landscape of Selosesha, its immediate residential surround-
ings, and the former "white" town of Thaba Nchu. Even though 
this study recognises that the strategies emanating from the 
independence were made from the national headquarters, the 
spatial manifestation of its implementation spread throughout the 
national space. It is from this perspective that this study 
believes that independence as a political process entails the 
s tra teg ies of nation-building, land consolidation and in te-
gra t ion, the es tabl ishmen t of district centres, economic develop-
ment through the industrial development strategy, housing, 
educational and health policies, as well as tourism and cultural 
developments. Therefore the process is the force which can be 
correlated to the transformation of the landscape of pre-
independence Thaba Nchu-Selosesha. 
151 
However, this study is of the opinion that within the geogra-
phical landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha, area changes associated 
with independence as a political process may be witnessed in the 
growth of the population, and that population dynamics should 
become the basis for assessing the impact of independence as a 
political process. 
The objective of the subsequent section is, firstly, to discuss 
the population dynamics of the Thaba Nchu district, and secondly, 
to analyze the extent to which independence as a political pro-
cess manifested itself in changing the geographical landscape of 
the pre-independent Thaba Nchu-Selosesha according to the 
components being discussed in 4.3.1 to 4.3.5. 
4.4.1 POPULATION DYNAMICS OF THABA NCHU DISTRICT, 
1970-1992 
The population of Thaba Nchu district for 1992 totaled 62 474 
according to the 1992 Bophuthatswana Population Census. Out of 
the total population, 75% were concentrated at Thaba Nchu-
Selosesha. Since 1970 the growth of the population in the 
district has undergone rapid fluctuations. According to Figure 
4.2, four distinct stages can be recognised which at the same 
time mark the epoch of memorable political developments in the 
district. 
152 
116 600 
120 
p 
0 
p 
u 100 
L 
A 
T 
I 
0 
N 80 
I 
N 64 036 62 474 
~ 
~ 
T 60 -
H 
0 
u 
s 41986 
A 
N 40 
D 
s 
20 
0 
1970 1979 1980 1985 1992 
YEARS 
FIGURE 4.2 STAGES OF THE POPULATION DYNAMICS OF 
THABA NCHU DISTRICT, 1970-1992 
(Sources: Krige, 1987:56 (for 1970, 1979 and 1980); 
Bophuthatswana Population Census for 1985 and 1992) 
The first occurred between 1970 to 1979. The high population 
figure in 1979 shows an influx of people to the district. In 
1979 there was an approximately 300% increase in the population 
153 
-
from 1970 (from 41 986 in 1970 to 116 600 in 1979) due to the 
influence of apartheid policies which made the Thaba Nchu 
district a catchment area for surplus blacks in "white" OFS. 
(see Section 3.5.3). 
The emergence of Kromdraai squatter settlement as a factor in the 
increase of the population was uncovered in the studies of Krige 
(1991) and Murray (1992). The spontaneous rise of this large pop-
ulation in Thaba Nchu, according to Krige and Murray occurred in 
1970 when tens of thousands of people, mainly Sothos, were evic-
ted from white farms, small holdings around Bloemfontein and ur-
ban areas all over the OFS. As a result a large concentration 
of squatters developed in the bend of the railway east of Thaba 
Nchu station and west of Mokwena location in an area which came 
to be called Kromdraai. In 1978 the population of Kromdraai was 
estimated to be 38 000 and they were declared illegal squatters. 
Owing to the exclusion and expulsion of blacks from "white" towns 
in the OFS, especially Bloemfontein, funds for residential deve-
lopment in townships, e.g. Mangaung, were frozen and rediverted 
for residential development in Thaba Nchu district which had al-
ready become the catchment area for blacks fleeing as a result 
of apartheid policies. The funds for residential development be-
came evident in the construction of Selosesha township. By 1969 
about 488 houses of various sizes were constructed at Selosesha 
to relocate blacks from Bloemfontein and other areas including 
the black spot at Bethany. Selosesha was subsequently proclaimed 
a township. During the same period two prominent institutions, 
the Strydom Teachers' Training School and Bartimea School for the 
Blind and the Deaf from Bloemfontein and Ficksburg respectively 
were also relocated Thaba Nchu. The numerical strength of the two 
institutions contributed to an increase in the population towards 
1979. Between 1970 and 1976 the number of houses in Selosesha 
township increased from 790 to 1 120 and the population, which 
was estimated to be 3 475 in 1970 had increased to 5 763 in 1976. 
The spatial impact as mentioned in chapter 3, led to the large 
154 
expansion of four informal settlements, viz. Bultfontein 1, 2, 
3 and Kromdraai. The most prominent was Kromdraai, while the 
Bultfonteins were just emerging (see Figure 3.12). The growth in 
population at the same time stimulated the in-filling densities 
of African rural villages in the study area. 
The second stage in the trend of population dynamics was wit-
nessed during the period 19 7 9 to 19 80. The sharp drop in the 
population from 116 600 to 56 602 during this period illustrates 
the implications of two significant policies. Firstly, it marks 
the "reduction or the end" of the impact of apartheid policies 
on Bophuthatswana owing to its recognition as a sovereign nation 
by the Government of South Africa. Secondly, within the district 
it marks the beginning of the new era of ethno-nationalism. 
The emergence of enthno-nationalism in the Thaba Nchu district 
was a direct result of policy which emanated from Bophuthat-
swana's independence process of nation-building through the con-
solidation of its fragmented blocks of land which constituted the 
country. Even though the numerical strength of the population 
composition was not known, it was estimated that there were 
approximately 60 000 non-Tswana citizens in the district of Thaba 
Nchu in 1979. This group of people were considered 'illegal for-
eigners' and were found to be incongruous to the on-going process 
and according to Murray (1992), were subjected to continuous ha-
rassment by the Bophuthatswana police. 
The problems encountered by the illegal squatters in Kromdraai 
coincided with the on-going transformation process of uni ting the 
Batswana in the district of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha as part of Bop-
huthatswana. The presence of large numbers of other ethnic 
groups, estimated to be 65 000 people in 1979 and predominantly 
South Sothos, was a threat to this unity. The problem which arose 
from this process, according to Murray ( 1992: 291), was that " the 
immigrants, most of whom were Sothos, found it difficult in 
obtaining residential permits and could not register as worker-
seekers at the Tribal Labour in Thaba Nchu. Their children could 
155 
not be taught in Sesotho since Setswana was the only official 
medium in the primary schools within Thaba Nchu". Following a 
public row between the Governmnents of Bophutha tswana and Qwaqwa, 
it was reported by The Friend (17 May 1979) that "the authorities 
of Thaba Nchu (Bophuthatswana) do not want them and they say they 
must go to their place - Qwaqwa". 
Immediately after independence, the Bophuthatswana Government 
felt this was one of the changes it could deal with in the 
district in order to foster unity in the district of Thaba Nchu. 
This resulted in a bone of contention between the so-called 
'foreigners' and the Bophuthatswana Government on one hand and 
the Governments of Bophuthatswana and Qwaqwa on the other. In 
1978 negotiations took place between the two governments and the 
RSA to provide land to relocate the 'foreigners', mostly con-
sidered to be South Sothos. The South Sothos were considered 
'foreigners' because in terms of the ethnic homelands policy, 
they should belong to Qwaqwa. Emanating from the negotiations, 
Murray (1992:220) indicated that " an agreement was reached by 
which 25 000 hectares of land in the Bophuthatswana region of the 
Northern Cape would be excised in exchanged for an additional 25 
000 hectares of land in the OFS of which 10 000 hectares would 
be for the resettlement of the South Sothos from Thaba Nchu and 
elsewhere". 
The population of Kromdraai squatter settlement in May 1979 were 
forcedly resettled west of the Thaba Nchu district in an area 
known as Onverwacht (later Botshabelo). During the same period 
according to Murray (1992), South Sothos were removed from the 
Bultfonteins, the African rural villages, the freehold farms like 
Meloendrift 128, Trust villages like Paradys and Longride in the 
north, and Dipudungwaneng (Gladstone) . It was estimated that 
approximately 64 000 people were removed during 1979 and 1980 to 
Onverwacht. This contributed to a sharp decline in the popula-
tion by 1980. 
The spatial impact on the geographical landscape of the study 
156 
area was that, after the evacuation of the South Sothos, the slum 
of Kromdraai was razed to the ground and the site reversed to 
bare land. Today the area has become part of an expansion of the 
Bultfontein 4 informal settlement (Figure 4.3). 
The period 1980 to 1985 represents the third stage in population 
dynamics during which the population started to increase after 
the sharp decline. The steady population growth can be attributed 
to the industrial development strategy, the building of Selosesha 
as a district centre, and the incorporation of Thaba Nchu town 
into Bophuthatswana. 
After independence Selosesha was proclaimed one of Bophuthat-
swana's industrial development points and two industrial areas 
emerged at Selosesha and Thaba Nchu town. This was clear proof 
of the impact of independence as a political process. In terms 
of Bophuthatswana' s Industrial Development Point Strategy, Selo-
sesha industrial area became a modest success. By 1985 there were 
13 factories employing 1 700 local workers. This had which 
expanded to 60 factories employed 5 224 local workers in 1989 
(see Table 4.12). Selosesha as one of the industrial development 
points, received state incentives (as indicated in Table 4.4.) 
which attracted international and local investors to the area. 
The industrial growth in Thaba Nchu-Selosesha became the focal 
point of rural-urban migrants within the district. It therefore 
contributed to the increased population density of the informal 
settlements of the Bultfonteins and the African rural villages, 
and eventually to the emergence of Bultfontein 4. 
The reason for the steady growth of population is also seen as 
a direct result of independence as a political process. Imme-
diately after independence, Selosesha which was predominantly a 
residential area, was proclaimed a district administrative centre 
for the Thaba Nchu district. The infrastructure needed at 
Selosesha to enable it to fulfil the functions of a district 
administrative centre became a priority for the government. The 
government significantly changed new land-use in the study area 
157 
( shopping centres, a defence force base, an administrator and 
Governor's offices). 
In 1983 Thaba Nchu town was incorporated into the district. It 
could be anticipated that it would contribute to population 
growth in the Thaba Nchu district because Thaba Nchu town's popu-
lation was, for the first time, to be counted as part of the 
district. The incorporation process was initial 1 y resisted by 
some of the white residents, but was finally approved by the 
residents as reflected in the referendum held in 1982. According 
to Krige (1992), a total of 173 taxpayers representing 560 in-
habitants voted in favour of incorporation. 
The last stage in population dynamics was witnessed from 1985 to 
1992. The population declined from 64 036 in 1985 to 62 474 in 
1992. This was as a result of the adverse effects of the emerging 
political developments in the district. There were three factors 
responsible for the drop in population. 
Firstly, the abolition of influx control laws in South Africa in 
1986 was a major factor for the decline in the population of the 
district. Some were victims of apartheid removals and have re-
turned to their places of origin. Increasing transport fares from 
Thaba Nchu to Bloemfontein, and for Welkom frontier commuters 
have caused migrant workers to settle closer to their places of 
work. 
A second factor was the decline in job opportunities in the Thaba 
Nchu district. This was reflected in the reduction in the number 
of industries in operation in the industrial area. From the 
industrial peak of 69 industries employing 5 224 in 1989, 
industries in operation dropped to 49 in 1992 which led to a 
decrease in the labour force to 4 270 (see Table 4.12). The drop 
in industrial activity can also be attributed to the impact of 
the global recession, international sanctions, the trade embargo 
against South Africa, and a change in the incentive package 
offered by the Bophuthatswana Government which was no longer able 
158 
The incorporation of the Thaba Nchu town is a third factor for 
the decline from 1985. The overall impact in the town according 
to the population census information in Table 4.9 indicates that 
the population of Thaba Nchu town dropped from 402 in 1985 to 114 
in 1992. Again, the withdrawal of white pupils by their emigra-
ting parents also contributed not only to the declining popula-
tion, but also led to the closure and abandoning of the only 
white primary school in the district. In 1987 the school re-
opened as a non-racial English medium primary school with only 
of black pupils attending 
TABLE 4.9 POPULATION CHANGES IN SETTLEMENTS OF 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1985-1992 
SETTLEMENTS 1985 1992 
SE LOSE SHA 6 034 8 798 
THABA NCHU TOWN 402 114 
BULTFONTEIN 1 3 966 4 377 
BULTFONTEIN 2 8 283 5 563 
BULTFONTEIN 3 6 326 7 255 
BULTFONTEIN 4 1 833 791 
RATLOU 6 211 5 366 
MOTLATLA 919 1 073 
MOKWENA 6 550 6 027 
RATAU 1 530 2 120 
MOROKA 5 635 4 523 
TOTAL 49 291 46 932 
Source: Bophuthatswana Population Census, 1985 and 1991 
Table 4.9 indicates the population change according to settlement 
area in the study area from 1985 to 1992. From the table, it is 
clear that Selosesha especially has experienced growth and also 
to a lesser extent Bultfontein 1 and 3, Motlatla, and Ratau. The 
severe drop in Thaba Nchu town's population, Bultfontein 2 and 
4, is also clear as is as a drop in that of Ratlou, Mokwena, and 
Moroka. This indicates that the growth rate is abating which 
proves the weakness of the industrial development point strategy 
to sustain population growth in the study area which should be 
159 
a case of serious concern. Again it is evident that one of the 
main reasons for the population decline is the exodus of white 
residents from Thaba Nchu town as a result of incorporation. 
