TEACHERS’ LIVED EXPERIENCES OF SCHOOL VIOLENCE: A PHENOMENOLOGICAL CASE STUDY by SIMPHIWE WINDVOËL 2012023632 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF EDUCATION in COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGY IN EDUCATION FACULTY OF EDUCATION UNIVERSITY OF THE FREE STATE BLOEMFONTEIN SUPERVISOR: Dr CC OKEKE MAY 2023 i DECLARATION I, Simphiwe Windvoël, hereby declare that the dissertation titled: Teachers’ Lived Experiences of School Violence: A Phenomenological Case Study is my original work, both in conception and execution. In addition, sources cited are acknowledged in the text, as well as in the list of references. ------------------------------------ Signature May 2023 ------------------------------------- Date ii DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to my grandfather, Ndoyisile Jan Windvoël. Mkhuma, Mbathana, Matshaya, Xesibe, Khandanyawana. Mfaziebelenye, rwaaammm! iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to extend my acknowledgement and deepest gratitude to the following individuals who have assisted with the completion of the research study. Without their assistance, inspiration, and contribution, this study would not have been possible. I will forever be grateful for that. • My supervisor, Dr Charity Okeke, thank you for your professional guidance, motivation, and infinite patience. I know it was not easy, but you never gave up on me. I am so grateful that God selected you as my supervisor. • I would like to express my appreciation for the principal for granting permission to conduct the study at the school and the teachers who volunteered to take part in the study. • To Mr J.P. Holtzhauzen, thank you so much for your unwavering care and support, for constantly making exceptions for me and empowering me beyond measure. • My appreciation also goes to the Free State Department of Education for funding this study. • To my parents, my mother Selina Nobumvu Windvoël, thank you for your unconditional love, support and prayers. My late father, Amos Kobuoe, your legacy and teachings remain my source of motivation. • To my family and friends, I am most grateful for your prayers and words of encouragement throughout this journey. You are the wind beneath my wings. • Lastly, I want to thank my Pappa God for