There is evidence of change in the population composition of the 
area as the area becomes more cosmopolitan, urbanised and the 
place being filled by blacks. 
4.4.2 THE PROCESS OF NATION-BUILDING THROUGH LAND 
CONSOLIDATION AND SPATIAL INTEGRATION 
As indicated in earlier sections of this chapter, the foremost 
hurdle in the independence process was the lack of territorial 
homogeneity in the territorial base of Bophutha tswana. When 
Bophuthatswana attained independence, the study area constituted 
the following settlements: Selosesha and the white town of Thaba 
Nchu; six African rural villages and three informal settlements 
at Bultfonteins; and the Kromdraai squatter settlement. As a 
result of the long history of segregation and apartheid all the 
African settlements were separated from the "white" town by a 
buffer strip. This was a physical strip of land approximately 
100-150 metres in width which acted as a no-man's land. The divi-
sion apparently distinguished the dominant functions of the two 
major towns: Thaba Nchu and Selosesha. Thaba Nchu town consti-
tuted the urban area in terms of its function. Most prominent 
among its functions were commercial and service sectors e.g. the 
post office, magistrate court, police station, private, legal, 
and medical practitioners' offices etc. 
The African settlements on the other hand were mainly residential 
in nature. They acted as dormitory settlements for Thaba Nchu, 
Bloemfontein, OFS Goldfields, and the surrounding farming com-
munities. Selosesha was established for the "elite" who were 
removed for political and economic reasons. The entire African 
settlement had no economic base of its own and they were more 
dormitory residential areas than towns in their own right. This 
dependency on Thaba Nchu had several implications of which the 
need for the territorial and administrative integration of Thaba 
160 
Nchu town with Selosesha and the rural villages was the most 
obvious . 
After protracted negotiations, fraught with resistance, the town 
of Thaba Nchu was incorporated into the district of Thaba Nchu 
in.1983 (see Photomap 4.2). In the framework of Bophuthatswana's 
independence, Thaba Nchu became the second "white" town to be 
incorporated into Bophuthatswana during its independence. The 
first being Mafikeng in 1980. 
PHOTOMAP 4.2 BOPHUTHATSWANA'S FLAG (RIGHT) HOISTED ALONG-
SIDE THE FLAG OF THE RSA DURING THE INCORPO-
RATION OF THABA NCHU TOWN IN 1983 
· ·.:;, · 
According to Krige (1992) the geographical proximity of an area 
free of general sales tax, with cheaper fuel prices, and the 
establishment of well-known chain stores in Selosesha were in-
fluential factors for the incorporation of Thaba Nchu town. The 
contribution of a local technical committee established to inves-
tigate the process of incorporation and the referendum result by 
taxpayers in Thaba Nchu cannot be ruled out in this exercise. 
During the referendum in 1982, 173 taxpayers representing the 560 
161 
taxpayers in Thaba Nc hu can no t be r ul e d out i n this exercise. 
During the referendum in 1982, 173 taxpayers representing the 560 
inhabitants voted overwhelmingly in favour of incorporation on 
the condition that certain stipulations were honoured. As a 
result 570 hectares comprising the urban area and a part of the 
commonage north of the Bloemfontein-Ladybrand road, were added 
to the Thaba Nchu district. The remaining 572 hectares, located 
south of the said road, were taken over by the South African 
Government as settlement for municipal debt. The implication of 
the entire process for the fostering of nationalism witnessed 
significant changes in the geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu 
town in the period 1983 to 1992. 
The incorporation effectively ended most of the statutory race 
discrimination in Thaba Nchu town which was most significant in 
the CBD. It erased the buffer strip which separated the two urban 
settlements and initiated an opportunity for residential mobility 
into the white residential area. To date people of other racial 
groups have moved into the previous white residential area while 
a substantial number of black businessmen and street vendors have 
moved into the CBD. In the CBD, the display of licence plates 
and the sign boards of black businesses connoted the new image 
of black economic mobility towards the CBD. Since then, a signi-
ficant number of urban renewal programmes including demolition, 
renovation and street construction, has have changed the image 
of the original CBD. 
This change can be witnessed in the number of abandoned and dila-
pidated shops which characterised the pre-1983 CBD of Thaba Nchu 
town as shown in Photomap 4.3. Other changes which took place in 
the town of Thaba Nchu include the withdrawal of the Republic of 
South Africa's civil servants in the magistrate court and police 
station. Appointments of African civil servants were made in 
their place. 
162 
PHOTOMAP 4.3 (Above) SOME ABANDONED SHOPS WHICH 
CHARACTERISED THE COMMERCIAL LANDSCAPE 
(Below) OF THABA NCHU TOWN BEFORE 
INCORPORATION 
163 
The spatial integration did not take place concurrently with the 
administrative integration of the Thaba Nchu Municipal Council 
and Selosesha Town Council. Between 1985 and 1991 the two areas 
were still administered separately by their respective councils 
until 1992 when the two were amalgamated. The administrative in-
tegration was another symbolic indication which accelerated the 
transformation process. The spatial impact was the re-drawing of 
the new urban boundary to integrate the two major settlements of 
Thaba Nchu and Selosesha and all of the other associated urban 
developments, excluding the rural African villages and the Bult-
fonteins. 
On the other hand, incorporation had a different meaning for some 
South African whites who could not give their loyalty to the new 
sovereignty. A spatial effect was the exodus of an unspecify 
number of white residents to the surrounding towns in the OFS. 
The racially white primary school was vacated and closed as 
parents moved their children to nearby towns for fear that the 
school would be opened to all races. This did not take place 
immediately after incorporation. In 1987 the school building was 
converted into a non-racial school. The name of the school has 
changed from Gerrit Maritz to Tlotlanang and the composition of 
the pupils changed from exclusively white to predominantly black 
(Photomap 4.4). 
The second phase of consolidation in the district, the addition 
of 4 000 hectares of land north of Botshabelo, was added to Thaba 
Nchu in 1983. This land according to Krige (1992), constituted 
part of the 25 000 hectares quota land in the Vryburg district 
which in terms of 1975 consolidation proposal should have been 
integrated into Bophuthatswana but was transferred to the Orange 
Free State instead. 
164 
fl()~ ,J '.-.: 
4.4.3 ESTABLISHMENT OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA 
AS A DISTRICT ADMINISTRATIVE CENTRE 
The fact that Thaba Nchu town was initially not part of the 
district of Thaba Nchu meant that plans.for building Selosesha 
as the district administrative centre were well advanced before 
its incorporation. For this reason, most of the district offices 
may be found in Selosesha. Between 1977 and 1992 a number of pro-
jects which had been undertaken by the Bophuthatswana Government 
which attest to the spatial impact of the strategy of establis-
ing Selosesha as a district centre. Table 4.10 illustrates the 
number of projects constructed in Thaba Nchu-Selosesha as part 
of the process of reconstruction and development of the district 
centre. The projects range from the construction of roads, post 
offices, sport stadiums, a defence force base, the office of the 
Governor, the police station, and the magistrates court offices. 
F o r t he p u r po s es o f t h i s :-; t u rJ y , t h-? mrn1 ° r a t ion of t he pi:- o j e c t s 
in Table 4.10 are inadequate to reveal and indicate the extent 
of the geographic express ion of the projects. Therefore, as 
i 11 us tra ted in Table 4. 11, the construct ion of each project 
should be seen in the perspective of the impact it has made on 
the pre-independent landscape. 
TABLE 4.10 GOVERNMENTAL PROJECTS CONSTRUCTED IN THABA NCHU-
SELOSESHA, 1977-1992 
I 
PROJECTS PROJECT DESCRIPTION DEPARTMENT IN-CHARGE II 
I 
Selosesha Bulk Bulk infrastructure Local Govt & Housing 
Services for private township and Thaba Nchu Town 
development; Council 
I Engineering infra- I 
I I structure: sewerage 
I 
and electricity 
Thaba Nchu Construction of roads Dept of Local Govt 
Roads between Thaba 
1
Nchu and Selosesha I I 
and access roads 
to Selosesha and 
over railway bridge 
I 
Selosesha Road Dual Carriage road Dept of Local 
Government 
/Fire Service Construction of Fire Dept of 
Station Service Station and Local 11 
the provision of Government I I 
facilities I I 
Thaba Nchu Construction of a Dept of Local I 
1 11 
IPost Office new Post Office Government 
Mmabana Cultu- Construction of a Dept of Local I 
ral Centre cultural centre Government II 
Regional Construction of Dept of Local 
Magistrates regional court Government I 
Court I I 
166 
(TABLE 4.10 continues) 
\Military Base Construction of Base Dept of Local ii 
\ Government I\ 
I Sports Stadium Construction of Sport Dept of I 
111 Stadium and Recreation Local Government II  
1
~District Construction of District Dept of Local 11 
,,Police Station Headquarters Government 1
I Thaba Nchu Construction of a new Dept of Education 11 
II II 
I/ College of College of Education \I 
II Education \\ 
II II 
\) Special Rebuilding of Bartimea Dept of Education \\ 
\1 School School for the \I 
\\ Deaf and the \\ 
II II 
II Blind 11 
\Ill Manpower Centre Construction of Man- Dept of Manpower 11 
power Training Centre 1
11-------------------11 
\1M oroka Hospital Construction of New Dept of Heal th 1 
11 Hospital 11
11-----------------
11 Off ice of the Construction of Dept of Local I 
I 
II Governor Governor's office Government I 
II 
II 
II 
IIII  ,D, ecra t i. ona l Co ns t rue t i. on oJ+..  The Sun Hotels II I 
1Centre Naledi Sun I 
Source: SETPLAN, 1991:5 
167 
Table 4.11 THE SPATIAL IMPACT OF THE DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS AS 
ILLUSTRATED IN TABLE 4.10 
I PROJECT PRE-INDEPENDENCE LAND- SPATIAL IMPACT OF 11 
I USE OF SITE PROJECT, 1977-1992 II 
I II 
11-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ll 
I Selosesha Non-existing public water Erection of public 11 
\ Bulk Services stands in the rural water stands in 11 
I villages and Bultfonteins rural villages and J[ 
I[ Bul tf on te ins Jl 
II Absence of reticulation Reticulation system II 
/J system of electricity of electricity IIII  
1
11 supply in Selosesha, supply to Selosesha II 
I II 
I rural villages rural villages II 
I II 
1 and Bultfonteins and Bultfonteins II 
II 
II 
1 II 
j[ Thaba Nchu- Gravel and unsurfaced Maj or bus routes II 
I Selosesha roads in the Bul tfonteins, II 
II  II roads; Selosesha, and I[ 
11 Dual carriage two Thaba Nchu II 
II II 
II roads access roads tarred; II 
I II 
I station road II II 
I constructed and up- II 
I II 
1111 ::;:::g:o w:y ~u~~D 1111 
connection to 
1
1 station road via II 
II 
I Naledi Sun and II 
I II 
I Bridge Street tarred II II 
I FirP_ ~P_rvicP Open undeveloped VP_ld Fire ~Pr•ricP ~t~~ionll -- - - - - - ;n"l,,-d-1':g·-t:":~-1·n-: ··11 
j Station .Li" ...... " -'-'-<-'-" "'=' 
11 
I facilities IIII I  
11 Post Offices Old Thaba Nchu Post New District Post II 
1
11 Off ice Off ice erected and 11
1 old buildings 1 1 
II renovated for use \i 
168 
(TABLE 4.11 continues) 
as offices 
Ratlou village Post Relocated at O.K 
Office Shopping Centre 
and renamed Rapu-
lana Post Office 
Old Ratlou village Converted to a 
Post Office nursery school and 
additional building 
erected 
Mmabana Thaba Nchu Town Hall Town hall renovated 
Cultural and undeveloped taxi to a theatre; modern 
Centre rank cultural centre 
erected; 
Taxi rank relocated 
Regional Buffer strip Regional Magistrates 
Magistrates Court erected 
Court 
Military Base Open veld Military Base, 
offices and training 
centre erected. 
Sports Stadium Open undeveloped veld A local sports 
stadium erected to 
include a football 
field, lawn tennis 
courts, basket-
ball field, athletic 
field, and stands 
Police Station Open undeveloped space New district Police 
and previously part Station, CID 
of buffer zone offices, residence 
for police staff and 
car park 
169 
(TABLE 4.11 continues) 
Office of the Open undeveloped space Offices of the 
District previously part of District Governor 
Governor buffer zone erected 
District Part of buffer zone District Police 
Police Station Headquarters 
Thaba Nchu Open veld New College of 
College of Education erected 
Education 
Bartimea Open veld Bartimea School for 
Special School the Deaf and the 
for the Blind erected 
Deaf and the 
Blind 
Manpower Centre Open veld Manpower Centre 
erected 
Moroka Hospital Undeveloped veld Extension of 
Moroka Hospital 
Office of the Buffer strip Erection of 
Governor Governor's office 
Naledi Sun Undeveloped Naledi Sun Hotel 
marshy veld Casino erected 
170 
4.4.4 INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL DEVELOPMENT 
Thaba Nchu-Selosesha dominates the space e~onomy of the Thaba 
Nchu district of Bophuthatswana. It is the centre of industry and 
commerce, the seat of the district administration, and the agri-
cultural service centre for its hinterland. 
Thaba Nchu-Selosesha holds the status of an Industrial Develop-
ment Point. It was for this reason that the office of the Reg-
ional BNDC - a subsidiary of the National BNDC - was established 
at Selosesha. The Regional BNDC is represented by a total of 69 
staff at its office in Selosesha (Setplan, 1992). They are the 
regional liaison in terms of finance and administration, tech-
nical services, small business development, and industrial after-
care services, which include loans and marketing assistance to 
commercial and industrial entrepreneurs. 
The spatial impact of the BNDC in terms of IDP in Thaba Nchu-
Selosesha can be categorized according to three aspects. Firstly, 
the BNDC has established a total of 103 974 square metres of in-
dustrial factories in sizes which range from 500 square metres 
to 2 000 square metres in two industrial areas in Thaba Nchu and 
Selosesha respectively ( Photomap 4.5 and 4.6). Secondly, it has 
established a shopping centre consisting of 16 125 square metres, 
with rental space from 95 square metres to 4 000 square metres. 
Finally, 1 000 square metres of small industrial workshops in 
units of 100 square metres along the Manyane Highway. 
Table 4.12 indicates the development of factories in operation 
as well as the number of employed worker from 1985 to 1992. The 
types of activities in the industrial areas as contained in Table 
4.13 are more in the textile and clothing manufacturing indus-
tries. The industrial area came into operation in 1985 with only 
13 industries and employed a labour force of 1 700. In 1989 in-
dustrial activity reached a peak with 69 factories offering 
5 224 jobs. From that peak the situation has deteriorated 
171 
PHOTOMAP 4.5 THE ROAD GUIDE TO SE:SOSESHA INDUSTRIAL 
TOWNSHIP , 1992 
PHOTOMAP 4 . 6 SELOSESHA'S TOWNSHIP INDUSTRIAL LANDSCAPE: 
THE NEW FACTORIES REFLECTS THE GOVERNMENT'S 
IDP 
172 
rapidly. In 1992 there were only 49 operational factories. This 
decline represents a drop in employment and also a 32 per cent 
decrease in industrial activity in less than three years. 
TABLE 4.12 INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT IN THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 
1985-1992 
PERIOD NUMBER OF FACTORIES EMPLOYED 
OPERATIONAL LABOURERS I 
1985 13 1 700 I 
1988 55 4 463 
1989 69 5 224 
1990 53 4 293 
1992 49 4 270 
Source: Setplan, 1991:47 
The declining rate, according to a report prepared for the 
Greater Thaba Nchu Urban Development Planning Steering Committee 
(1992), could be attributed to the following: 
* the impact of the international recession; 
* the inability of the old incentive packages to attract 
sustainable, profitable industries; 
* the fact that Thaba Nchu-Selosesha has lost its comparative 
advantage over the other industrial centres in Region C, 
especially Bloemfontein and Harrismith in terms of the 
new industrial decentralization policy; and 
* the uncertainty surrounding the role of Bophuthatswana in 
the new South Africa. 
With regard to commercial development, the rapid growth and the 
changes in the pre-independent commercial landscape is the direct 
response to many factors. These factors range from changes in 
deregulation regarding the acquisition of licences to operate a 
business in the study area; the incorporation of the town of 
Thaba Nchu into Bophuthatswana; the ch~nging location of retail 
shops, the new pattern of urban renewal programmes in the CDB; 
and the rapid population growth of Botshabelo where few shopping 
opportunities exist. 
173 
TABLE 4.13 INDUSTRIES IN THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1992 
INDUSTRIES PRODUCTS ESTABLISHED 
AGRICOR AGRICULTURAL DRIP TUBES 1990 
ALFA COMFORT CLOTHING 1991 
BEAUTY STRAWS DRINKING STRAWS 1987 
CHIEFS DENIM CLOTHING 1988 
CHINA ENTERPRISES NOODLE 1990 
CUTPAX CHEESE POPS, MILLED GRAIN 1991 
DIARA HOUTWERKE PINE FURNITURE 1991 
ELITE CLOTHING CLOTHING 1988 
ENERGY ENTERPRISE STEEL PRODUCTS 1988 
FAR EAST TEXTILES CLOTHING 1987 
FENCE CRETE CONCRETE PRODUCTS 1991 
FRANK FEHR HESSIAN & JUTE BAGS 1980 
GA EZENDAM FURNITURE 1985 
GOCO INDUSTRIAL SPECTACLE FRAMES 1991 
HD DEVELOPMENTS FURNITURE 1992 
IMPRO-FURNITURE CANE FURNITURE 1991 
LIAN YAUN KNITTING GARMETS 1988 
LING PAO INVESTMENT FABRIC TOYS 1987 
LUN FA TEXTILE CARMATS 1992 
MEL LAHNER SHELVING, BEDS, LOCKERS 1988 
METAL WARE CUTLERY 1985 
N&M NICOLAS CLOTHING 1988 
NEW WORLD ENAMEL METAL CROCKERY 1988 
ORS FASHIONS FASHION ACCESSORIES 1987 
PARADISE CLOTHING CLOTHING 1989 
POINTER INDUSTRIES CLOTHING 1990 
174 
(TABLE 4.13 continues) 
RACK RITE & SISON I SHELVING, BEDS, LOCKERS j 1988 
1 Rocco I LEATHER GLOVES J 1988 I 
SE LOSE SHA REPAIRS I SLEEPER FURNITURE 11989 
I SUNSHINE DENIM I DENIM CLOTHING 11988 
I TECONIT I KNITWEAR J 1989 
\T-NCHU ELECTRONICS I CAR ALARMS 11987 II 
- - 11 
_T_-_N_'c_H_u_H_1A_N_'D_K_N_I_T_s _, I_J_E_R_s_E_Y_'_s _________- -----;J_1_9_B_b __~ JI 
1
1 TN MEAT PROCESS I MEAT PROCESSING \ 1990 ~ ,,----------~I --------------'-------i, II TS CLOTHING CLOTHING J 1988 II 
JI ·ruNG 1'AI PLASTICS [ PLASTICS [ 1989 ii 
I 
!WEBER INDUSTRIES I BAGS 11988 
11 
1 WEN JENZ I SUITCASES 11987 11 
I WESSELS BOU & BETON I CONCRETE PRODUCTS 11986 ii 
II WING CHEONG I DENIM CLOTHING I 11989 I 
I WITSTAAL I PLOUGH SHEARS I 11990 II 
I YING TA ENTERPRIZES I II BAGS 11986 
11 
I I YORK ENCLOSURE I FIBREGLASS BOXES \ 1989 I 
IJ ~-u-N I FOUNG I PLASTICS I 1989 
Source: SETPLAN, 1992:48 
According to a report on a survey undertaken in 1988 prior to the 
establishment of the Thaba Nchu Manpower Centre, it was indicated 
that on attaining independence the Bophuthatswana lawmakers 
changed a large number of acts and legislations which had sub-
jected black business to di scr imina tory controls. The Group Areas 
Act to some extent also affected blacks competing with white 
traders as well as the spatial location of black business. In 
Selosesha the removal of the discriminatory laws and new proce-
dures for granting licences to do business boosted commercial 
development in the study area. However, in the CBD, the incor-
poration of Thaba Nchu town into Bophuthatswana swept away all 
discriminatory laws which prevented black businesses from 
locating in the area and competing with white business. The 
change in the political climate also led the municipality to 
175 
grant business premises to black businesses wanting to locate 
thei r busines ses in t h e CBD. 
The pre-independent CBD landscape , as compared to the present CBD 
reflects a remarkable change . This can be attributed to the 
number of urban renewal and in-filling projects which have re j u-
vinated or replaced obsolete and decaying stores (Photomap 4 . 3). 
The renewal and in-filling developments have resulted in the 
upgrading and modernization of existing facilities. One of the 
most significant changes to have altered the spatial organi-
zation of the CBD are the two tarred access roads and the station 
road which all converging at the centre of the CBD. The infilling 
projects involved the demolition, relocation, and construction 
of new shopping buildings, offices, and a cultural centre. The 
predominant amount of commercial development consists of rapid 
modernization of plq~:1].~d shopping centres which include a variety 
of furniture stores, clothing stores, and supermarkets . 
In Selosesha, the establishment of the Thaba Nchu Shopping Centre 
(Photomap 4 . 7) by the BNDC in 1983 also contributed to the emer-
gence of a new commercial landscape which contained a var i ety of 
commercial and service institutions . 
PHOTOMAP 4.7 THABA NCHU SHOPPING CENTRE, A FEATURE 
FOR PROMOTING COMMERCIAL ACTIVITY IN 
BOPHUTHATSWANA 
- -----
... --.... -- ---------
176 
The construe t ion of the Thaba Nchu Shopping Cent re was pol i-
t ical l y motivated and was carried out before the incorporation 
of Thaba Nchu town in an attempt to promote economic development 
within the boundaries of Bophuthatswana. 
Other areas where commercial activities expanded were in the 
African rural villages and the Bultfonteins as a result of the 
upgrading and development of these settlements including the 
increase in the population. Table 4.14 indicates the number of 
commercial activities which were concentrated in Thaba Nchu town 
in 1976 and the growth in all areas since 1977. 
4.4.5. HOUSING DEVELOPMENT 
The Selosesha residential area (commonly referred to as Unit 1) 
represents the greatest spatial impact of independent housing on 
the landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha. The construction of the 
new residential area started in 1980 and contributed to the 
expansion of Selosesha which was transformed from a predominantly 
residential area to a district administrative centre. After 
independence administrative offices of the district departments 
were established there. An area next to Selosesha township 
(comprising 1 120 houses constructed by 1976) was identified for 
housing and construction began in 1980 with 488 houses in Unit 
1. 
In Selosesha, apart from the pre-1976 housing stock, an addi-
tional 556 serviced sites were developed and allocated for pri-
vate residential construction. The serviced sites were provided 
with electricity, water, and telephone lines, and the streets 
were tarred afterwards. These developments contributed to the 
territorial expansion of the residential area of Selosesha. 
In the former "whites only" residential area of Thaba Nchu, the 
building of new private houses has been slow even though the SADT 
released land to people of all races. The most recent housing 
development is that of the BNDC for industrialists and staff of 
177 
the BNDC and employees of the District Governor's office. 
TABLE 4.14 A COMPARISON OF THE GROWTH OF LICENCED COMMERCIAL 
AND SERVICE ENTERPRISES IN THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 
1976-1992 
1976 1977 - 1992 
ENTERPRISE THABA THABA SHOPPING SELOSESHA RURAL I 
NCHU NCHU CENTRE VILLAGES 
I 
Supermarket 2 3 1 1 -
Garage 2 3 1 - -
IPanelbeating 3 3 1 3 -
Butchery 4 4 3 1 8 
Bakery - 1 - - -
General Dealer 19 44 1 5 42 I 
I 
Bottle Store 2 3 2 1 5 
Cafe 6 14 2 5 11 
Furniture Shop 9 16 1 - -
Agents/Brokers 2 5 - - -
Hardware/Building 1 1 - - -
Action - 1 - - -
I 
Dry Cleaner 1 2 1 - -
Pharmacy 1 2 1 - -
Hotel 1 2 - - -
Repair Shop- TV 1 1 - - -
Photographic - 1 1 - -
Hair Dresser 3 5 - 3 -
Video Shop 1 1 I - - -
Bank/Building 
Society 1 2 1 - -
Bookshop - 1 1 - -
Wood/Coal 1 1 - 2 -
Auctioneer - 1 - - -
Clothing Shop 7 16 1 - -
Source: Bophuthatswana at Independence, 1977:133 (for 1 '::J 7 b) 
Setplan Report, 1992:52 (for 1992) 
178 
The informal settlements are characterised by an expansion of 
informal housing as well as the upgrading of individual housing 
units where there was no previous significant housing develop-
ment. Newcomers found accommodation on tribal lands where a 
minimal fee was payable to the the tribal chief. Hence they were 
able to construct their own temporary houses, mostly of mud brick 
and corrugated iron sheeting. 
4.4.6 EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 
Since independence, educational development has exerted a sig-
nificant impact on the geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-
Selosesha and the peri-urban settlements. This was in spite of 
the fact that from 1985 to 1988 the percentage of school-going 
pupils dropped from 8.6% to 2.6% according to SETPLAN (1991). 
As a result of educational development since independence, the 
old image of some educational structures has been replaced while 
colonial names have been changed. The relocation and naming of 
some schools after prominent individuals reveals the heritage of 
the ancestors of the present Barolong, which in a way connotes 
the new image of educational development (Table 4.15). At the 
same time, the retention of Christian and Afrikaner names is an 
indication of the recognition the independence process attaches 
to the missionaries' role in education in the area. 
The most significant image in the educational landscape of the 
independence process was the relocation and construction of the 
new College of Education north west of the old site and the name 
change in 1992 from Strydom Teachers' Training College to Thaba 
Nchu College of Education. The Bartimea Special School for the 
Blind and the Deaf was relocated and rebuilt in 1992. Other pro-
minent new additions are the R.T. Mokgopa High School (1989) and 
the Manpower Training Centre (1991) including extension to the 
hostel facilities at Moroka High School (1990). 
In addition, the list of primary, secondary and high schools 
179 
TABLE 4.15 EDUCATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT IN 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1976-1992 
INSTITUTION 1976 1992 
Goronyane Established Relocated to new site 
High 
Christian Established Relocated to new site
ILiphoko Mid. 1 
Moroka High Established as a high Function limited to 
school and teacher high school only I II 
training school 11 
Ereskuld Built and donated to School and church 
Primary; the Barolong as gift of relocated, and 
church and honour by the Afrikaner converted to a 
a mission nursery school; i 
house mission house con-
11 
verted to a private 
home 
St Augustine Established at the Relocated to new site 
Primary present location of 
Moipone Primary school I 
St Paul Prim Established as a Relocated to new site 
missionary school 
Thubisi Prim. Established by the Relocated to new site 
School Methodist missionary I 
Bartimea Established Relocated to new site 
School for old buildings I 
the Blind converted to a I 
and the Deaf Middle School 
Strydom Established Relocated to new 
Training site: renamed Thaba 
College Nchu College of 
Education Old 
buildings conver-
ted to a secondary 
school II 
180 
(TABLE 4.15 continues) 
Gerrit Maritz Established as a Re-established as 
Prim; "white" school in a non-racial sch; 
in 1936 renamed Tlotlanang 
in 1987 
Circuit Established at Moroka Relocated to new site 
Education village at chief 
Office Fenyang's house 
TABLE 4.16 EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES IN THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 
1992 
INSTITUTION CLASSROOMS PUPILS TEACHERS TEACHER/ 
PUPIL RATIO I 
~!!~!~~H~1'~~~~~~~Q~! EDUCATION 700 60 . ~J 
tjANPOWE_R TRAINING CENTRE ___________1 ,_2 0 ________ 16_ _ ~ _________________ j 
HIGH SCHOOL=S"'----------------------------------------
Albert Moroka 19 726 28 26 
Goronyane _________ 12_ _~  __ 742 __________ 24 ------ _____ 31 ----
Moroka 27 977 44 22 
IL'I'_._ _t 19Jcg_QJ.)_c! ----- -- - --- - -
_..,S=E=C=O-=N-'=D--=A=R=Y_S~~C=H=O~O=L=S~--------------------------------------------
Ch_r is ti an L iphoko _______ 19 _____ _ 920 
--------- ____ 2 6 -------- -- -- 3 5 --- ---
=I~k,~a~e_l_e~o~---------------~1~3_ _________ 697 __________ 22_______ 32_ 
Moutloatsi 911 27 34 
PRIMARY SCHOOLS ___ ~----------- _________________________________________ _ 
Phetoqane _______ _cl,-__0-:___ ____7 ~2~6~-------2=--=-1 _______ _.3-'---'5--:____ _- +I 
Emang __ 10 629 16 39 
Ereskui_ld _____________ 15_ _____ 629________ __ 16___ __ 40 
-------~~---
181 
(TABLE 4.16 continues) 
I Moipong ___ 11 559 15 37 Jt 
I t1olrn_e 2 7 5 4 19 ll 
I Moki_tl_~_ne 865 24 36 II 
I t"JQl(_\ol_8_I}_~--- 8 3 7 4 ________ _l_l__ __ ______ 3_:1__ __ - II 
II- -M----o---t--l-a---t--l-a--- ----------------------- -- 7 317 11 ------------2-9-- --- -----1I  
I 8 434 15 29 
r[amanya,ng .. -- --11I  
II Rata_u 7 505 12 42 II 
II Selo_;;_~sha_ __________ ~ _______ _l_L ___________ 4 7_7_~----- __ 14 ________3 4 ___ -----~j 
II St.Augustine 12__ _ ___ _6_9_8 _____ ___ _ _U______ _4J,_ _ -----~ 
Jst.Paul's 16 678 15 45 ---11 
I Thubisi 10 1070 32 33 II 
11 Tlotlanal_l9_________ 1_6 _________1 _06~-------J._Q__ __________ il_ ___j  
~Bartimea Special Sch. 267 7 38 I 
II NURS_E_R_LS.C:I:IQQI._____ _ ---- -- --------------- 11 
II Tweety-bird 2 50 2 25 II 
Source: SETPLAN, 1992:47 
indicated in Table 4.16 testifies to the impact of educational 
development programmes during the upgrading and relocating of 
schools to new sites whereby the educational landscape was chan-
ged substantially since independence. 
4.4.7 HEALTH AND WELFARE PROVISION 
The impact of Bophuthatswana's health and welfare programme is 
also evident in the spatial pattern of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha. The 
Moroka Hospital was upgraded to a Nurses' Training College and 
a new hospital was erected to replace the old one. Today Moroka 
Hospital is the only hospital in the district with a bedding 
capacity of 400, including the following facilities: TB Clinic, 
Psychiatric Clinic, Family Planning Clinic, and an expanded 
programme of immunization and school heal th services. Other 
clinics were established in the Bul tfonteins, Selosesha, Mokwena, 
Serwalo, Barend van Rensburg Children's Home, and Boiketlong Old 
Age Home. 
182 
I 
4.4.8 RECREATION, CULTURE, AND TOURISM 
Recreation and tourism facilities in Thaba Nchu-Selosesha are 
another landscape image which are visibly illustrates the changes 
which independence has contributed to the transformation of the 
geographical landscape. The construction of Naledi Sun Hotel has 
not only served to boost the hotel industry in the area, but also 
serves as a spatial key between Thaba Nchu and Selosesha. In 
addition to the Naledi Sun, the main nucleus of tourism is the 
Thaba Nchu Sun Hotel which is located about 25 kilometres from 
Thaba Nchu (outside the study area). 
Recreation centres, which in this study are defined to include 
sports complexes and undeveloped football fields, are also 
evident in the landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha. The largest 
is the Selosesha Stadium. The sports centre in the Thaba Nchu 
opposite the Naledi Sun has been upgraded and some of the faci-
lities are used by the Mmabana Cultural Centre. The only recrea-
tion centre which seems to have been abandoned or not fully uti-
lised are the tennis courts located on the outskirts Thaba Nchu. 
Another spatial impact was the construct ion of the Mmabana 
Cultural Centre next to the former town hall. The demolition of 
a few offices of the municipality and part of the town hall, 
including an undeveloped taxi rank paved the way for the the 
construction of Mmabana (Photomap 4.8), Within the same area, a 
monument to deceased Afrikanaer soldiers was preserved while part 
of the undemolished town hall was renovated and changed into a 
theatre as part of the cultural centre. Today the Mmabana 
Cultural Centre represents a cultural ins ti tut ion where the 
community are taught both African and European cultures. 
183 
PHOTOMAP 4.8 MMABANA CULTURAL CENTRE 
4.5 SYNTHESIS 
Arising from the analysis, it has become evident that since 1977 
independence as a political process in Bophuthatswana has sub-
stantially manifested itself as evident in the study area (Figure 
4.3). 
The political landscape was transformed from a South African 
homeland, together with an adjacent white town (Thaba Nchu) land-
scape into a unique landscape typical of Bophuthatswana nationa-
lism. The administrative infrastructure was developed into a 
district administrative centre for the Thaba Nchu district. The 
amalgamation of the Selosesha and Thaba Nchu Municipal Councils 
emerged when a new urban boundary was drawn. 
The settlement landscape has been moulded during the pre-indepen-
dent era into three settlement patterns, viz. formal urban (Selo-
sesha and Thaba Nchu), informal settlements (African rural vil-
lages and the Bultfonteins), and the informal squatter settlement 
(Kromdraai). Since independence the most major transformations 
of the settlement landscape were the evacuation of the Kromdraai 
184 
_r,:;_ -/J-ifJ-,_u~n, ~n_ __ _ 
--- -------------
(. ---
\ 
•(ndl 
I ..'.z~ v,JH,,1 
/Qi)) - :;u OcL:ihA 
',,:; ,/ 
\ ,~/' 
j 
N 
CBD 
Non-racial Ht!~lden11al r 
f- orniol ~'ielllf!m,;,,I 
-~- Afriror1 r (Hrr,ol Rt"-trlrrd1(1I_ 
f~urol /\fric,i'1 Villur1,,~ } 
_ ltd11rmr1I S!:"ttl,•11,, ,,I 
Bulttr,1111·11,<. 
LH<, j 1 ,,- ' /'1.1Jr111n1•. Ir ·JI iv c (l t !Ir r 
l N!lory ln<.lilullun~ L 1.11, 
Prlrwiry- '- <)f!rnndory ln~!du11uri~ 
Defence force 8oH [ZJ Uu..1ridU' i 
Srnoll Scale Industry 
Shoppin() Centre t;-:: i 1.,,,,1, 
NS Naledl Sun 
;:~ ( ernc1cry 
R R1•creutlon / hu1," , 1 
F Fire Servlr:e S!ur1on 
FIGURE 5.1 THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU- SE LOSE SHA, 1992 
185 
squatter settlement in 1979; the political, administrative, and 
spatial amalgamation of Thaba Nchu and Selosesha towns; the 
expansion of Selosesha towards Unit 1; the emergence of an elite 
suburb on the northern slope of Thaba Nchu town; and the 
continuation of an informal housing sprawl in the informal 
settlements where some ad hoc upgrading of individual housing 
units materialised. 
The industrial landscape only emerged after independence when 
Thaba Nchu-Selosesha was proclaimed an Industrial Development 
Point within Bophuthatswana's space economy. Industrial deve-
lopment is not only the largest financial injection from the 
national government towards Thaba Nchu-Selosesha since inde-
pendence, but it also reflects the greatest scale of landscape 
transformation in the study area. The commercial landscape did 
not only expand towards Selosesha and the surrounding informal 
settlements, but the original CBD of Thaba Nchu town is virtually 
unrecognisable as new buildings were erected to replace the old 
ones together with infrastructural development in a spatially 
integrated planning approach to unite the Thaba Nchu Shopping 
Centre in Selosesha with Thaba Nchu's CBD. 
The educational landscape expanded by means of a number of new 
educational f ac il it ies ( of which the Thaba Nchu College of 
Education and the Manpower Training Centre are the most promi-
nent) and as a result of the upgrading and relocation of 
educational facilities. The health landscape was transformed by 
larger and more sophisticated varieties of health facilities. 
The cultural landscape is dominated by the Mmabana Cultural 
Centre in the CBD while the tourist landscape was expanded by the 
Naledi Sun. 
It is thus clear that a large variety of types and scales of 
landscape transformations have occurred in Thaba Nchu-Selosesha 
as a result of the political independence of Bophuthatswana in 
1977 of which the settlement, industrial, commercial, and educa-
tional landscape transformations are the most prominent. 
186 
There are, however, instances where the pre-independent physical 
pattern remained (e.g street names, churches, town hall etc). 
The scale of landscape changes impacted on the study area is 
fundamental to the understanding of the potent force of inde-
pendence as a political process. No matter what reservation 
opponents may have about Bophuthatswana's independence, the 
unfolding of the process in Thaba Nchu-Selosesha is a significant 
factor which overrides any alternate explanation of the trans-
formed landscape. 
187 
CHAPTER 5 
ANALYSIS OF THE CHANGING GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE 
OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1976-1992 
This chapter is intended to compare the 1976 and 1992 spatial 
patterns of the study area (Figure 5.1). 
5.1 POLITICAL LANDSCAPE 
Following independence, the pre-1976 homeland landscape was 
transformed to an independent Bophuthatswanan landscape. After 
independence all the South African political symbols were re-
placed by Bophuthatswana symbols, e.g. the flag, coat of arms, 
and national anthem, and there were imprinted on government 
buildings, schools, police stations, and the defence force base 
(Photomap 5.1) 
After the incorporation of Thaba Nchu town into Bophuthatswana 
in 1983, a variety of additional changes have materialised (see 
Photomap 5.2). The district magistrates court's judicial system 
was replaced with that of Bophuthatswana. 
At the post office, the issuing of South African stamps was re-
placed by issueing of Bophuthatswana stamps to commemorate the 
historic event of Bophuthatswana's sovereignty. The replacement 
of the RSA police force with Bophuthatswana's brought with it a 
new pol ice uniform. On government buildings, the iron-plated 
inscriptions dating from when such buildings were officially 
opened by the State President bear vivid, visual testimony which 
enable one to identify the developments which have emanated from 
the independence process. 
Symbolic pre-independent Afrikaner street names ( Voortrekker) 
are still preserved in Thaba Nchu town, but outside Thaba Nchu 
town such names have been replaced ( Photomap 5.3 ). In Selo-
sesha the new street names reflect the names of the Barolong 
188 
PHOTOMAP 5.1 (Above) THE IMPRINT OF BOPHUTHATSWANA'S COAr OF 
ARMS ON THE WALL OF A LOCAL PRIMARY SCHOOL 
(Below) A STATUE TO COMMEMORATE THE 10 YEARS 
OF INDEPENDENCE 
189 
PHOTOMAP 5.2 BUFFER STRIP DEVELOPMENT BETWEEN THABA 
NCHU AND SELOSESHA 
PHOTOMAP 5.3 CHANGE OF PLACE NAMES: GROOTHOEK DAM (Above) 
CHANGED TO MOUTLOATSI SETLOGELO DAM (Below) 
190 
tribe and other prominent local and national celebrities (Moroka, 
Nyankansti, Manyane etc ). The "OT" number plates of vehicles 
registered in Thaba Nchu district by the pre-independent govern-
ment was also changed to "YBK" to reflect the identity and juris-
diction of the new governmnent. 
Other political imprints of independence were reflected in Bop-
huthatswana's own newspaper (Sepione) and television and radio 
stations. The inscription of symbols on government buildings has 
been the most politicized aspect of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha land-
scape since independence. 
5.2 ADMINISTRATIVE LANDSCAPE 
The administrative landscape demonstrates the status which Thaba 
Nchu-Selosesha had reached within the district and in Bophuthat-
swana (see Photomap 5.4). The role which Selosesha played in 1976 
was minimal if not completely unknown. However, the situation has 
changed greatly since 1977. The greatest impact since indepen-
dence regarding the political landscape has been the drawing of 
new urban boundaries (Figure 4.3) which have territorially and 
administratively integrated Thaba Nchu and Selosesha. This has 
also erased the buffer strip which served as an 'international' 
boundary between the RSA (Thaba Nchu) and Bophuthatswana 
(Selosesha) before incorporation. 
From a predominantly residential function and a local council 
office, following the transfer of the sovereignty of the district 
it has developed into the administrative centre for the Thaba 
Nchu district. The administratrive functions of Thaba Nchu are 
evident in the land-use patterns which emerged after indepen-
dence. The district administrative functions of Selosesha are 
visible in the inscriptions on sign boards in front of the state 
buildings. The buildings include the Department of Internal 
Affairs, the Off ice of the District Governor, the Magistrate 
Courts, the District Police Headquarters, the Defence Force Base, 
the District Post Office, the Regional Office of the BNDC, 
191 
PHOTOMAP 5.4 THE ADMINISTRATIVE LANDSCAPE OF THE DISTRICT 
CE NTRE. 
DEPARTMENT 
OF 
INTERNAL 
AFFAIRS 
THE OFFICE 
OF THE 
GOVERNOR 
THE 
B.N.D.C 
OFFI CE 
192 
Department of Works and Local Government,the Circuit Education 
Office, to the and Moroka Hospital. 
The two most significant changes which have emerged since in-
dependence are firstly, the territorial integration and the 
amalgamation of the Selosesha and Thaba Nchu Municipalities. 
Which gave the residents of the integrated urban area the fran-
chise to be elected as members of Municipal Council and to part-
icipate in the decision-making body of the Amalgamated Municipal 
Council. In addition, after incorporation, the prov is ion of 
environmental services (street cleaning, garbage collection and 
tarrifs) were extended to the rest of the new urban area. 
The second was the upgrading and relocation of the pre-1976 local 
magistrates court from Thaba Nchu to Selosesha. The construction 
of the district post office near the old local post office repre-
sents another political change independence has impacted at Thaba 
Nchu. 
5.3 SETTLEMENT LANDSCAPE 
For the purposes of this analysis, the residential area has been 
classified into two categories, viz. formal and informal settle-
ments. The formal residential areas are used to denote all resi-
dential areas under the jurisdiction of the Amalgamated Municipal 
Council which falls within the newly-defined urban boundary. They 
are identified as Thaba Nchu and Selosesha. The informal on the 
other hand is used to refer to the residential areas where the 
land is administered by the Barolong Tribal Authority. It inclu-
des all the rural African villages, the Bultfonteins, and the in-
formal squatter settlement at Kromdraai which was evacuated in 
1979. 
The changing settlement landscape is perhaps the greatest spatial 
impact of Bophuthatswana's independence on the study area. By 
comparing the 1976 map with that of 1992 map, it is clearly evi-
dent that about 60% of the land-use expansion within the study 
193 
area occured as part of the settlement landscape ( see Figure 
5.1). In spite of the expansion the boundaries of the dispersed 
residential areas have not changed, however extreme the diffe-
rences which exist between the residential densities of the for-
mal and informal residential areas. The residential densities of 
the formal and informal settlements are estimated to be about 3 
to 4 and 9 to 13 dwellings per hectare respectively. 
In Thaba Nchu town incorporation has altered its exclusive or-
ganization as a "whites only" residential area to a non-racial 
one. The change from a homogenous population to a diverse popu-
ation composed of Chinese, Indians, Coloureds, Whites and Afri-
cans is one of the most obvious features. Additional expansions 
have also taken place through the construction of individual pri-
vate houses; BNDC official rental houses as well as the Gover-
nor's Bungalow. 
On a super-imposed map the boundaries of the formal settlement 
on the 1992 map shows a significant change over the pre-1976 map. 
( see Figure 5. 1) . Extreme changes occurred around the residential 
area of Selosesha. The entire built-up environment has coalesced 
due to the infilling of private residential development and the 
construction of planned estate houses in the area called Unit 1. 
In the informal settlements the African rural villages show no 
significant changes to their pre-independence boundaries. This 
can be attributed to an increased residential density due to open 
spaces for informal and formal development. The formal develop-
ment can be found in terms of schools, church buildings, and 
shops. The informal exists in the form of sports fields. The 
same pattern of formal and informal development exists in the 
Bultfonteins. The most visible change was the emergence of 
Bultfontein 4 and its subsequent coalesce into Bultfontein 3. 
The greatest impact of modern time political behaviour in the 
study area was the forced removal of the squatters from Krom-
draai and elsewhere within the Thaba Nchu district to Botshabelo. 
194 
The change which occurred in the bend of the railway, north-west 
of Mokwena, represents the most immediate after independence. The 
political imprint was the complete evacuation of the Kromdraai 
squatter settlement in 1979. In the minds of the affected people 
it represents the inhumane treatment by an African government 
whom they thought would grant them refuge from apartheid. The 
squatters were forcibly relocated to Botshabelo about 10 kilo-
metres from the study area. 
5.4 HOUSING LANDSCAPE 
In this section, the nature of changes in the housing landscape 
are analysed from the perspective of the type of houses which are 
evident in the settlement areas. Attention is given to the type, 
ownership of houses, and infrastructure which exists. The 
settlement landscape as identified and defined in this study is 
categorised into two categories, viz. the formal settlement of 
Thaba Nchu and Selosesha; the informal settlements of the African 
rural villages, and the Bultfonteins, excluding the squatter 
settlement of Kromdraai. 
5.4.1 HOUSING LANDSCAPE OF URBAN THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA 
The two types of houses which dominate the formal settlement 
landscape can be distinguished as planned estates houses in 
Selosesha and individual private houses in Thaba Nchu town. The 
former is used to denote state-built houses, either for sale to 
individuals or for rental purposes. The individual private 
houses, on the other hand, are defined as houses which have been 
financed and built by individuals. In this respect, the change 
has become evident in terms of expansion, number, and size of 
houses, as well as infrastructure. 
Selosesha was proclaimed a township after the construction of 790 
planned estate houses in 1969. It was initially regarded as a 
dormitory residential area for frontier commuters to Bloemfon-
tein. Between 1970 and 1976 the number of houses increased from 
195 
790 to 1 200 without any private individual houses in the vici-
nity. In the same period, the population grew from 3 475 in 1970 
to 5 763 in 1976. The greatest imprint of the independence pro-
cess came with the establishment of another residential area, de-
signated Unit 1, which was designed to cater for the accommo-
dation needs of the staff of the newly-established offices of the 
dis-trict administration centre at Selosesha( Photomap 5.5). In 
this 
TABLE 5.1 PROVISION OF HOUSES IN SELOSESHA, TILL 1976 
AND 1977-1992 
TILL 1976 1977- 1992 
TYPE RENTAL PURCHASE TYPE RENTAL PURCHASE 
I 
*(R) *PRICE *(R) *PRICE 
I 
Tin cottage 1 BR 4 ROOM 
2-ROOMS 8.88 825.00 HOUSE 171.61 24 576.00 
( 12) (193) 
I 
Prefabricated 2AR 4 ROOM 
1 room house 12.89 935.00 HOUSE 178.12 25 545.00 
( 50) (158) 
51/6 2 ROOM 3AR 5 ROOM 
HOUSE 14.50 3 000.00 HOUSE 195.20 28 087.00 
(158) (38) 
51/6 4 ROOM 4 BL 5 ROOM 
I HOUSE 37.04 9 000.00 HOUSE 200.87 29 535.00 
(805) ( 99) 
11/1 WOODEN 4 BR 5 ROOM 
HOUSE ( 5 0) 22.54 1 650.00 HOUSE 205.26 28 935.00 
51/9 4 ROOM - 3 300.00 (38) I 
I ( 5 o) I 
TOTAL1 1 100 488 
Source: SETPLAN REPORT 1992 
(* Prices/rents as in 1992; Quantity of houses in brackets) 
The difference in the total number of houses was quite 
large during 1976, but in terms of size, rental, and purchase 
price, it is quite clear why many houses could be built in 1976. 
196 
new residential area, 488 planned estate houses were erected that 
differed from the old Selosesha in term of size, number, rental 
fee, purchase price and infrastructure, and services as is illus-
trated in Table 5.1. 
The contrast in the change also became evident when infrast-
ructural development, electricity, tarred streets, and a direct 
automatic telephone subscription for the designated planned 
estate houses were developed in Selosesha. 
During the period 1977-1992, the development of private 
individual houses emerged as a significant change in the formal 
settlement landscape. This was also evident in the spatial in-
filling next to the pre-1976 planned estate houses in Selosesha. 
The contrast in the type of housing is evident in terms of the 
architectural style, size, and spacious environment in which the 
houses were built. 
PHOTOMAP 5.5 SELOSESHA (UNIT 1) HOUSING SCHEME 
The incorporated town of Thaba Nchu, where most of the houses 
were privately owned by individuals has also undergone signi-
ficant change. The change came in the form of a change in owner-
ship from private individuals to the SADT when the latter pur-
197 
chased houses from white residents. The legalised movement of 
black residents to the vacant houses not only changed the resi-
dential area from a racial to non-racial one, but also gave it 
a cosmopolitan character. The rental houses depict old, unpain-
ted, run-down structures; a change from the by-gone pre-incorpo-
ration era. In addition to this change, black, private individual 
houses have become a significant feature, together with the 
planned estate houses constructed by the BNDC for its staff and 
industrialists. Photomap 5.6 indicates the improvements of infra-
structure at Thaba Nchu town after incorporation. 
5.4.2 HOUSING LANDSCAPE OF THE AFRICAN RURAL VILLAGES 
AND THE BULTFONTEINS 
The housing landscape in the African rural villages and Bult-
fonteins in term of ownership has not shown much change. The 
houses are mainly privately owned without any planned estate 
houses. Change can be recognised in the expansion of private 
individual houses. However, a significant change became apparent 
during the industrial peak from 1985 to 1989. The change in 
land tenure practices from leased to freehold land has also 
influenced the type of houses which are evident in the area. From 
a predominance of traditional mud houses or shacks, which charac-
terised the squeeze-out drive in the 1960's and late 1970s in the 
OFS, the additional change brought about during the period 1977 
to 1992 is evident in well-planned architectural style of both 
cement blocks and brick houses existing in juxtaposition with 
mud-brick and run-down houses with corrugated iron roofing. 
198 
PHOTOMAP 5.6 THE PRE-INDEPENDENT ( .. bove) AND THE 
INDEPENDENT INFRASTRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT 
(Below) THE CONTRAST LIES IN THE TARRED 
STREETS, ELECTRICITY, AND STORM WATER 
DRAINAGE 
199 
5.5 ECONOMIC LANDSCAPE 
The economic landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha can be classified 
into an industrial and a commercial landscape. For the purposes 
of this study, each will be analysed separately. 
5.5.1 INDUSTRIAL LANDSCAPE 
The industrial landscape is one of the few new land uses which 
was completely unknown in the pre-independent study area. Two 
distinctive areas can be identified as a change from the pre-1976 
geographical landscape. They are the Selosesha and Thaba Nchu 
industrial areas which include small scale industrial areas. The 
number and types of activities in the industrial areas were 
illustrated in Table 4.14. The firms were more of an assemblage 
and manufacturing nature. 
5.5.2 COMMERCIAL LANDSCAPE 
The geography of the wholesaling and retailing activities in the 
commercial landscape has undergone many significant changes since 
Bophuthatswana's independence. Most of the changes are reflected 
in the number of shops, their types, and their distributional 
pattern in the study area. Since 1977 the number and variety of 
shopping establishments has increased in the CBD, Selosesha, and 
in the informal settlements. The most outstanding among them is 
the Thaba Nchu Shopping Centre which was built because of poli-
tical reasons namely to promote commercial activity in Selosesha 
and the African rural villages beyond the former buffer strip. 
Table 4.16 shows that in terms of the number and variety of 
shopping uni ts significant changes occurred in the dis tr ibut ional 
patterns and the variety of shopping units. This can be attri-
buted to deregulation of retail activities after independence and 
the changing urban environment. 
In the CBD, changes occurred firstly due to the movement of black 
200 
businessmen into the pre-1976 'white' monopolised business area. 
Secondly, demolition, development, and conversion of non-commer-
cial buildings into retail stores also altered the morphology of 
the CBD (Table 4.14 provides a summary of the frequency of stores 
in the CBD). Within the CBD, apart from the expansion, there has 
been a remarkable shift in the centre of activity towards the 
nodal point where the station road adjoins the long stretch of 
Thaba Nchu access roads. The effect of the shift of the pre-1976 
centre of activity has been the disappearing of many businesses 
from the area and buildings have been left to decay (Photomap 
5. 7). The creation of parking areas in the CBD have also 
improved and increased the retail strength of the CBD. 
5.6 EDUCATIONAL LANDSCAPE 
In terms of the educational landscape, changes are analysed from 
the perspective of the new educational infrastructures which have 
been built since 1977. Since independence there has been a signi-
ficant increase in the number of educational institutions erected 
in Selosesha and the surrounding rural villages. The change can 
be witnessed in the number and variety of institutions as shown 
in Table 4.16. They range from primary to tertiary institutions, 
and from the relocation from poor school buildings to new infra-
structures as illustrated in Table 4 .15. The most remarkable 
imprint of independence is the relocation and construction of 
Thaba Nchu College of Education, the Bartimea Special School for 
the Blind and the Deaf (Photomap 5.8), the Manpower Centre, and 
R.T Mokgopa High School. The first two institutions were re-
located to Thaba Nchu as a result of the Group Areas Act. The 
establishment of a Manpower Training Centre and R.T Mokgopa High 
School are additional developments in the independence period 
(Photomap 5.9). 
The naming of schools after prominent members of the Barolong 
Tribe and other dignitaries from their society reflects, not only 
a change in the landscape, but the important contribution those 
people made to education. 
201 
PHOTOMAP 5 . 7 THE PRE-INCORPORATION (Above) AND THE 
INCORPORATION COMMERCIAL LANDSCAPE (Below): 
THE CONTRAST LIES IN THE SHOPS, STREETS 
AND PARKING AREAS 
202 
Other institutions still maintain their old names in spite of the 
fact that they were been relocated to new structures during inde-
pendence. The symbolic gestures attached to those institutions 
are implicit in their names and the specific organization which 
established them. Ereskuld Primary school is a good example. 
PHOTOMAP 5.8 THE ORIGINAL BUILDINGS OF BARTIMEA SPECIAL 
SCHOOL FOR THE BLIND AND THE DEAF (NOW SERVES 
AS A MIDDLE SCHOOL) 
W.THE.JANE • 
.I,~'. 8~} ·n "'a ' //,.;'It 
---- t.,.,: .-1? . . 
- MIDDLE _SCHOO~ 
In Thaba Nchu, the incorporation of the 'white' town into Bophu-
thatswana had a different meaning for the white residents. The 
perception emerged among white parents that educational standards 
would be lowered if black children were to be admitted to the 
white primary school. The withdrawal of pupils by their parents 
led to closure of the school which was later abandoned. The 
school was re-opened as a non-racial English-medium school and 
the name of the school was changed from Gerrit Maritz to 
Tlotlanang Primary School. 
203 
PHOTOMAP ~) . 9 THE EDUCATIONAL LANDSCAPE OF TERTIARY 
INSTITUTIONS 
THE MANPOWER 
CENTRE 
/ / .,,.  
. .! 
.. 
THABA NCHU 
COLLEGE OF 
EDUCATION 
., ri.., 11 a 
204 
5.7 CULTURAL LANDSCAPE 
Visible evidence of change in the cultural landscape as shown in 
the Photornap 5.10 is obviously an indication of the imprint of 
independence as a political process. 
PHOTOMAP 5.10 THE TRANSFORMATION OF THABA NCHU TOWN 
HALL (Above) INTO MMABANA CULTURAL 
CENTRE (Below) 
205 
However, the significant changes which have emerged in the cul-
tural landscape according to this study are attributed to the 
changing urbanising environment from 1977 to 1992. The steady 
growth of the population and the cosmopolitan character of the 
population are considered as the supportive ingredients for the 
existence and expansion of the cultural landscape. The only 
significant changes were the renovation of Thaba Nchu town hall, 
the construction of the Mmabana Cultural Centre, and name place 
changes. 
5.8 RECREATION AND TOURISM LANDSCAPE 
In the early 1980s when Bophuthatswana's independence was 
imminent, the promotion of recreation and tourism in the study 
area became a necessity, not only to create jobs, but for the 
expansion of air transport and the upgrading of roads and 
national parks. Conveniently situated a kilometre from the town 
centre, Naledi Sun ( Photomap 5. 11) was erected with 30 air-
conditioned rooms which offered all of modern conveniences, in 
addition to slot machines, a disco, a bar, and a swimming pool 
as places for recreation for the inhabitants. In Selosesha, the 
establishment of the Selosesha Sports Stadium was one of the most 
visible results of independence. 
Outside the study area one finds the Thaba Nchu Sun Hotel, Thaba 
Nchu Airport and the Maria Moroka National Park. These tourist 
attractions serve to illustrate how Bophuthatswana' s independence 
has manifested itself within the district of Thaba Nchu. 
206 
PHOTOMAP 5.11 THE NALEDI SUN STREET GUIDE 
5.9 HEALTH LANDSCAPE 
The health landscape is another area where independence changes 
have resulted in the upgrading of the pre-independent Moroka 
hospital into a Nurses' Training College and an additional 
hospital was erected to replace the old one ( Photomap 5. 12) . 
Today Moroka Hospital is the only hospital in the district with 
a bedding capacity of 400 which includes the following facili-
ties: TB Clinic, Psychiatric Clinic, Family Planning Clinic, an 
expanded programme on immunization, and school health services. 
Other clinics were established in the Bul tfonteins, Ratlou, 
Selosesha, Mokwena, Serwalo, Barend van Rens burg Children's Home, 
and Boiketlong Old Age Home. 
207 
PHOTO:MAP 5, 12 'l'HE CHANGING HEAL'r}I LANDSCAPB: ·rHE CHAirGE 
LIES IN THE ERECTION OF A NEW HOSPITAL AND 
THE CONVERTING OF THE OLD INTO A NURSES 
TRAINING COLLEGE AS PART OF BOPHUTHATSWANA 1 S 
HEALTH PROGRAN?-1E. 
THE NEW 
.MOR.OKA 
HOSPITAL 
MOROKA .~  :. '  ·.  
NURSES' 
TRAINING 
COLLEGE 
208 
5.10 A COMPARISON OF THE CHANGES IN THE GEOGRAPHICAL 
LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA: 1977-1992 
The objective of this section is to compare the 1976 geographical 
landscape (Figure 3.12) with the 1992 spatial presentation of the 
study area (Figure 4.3) in order to identify the type and scale 
of changes in the land-use patterns evident on the 1992 map. 
In Figure 5.1 the colours red and yellow are used to illustrate 
the spatial impact of the scale of development, expansion, con-
version (red) and evacuation e.g. (Kromdraai squatter settlement 
(yellow). Table 5.2 is intended to support this method and shows, 
by comparison, the changes in the landscape during both periods. 
The entire exercise is to have a detailed list as a stock and 
documentation for the general conclusion of the foregoing chap-
ters and to amplify for the general discussion the pattern of 
changes and features associated with each landscape component. 
209 
D Evacuolion of Kromdrce ":u~ll er SeW,m!nls 
fZI 'I•·., Urben Boudc·y 
j ,, a, 
- -::: -C't--n'I -
\)1) / t,. --, ------
N 
CBO 
Non•roc:lal Roh:unnct } 
Formol Stllltmc11I 
_- Afrh:cn F'o,mct Res.ide t'lllol 
RUf at A trlcol'I v :no~u 
} lnlormol Stlllon>c,,t 
Bulllontc1'1s 
Oisl ricl Adrn\nislroll'+'t Olflce 
lr\duslrl~ Arto 
l ert!ory Ins htullons 
Prlt'l\o,y .. .\ Stcondot)' lnslll'.lllons 
O'!ftnct roret 81st MC l.1,;lh,1rul ..:. ,Ire [2') "''°" a. ... ,,., 
SIT'Qla Scofe lf'IC:oatry YH 
H H v)DI IOI 
<;:c c,.,. . ,,n 
C 
.:(: Cemetery 
/ h·J1J ... ,, 
/ k<J,J\Z) .~ .. ,, , 
FIGURE 5.1 THE IMPACT OF BOPHUTHATSWANA'S INDEPENDENCE ON 
THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU-
SELOSESH., 1976 1992 
TABLE 5.2 A COMPARISON OF CHANGES IN THE GEOGRAPHICAL 
LANDSCAPE OF THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA, 1976-1992 
LANDSCAPE PRE-INDEPENDENCE INDEPENDENCE 
COMPONENTS (PRE-1977) (1977-1992) 
POLITICAL 
LANDSCAPE 
Government RSA Bophuthatswana 
Territory Thaba Nchu and Thaba Nchu-Selosesha 
Selosesha separated part of Bophuthat-
between RSA and swana 
Bophuthatswana 
Boundary Buffer strip New urban 
separating Thaba boundary drawn 
Nchu and Selosesha 
National RSA flag, coat of arm Bophuthatswana flag 
symbols and anthem coat of arms, and 
anthem 
Security RSA police Bophuthatswana police 
and defence force 
Street and Afrikaans in Tswana in Selosesha 
other nmes in Thaba Nchu Afrikaans preserved 
Tswana in Selosesha in Thaba Nchu town 
Stamps RSA stamps Bophuthatswana stamps 
Number Plate 
of vehicles OT YBK 
ADMINISTRA- Thaba Nchu Municipal Thaba Nchu-
TIVE LAND- and Selosesha Town Selosesha Municipal 
SCAPE Councils for Council almalgamated 
black and white 
groups respectively 
District centre offices 
erected: Department 
of Internal Affairs, 
Governor's Office, 
Works and Housing, 
BNDC Office 
211 
(TABLE 5.2 continues) 
Security Thaba Nchu and District Police 
and Defence Selosesha local Headquarters erected; 
police stations Defence Force base 
and Fire Station 
Thaba Nchu magistrate Thaba Nchu magistrate 
court. court upgraded and 
relocated at Selosesha. 
SETTLEMENT 
L~DS_CAPE 
Formal Thaba Nchu and Selose- Thaba Nchu-Selosesha 
sha as separate enti- spatially and 
ties politically 
integrated 
Expansion of Thaba 
Nchu and Selosesha 
Informal Bultfontein 1, 2, 3 Bultfontein 4 
established. 
Bultfontein 3 
boundary coalesced 
with 4 
Kromdraai squatter Kromdraai squatter 
settlement emerges settlement evacuated 
African rural villages: No boundary change 
Moroka, Mokwena, Ratau, (in-filling increased) 
Ratlou, Motlatla, 
Seroala 
Infrastruc-
ture Majority of roads Major bus routes 
gravel. in the Bultfonteins 
and Selosesha tarred. 
Station road gravel Station road upgraded 
to a dual carriage-
way and tarred. 
Water and electricity Expansion of water 
limited to Thaba Nchu and electricity to 
the Selosesha and 
informal settlement 
areas. 
*Thaba Nchu Airport 
HOUSING 
k~D$CAPE 
Formal Private individual Expansion of private 
settlement houses at Thaba Nchu individual houses; 
areas town 
Planned estate houses Expansion of planned 
at Selosesha. estate houses to 
Unit 1; 
Development of 
private 
individual houses 
212 
(TABLE 5.2 continues) 
Informal 
settlement 
areas Mud, and corrugated Clay brick and 
roofed houses block houses in 
juxtaposition with 
mud and corrugated 
roofed houses 
COMMERCIAL 
LANDSCAPE CBD in Thaba Nchu Town CBD expanded 
towards Selosesha 
area; O.K. shopping 
centre established 
INDUSTRIAL 
LANDSCAPE None Selosesha and Thaba 
Nchu industrial areas 
established. 
EDUCATIONAL 
LANDSCAPE Strydom Training College College rebuilt and 
Few schools and Bartimea renamed after Thaba 
Sch; relocated Gerrit Nchu, old buildings 
Maritz Prim; Sch for converted to a Middle 
white pupils School to maintain old 
name; Manpower Centre 
erected; number of 
schools increased 
School rebuilt 
School abandoned after 
incorporation, 
re-opened as non-
racial English-medium 
school, named changed 
to Tlotlanang 
TOURIST 
LANDSCAPE 
Hotel Thaba Nchu Hotel Naledi Sun Hotel (a 
four star hotel), 
*Thaba Nchu Sun Hotel 
(five star hotel) 
Game 
reserve No game reserve *Maria Moroka Game 
Reserve 
213 
(TABLE 5.2 Continues) 
HEALTH 
LANDSCAPE Moroka Hospital New Moroka Hospital 
Poloko Psychiatric erected; old hospital 
hospital turned to a Nursing 
Training College; 
medical staff quarters I 
erected; Selosesha I 
clinic built. / 
Home for 
the Mentally 
Retarded II 
I Home Barend van Rensburg None II II 
I 
Old Aged I 
I Home None Boiketlonog I 
CULTURAL II 
LANDSCAPE I 
Thaba Nchu Town Hall Mrnabana Cultural I 
Centre erected, 
town hall I 
renovated and changed 
into a theatre as 
11 
part of Mrnabana I 
I Cultural Centre Sports I I 
complexes Thaba Nchu Sports field Selosesha Sports 
stadium erected and 11 
and a number sports I 
I fields created in 
rural villages and I 
I the Bultfonteins I Church Dutch Reformed Church Varieties of new I 
I Anglican, Catholic, churches built and Methodist I I 
L_ I I 
(* out of study field) 
214 
CHAPTER 6 
SYNTHESIS 
As the final section of this study, it would be academically 
naive not to revisit the objectives, the need for the study, the 
motivation, and the proposed contribution which was initially set 
out at the beginning of this study. Within that perspective, the 
objectives of this section are firstly, to put the summary of the 
findings of this study into the context of the study's objectives 
in order to elucidate its contributions to Political Geography. 
Secondly, to provide a realistic projection and orientation for 
future Political Geographical studies which might focus on the 
study area and other similar ones in a post-apartheid South 
Africa. 
6.1 GENERAL CONCLUSION AND SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY 
Based on the reasons which motivated the need for this study and 
the findings outlined in chapter 5 it is the opinion of this 
study that the impact of Bophuthatswana' s independence as a 
political process on the geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-
Selosesha has been revealed. The changing geographical landscape 
of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha is a phenomenon which has to be reckoned 
with in this study in terms of land-use development and changes 
in the morphology as caused by the process of continuous poli-
tical change of pre-colonial, colonial, apartheid, and most 
significantly independence Bophuthatswana. For each phase there 
was a resultant imprint on the geographical landscape of the 
study area, which in some cases, is still evident. 
This study of the geography of the landscape of Thaba Nchu-
Selosesha, when compared to political process studies available 
in the literature review, can lay claim to the fact that it falls 
within the context of the academic sub-discipline. Apart from 
enriching one's knowledge about the impact of independence as a 
215 
political process, it can serve as a stock or an inventory of 
what is evident in the geographical landscape of the study area 
at the time when Thaba Nchu-Selosesha has entered a new political 
dispensation in the new South Africa. 
Within the context of this study, its contributions to Political 
Geography can be seen in the findings about the study area in 
which most of the changes were reflected in all ten landscape 
components which have been examined (Figure 1.8). If an assess-
ment is made of the changes in landscape in Thaba Nchu-Selosesha 
from 1976 to 1992, it appears that all ten landscape components 
were transformed as a result of Bophuthatswana's independence as 
a changing political process. The political landscape was trans-
formed from a South African homeland, together with an adjacent 
white town ( Thaba Nchu) landscape, into a unique landscape 
typical of Bophuthatswana nationalism. The administrative 
infrastructure was developed into a district administrative 
centre for the Thaba Nchu district. The amalgamation of the 
Selosesha Town Council and Thaba Nchu Municipal Council merged 
the two boundaries and a new urban boundary was drawn. 
The settlement landscape has been moulded during the pre-
independence era into two settlement patterns, viz. formal urban 
( Selosesha and Thaba Nchu) and informal settlements (African 
rural villages and the Bultfonteins) which included the squatter 
settlement at Kromdraai. Since independence the most significant 
transformation in the settlement landscape was the evacuation of 
the Kromdraai squatter settlement in 1979; the political, admin-
istrative, and spatial integration of Thaba Nchu and Selosesha; 
the expansion of Selosesha towards Unit 1 and the emergence of 
an elite suburb north of Thaba Nchu town; and the continuation 
of an informal housing sprawl in the informal settlements where 
some ad hoc upgrading of individual housing units have materia-
lised. 
The industrial landscape only emerged after independence when 
Thaba Nchu-Selosesha was proclaimed an Industrial Development 
216 
Point. Industrial development was not only the largest financial 
injection from the national government into Thaba Nchu-Selosesha 
since independence, but it also reflects the greatest landscape 
transformation in the study area. The commercial landscape did 
not only expand towards Selosesha and the surrounding informal 
settlements, but the original CBD of Thaba Nchu town is virtually 
unrecognisable as new buildings have been erected, old buildings 
converted, and infrastructural developments promoted in a spa-
tially integrated planning approach to unite Thaba Nchu Shopping 
Centre in Selosesha with Thaba Nchu's CBD. 
The educational landscape was expanded by means of a number of 
new educational facilities (of which the Thaba Nchu College of 
Education and the Manpower Training Centre are the most promi-
nent) as well as the upgrading and relocation of educational 
facilities. The health landscape was transformed into a larger 
and more sophisticated variety of heal th facilities. The cultural 
landscape is dominated by the Mmabana Cultural Centre in the CBD, 
while the tourist landscape was expanded by the construction of 
the Naledi Sun. 
It is thus clear that a wide variety of types and scales of 
landscape transformations have occurred in Thaba Nchu-Selosesha 
as a result of the political independence of Bophuthatswana in 
1977. Of these the settlement, industrial, commercial, and 
educational landscape transformations are the most prominent. 
Within the study area, new landscapes, e.g. political, adminis-
trative, industrial, commercial, educational, cultural, health 
and tourism have emerged. There are instances where the pre-
independence landscape has remained e.g. formal and informal 
settlements and formal and informal housing. 
The importance of this study and its contribution to Political 
Geography also lies in the geographical model (Figure 1.8), which 
has been designed for this study. This model differs from other 
conventional models in three aspects: 
217 
* it helps to elucidate the political process in different time 
periods and in a sequential order as a basis for assessing 
the respective impact on the landscape; it is an indication 
that changes in the geographical landscape are associated 
with time lag; 
* it outlines their characteristics and shows the inter-
relations of parts of the general structure of a 
particular political system; it therefore makes it 
possible, not only to compare, but also to differentiate 
the respective impact; 
* it moves away from the generalization approach of the study-
ing landscape changes towards a more specific approach in 
that it focuses on each aspect of the various land-uses as 
a component in a system framework in order to identify and 
indicate the impact of the political process and the 
gravity of the pattern of change. 
In terms of its application, this model can be applied to local 
levels universally in the study of a particular political process 
in a particular place as it unfolds its imprint on the landscape. 
6.2 BOPHUTHATSWANA'S INDEPENDENCE: EXPERIENCES FOR 
POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA 
At the time of writing, South Africa has moved into a new 
political dispensation as a non-racial democratic government of 
national unity. The significance of the new political dispen-
sation implies that there is much to be learnt from the 
experiences of the transformation of the geographical landscape 
of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha. 
Dismantling apartheid was not an easy task. Wherever apartheid 
walls started to crumble,the process was met with some resistance 
However, experience in Thaba Nchu has shown that desegregation 
and deregulation of residential and commercial areas need not 
encourage racial hostility. At the same time, the atmosphere of 
racial reconciliation and tolerance in the perspective of Bop-
218 
huthatswana's experience should also be seen in the context of 
mixed marriages and the co-existence of a cosmopolitan community. 
Secondly, the impact of a new political dispensation will also 
influence a wide range of landscape patterns. However, the major 
impact which will be contended with are the proposed political 
boundaries of the nine new provinces which will not coincide with 
the four old provinces and ten previous homelands. It is likely 
that the new boundaries will create new spatial and landscape 
patterns. The new political boundaries also imply that the old 
apartheid political administrative structures will be widely 
affected as new ones are put in place. As the new government 
carries this out, new administrative landscapes will be formed. 
National, provincial, and sub-regional capitals will emerge. Some 
capital towns will lose their functions while others will 
maintain their role. Place and symbolic names are likely to be 
replaced to erase perceived immoral connotations associated with 
apartheid. At the time of writing, there are proposals to change 
the names of Bloemfontein and Cape Town to Mangaung and Cape of 
Good Hope respectively. Again, as a new political process 
unfolds, new landscapes will emerge and significant changes will 
be wrought on the old landscape. 
6.3 A SCENARIO OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE OF 
THABA NCHU-SELOSESHA TOWARDS THE NEXT CENTURY 
The conclusion of this study must surely concern itself with the 
South African post-apartheid political process and its impact on 
Thaba Nchu-Selosesha towards the next century. That is an extra-
polation of the pattern which might change or emerge with a new 
non-racial, democratic South Africa. In this section the scenario 
of the expected spatial patterns on the study area are proposed. 
During the political unrest in Bophuthatswana, the government was 
toppled and replaced on 11 March 1994 with ex-officio and de-
facto Joint Administrators by the South African Government and 
the Transitional Executive Council. Prior to this new political 
219 
development Bophuthatswana was the only independent homeland 
which was holding on to its apartheid-conferred independence. 
Recent trends have facilitated the integration of Bophuthatswana 
into the new South Africa. The process of re-incorporation 
proceeded as follows: firstly, on 26 April 1994, Bophuthatswana 
and of course Thaba Nchu-Selosesha, rid itself of the symbols 
which distinguished it as an independent nation by lowering the 
national flag, removing the coat of arms, and abolishing the 
national anthem. These symbols were replaced with the new interim 
South African flag and national anthems. The name of Bophuthat-
swana Air 1 ines ( Bop Air) was changed to Sun Air. Secondly, 
Bophuthatswana participated in the South African national and 
provincial non-racial election on 27 April 1994. Even though the 
party of the deposed ruling government - the Christian Democratic 
Party - did not participate in the election, the election result 
in Thaba Nchu district illustrates the willingness of the 
majority of potential voters to be part of the new South Africa. 
The local election results indicates that the majority of 
eligible voters in the Thaba Nchu district were members or 
supporters of the African National Party (ANC), which won the 
election in the Thaba Nchu district ( Table 6.1). 
It can be expected that major changes will have to take place in 
the interim to fully integrate Bophuthatswana. The first major 
change to become evident is the new political map of South Africa 
(Figure 6.1) is integration of Bophuthatswana's seven blocks of 
territory into the nine provinces of the new South Africa. In the 
nine provinces, Bophuthatswana's seven blocks of land which con-
tained the twelve districts have been split into three provinces 
as follows (Figure 6.1): 
* the blocks which constituted the districts of Kudumane, 
Ganyesa, Molopo, Ditsobotla, Mankwe, Bafokeng, Odi, 
Moretele No 1 and 2, Madikwe, Lehurustshe, and Taung 
have been integrated into the NORTH WEST PROVINCE; 
* the isolated block of Thaba Nchu in the heart of 
the Orange Free State automatically forms part of the 
220 
TABLE 6.1 THE RESULT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN ELECTION IN 
THABA NCHU DISTRICT, 1994 
POLITICAL PARTIES NATIONAL PROVINCIAL 
PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS ( PAC ) 639 845 
FREEDOM FRONT ( FF) 66 129 
AFRICAN CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY 
(ACDP) 89 152 
AFRICAN DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT (ADM) 16 71 
AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS ( ANC ) 30 642 30 078 
DEMOCRATIC PARTY ( DP ) 203 315 I 
NATIONAL PARTY ( NP ) 3 538 3 753 
INKHAITA FREEDOM PARTY ( IFP ) 9 104 
OTHERS 39 37 
TOTAL 35 241 35 484 
Source: Die Volksblad, 3 May 1994. 
ORANGE FREE STATE PROVINCE; and 
* the district of Moretele No 2 has been integrated into the 
EASTERN TRANSVAAL PROVINCE. 
The integration of the districts as illustrated, leaves room for 
two scenarios with regard to the future position of the ex-home-
land capitals, districts, and the role of the district adminis-
trative centres in the new provinces. The scenarios are: would 
the capitals and the district centres continue to maintain their 
functions and roles or will the functions and roles be increas-
ingly lost. The question is, which one will prevail? 
In terms of the proposed regional capitals, Mmabatho has been 
selected as the capital of the North/West Province. The future 
role of Thaba Nchu and the district centre hangs in the balance. 
At a South African National Civic Association (SANCO) meeting 
held at Selosesha on 8 May 1994, the following options for Thaba 
Nchu-Selosesha were proposed: II The establishment of local 
government ... Do you want to fall under Bloemfontein, Botshabelo 
or do you want to be a STAND ALONE TOWN ... ? STAND ALONE TOWN 
221 
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means that you will decide as a community and other relevant 
parties as to the radius of Thaba Nchu and you will receive your 
own budget for development of Thaba Nchu ... ". 
From the above agenda, firstly, there is the possibility that 
a political uncertainty exist with regard to the position of 
Thaba Nchu as a district centre in the new Free State. Secondly, 
in terms of its proximity to Bloemfontein (65 kilometres) and 
Botshabelo (10 kilometres), Thaba Nchu might eventually become 
part of a greater Bloemfontein local authority structure. The 
internal strengths of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha can be summarised as 
follows: 
* diversified economic base; 
* strong retail sector; 
* historic origins and culture; 
* well-developed service sector; 
* established infrastructure and facilities; 
* high percentage skilled resident population. 
Therefore, given the internal strengths as listed above which 
exist in Thaba Nchu-Selosesha, it will be reasonable to assume 
that the new regional government would give serious attention 
to the future role the town could play. It is expected that the 
only means of preserving these facilities will be to maintain the 
identity of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha as a cultural centre within a 
larger region. 
Other than for the above, some of the administrative offices will 
lose their function and others will change to local authority 
offices or will have to be used for a different purpose. However, 
those which remain will continue to play a vital role in serving 
the surrounding community. 
Since Bophuthatswana's independence in 1977, the industrial deve-
lopment points have expanded due to the industrial incentives and 
concessions. With no support from the new government, in terms 
of industrial incentives and concessions there will be little 
223 
productive base for the survival of industries in Thaba Nchu-
Selosesha. In addition, if re-integration was to rob Thaba Nchu-
Selosesha of its fun ct ions, then most of the industries w i 11 
probably relocate elsewhere or decline. As a result a large 
number of unskilled labour will be laid off. 
Thaba Nchu-Selosesha will most probably be integrated into a 
wider economic region of the Bloemfontein-Botshabelo-Thaba Nchu 
(BBT region). However, Thaba Nchu-Selosesha with a population of 
62 000 compared to Botshabelo with a population of 220 000, and 
Bloemfontein with 350 000 inhabitants could not be left to 
constitute a "stand alone town" within the region. As a result 
of the changing political and economic climate in the new South 
Africa, it is expected that there will be a decline in the volume 
of commuters and migrant labourers. Those involved may choose to 
reside closer to or in the areas where their work is located. In 
the event of this happening, it is expected that the Interstate 
Transport Service which is a characteristic feature of apartheid 
long distance travel will decline and eventually change into a 
domestic transport service. 
If the experience of change in political processes are repeated, 
landscape and symbolic changes like the renaming of places, 
including streets, will occur in the future. From the independent 
experiences of the changing geographical landscape in Thaba Nchu-
Selosesha, it is apparent that the lessons will be applicable to 
the South African post-apartheid situation as regards the chang-
ing landscape due to new political processes. 
6.4 EXPERIENCES AND SUGGESTIONS 
There are few experiences which this study has gained which 
should be shared. Firstly, because of the turmoil associated with 
the homelands' independence, a study of the political process as 
a geographical theme in a black area by an expa tr ia te is a 
delicate issue and is viewed as a cover-up for something else. 
However, it became less difficult because the writer does live 
2,24 
in the community in which the study was undertaken. This 
experience may deter other Political Geographers from undertaking 
research work in black areas, but it also offers useful exper-
iences which require attention. 
Secondly, it highlights a lack of knowledge, not only among the 
illiterates, but also among students, academics, and adminis-
trators about Political Geography as a discipline and its role 
in the community. Therefore, there is a possibility that a few 
black students may pursue Political Geography as an area of 
study. In that sense, in the light of this study's experience, 
the vital politico-geographical facts hidden in these areas would 
not have been uncovered. This calls for a new orientation 
regarding the organization and course content of the Geography 
syllabus in schools to incorporate all branches of Geography. 
The experiences of this study confirms the reasons given for 
white South African Geographers not devoting much attention to 
the study of Political Geography in black areas in South Africa. 
At the same time, a lack of black South African Political Geogra-
phers is obvious. 
This study is of the opinion that research work in these areas 
should be published in the community to educate the community 
about the significance of such studies. This may not only 
challenge the authenticity of the findings but will also provide 
significant information to the community which will make their 
interaction with the environment more realistic. 
Lastly, a process model (Figure 6.2) has been proposed which may 
be used to explain the changing geographical landscape of Thaba 
Nchu-Selosesha (past, present, and future perspectives). During 
each of the five political phases, certain spatial strategies 
are designed to activate influencing political processes. 
225 
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ABSTRACT 
TITLE OF THESIS: 
The impact of Bophuthatswana's 
independence on the geographical landscape 
of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha. 
STUDENT: ISAAC WILSON KWAW 
SUPERVISOR: DR DAVID SCHABORT KRIGE 
DEPARTMENT: GEOGRAPHY, UNIVERSITY OF THE ORANGE FREE STATE 
DEGREE: MASTER OF ARTS IN GEOGRAPHY 
This study focuses on the impact of Bophuthatswana's independence 
as a political process on the geographical landscape of Thaba 
Nchu-Selosesha from a political geographical perspective in the 
period from 1976 to 1992. 
In spite of a lack of international acceptance of Bophu that-
swana' s independence, independence as a political process is a 
fact that cannot be disputed. From the time of the country's 
inception, a number of strategies and policies were instituted 
to meet the aspirations of the people. These strategies and 
polices include the following: 
* the process of nation-building and fostering unity among the 
fragmented blocks of land which constituted Bophuthatswana; 
* to promote industrial development at a given centre supported 
by industrial incentives to attract local and foreign 
investors which aim to develop the economic potential of 
those centres; 
* to establish district administrative centres; 
* to stimulate housing development; 
* to promote educational development; 
* to improve health development; and 
* to promote the development of recreational, culture and 
tourism facilities. 
This research attempts to unveil the spatial manifestation of the 
237 
implementation of the strategies and policies on the geographical 
landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha from 1976 to 1992. The overall 
objectives of the research include the following: 
* to review the literature on the impact of political process 
on land-use patterns, and to identify process models which 
have been used for political geographical analysis; 
* to examine the pre-independent political processes and to 
give a description of the pre-independent geographical 
landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha as in 1976; 
* to analyse independence as a political and socio-
economic process associated with the transformation 
of the pre-independence geographical 
landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha from 1977 to 1992; 
* to serve as a stock-taking of the landscape patterns 
created by independence as Bophuthatswana enters 
a new political dispensation resulting from the country's 
re-incorporation into a democratic South Africa; 
* to provide scenarios of possible changes in the 
geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha in a changing 
South Africa; and 
* to contribute to the knowledge and understanding of the 
impact of independence as a political process on landscape 
patterns. 
In trying to achieve the above objectives, the research placed 
the study area in the context of the pre-independent geographical 
landscape and its salient morphological features were identified 
as a basis for assessing the impact of independence as a poli-
ical process. 
The aerial photographs of the study area for 1976 and 1992 were 
extrapolated on a scale of 1:50 000 and the former was super-
imposed on the latter to identify expansion and new land-use 
patterns which have emerged in the study area. In addition, hori-
ontal photographs were taken of the visible evidence of changes 
which cannot be discerned on the 1992 map. The landscape com-
onents studied included the following: political, administrative, 
238 
settlement, housing, commercial, industrial, educational, 
cultural, recreational and tourism, and health. 
The ultimate findings about the spatial manifestation of the 
impact of independence as a political process after fifteen years 
indicated that the physical structures, forms and functioning of 
Thaba Nchu-Selosesha had undergone a tremendous transformation. 
If an assessment is made of the changes in the landscape of Thaba 
Nchu-Selosesha from 1976 to 1992 it appears that all ten land-
scape components being analysed had been transformed as a result 
of Bophuthatswana's political independence as a changing poli-
ical process. The political landscape was transformed from a 
South African homeland, together with the adjacent white town 
(Thaba Nchu) landscape into a unique landscape, typical of Bophu-
hatswana national ism. The administrative infrastructure was 
transformed into a district administrative centre for the Thaba 
Nchu district as a whole. The amalgamation of the Selosesha Town 
Council with the Thaba Nchu Municipal Council merged the two 
boundaries and a new urban boundary was drawn. 
The settlement landscape had been moulded during the pre-indepen-
dent era into two distinct settlement patterns, viz. formal urban 
(Selosesha and Thaba Nchu) and informal settlements (African ru-
ral villages and the Bultfonteins), including the squatter 
settlement of Kromdraai. Since independence the most major 
transformation of the settlement landscape was: the evacuation 
of Kromdraai squatter settlement in 1979; the political, adminis-
trative, and spatial amalgamation of the Thaba Nchu and Selosesha 
towns; the expansion of Selosesha towards Unit 1, the emergence 
of an elite suburb north of Thaba Nchu town; and the continuation 
of an informal housing sprawl in the informal settlements where 
some ad hoc upgrading of individual housing units materialised. 
The industrial landscape only emerged after independence when 
Thaba Nchu-Selosesha was proclaimed as an Industrial Development 
Point within Bophuthatswana's space economy. Industrial develop-
ment was not only the largest financial injection which Thaba 
239 
Nchu received from the national government since independence but 
is also caused the greatest scale of landscape transformation in 
the study area. The commercial landscape did not only expand 
towards Selosesha and the surrounding informal settlements, but 
the original CBD of Thaba Nchu town is virtually unrecognisable 
as new buildings were erected to replace the old ones. Infra-
structual development, in a spatially integrated planning 
approach to unite the Thaba Nchu Shopping Centre at Selosesha 
with Thaba Nchu's CBD, was undertaken. 
The educational landscape was expanded as a result of the 
construction of a number of new educational facilities (of which 
the Thaba Nchu College of Education and the Manpower Training 
Centre are the most prominent), as well as the upgrading and 
relocation of educational facilities. The health landscape was 
transformed by the establishment of a larger and more sophisti-
cated variety of health facilities. The cultural landscape came 
to be dominated by the Mmabana Cultural Centre in the CBD, while 
the tourist landscape emerged with the building of the Naledi 
Sun. 
It is thus clear that a large variety of types and scales of 
landscape transformations occurred in Thaba Nchu-Selosesha as a 
result of the political independence of Bophuthatswana in 1977 
of which the settlement, industrial, commercial, and educational 
landscape transformations are the most prominent. At the same 
time, new landscapes, e.g. political, administrative, industrial, 
commercial, educational, cultural, and tour ism emerged. There are 
instances where the pre-independent physical patterns remained 
e.g. formal and informal settlements and formal and informal 
housing. 
In conclusion, a process model has been proposed by which the 
changing geographical landscape of Thaba Nchu-Selosesha can be 
explained. 
240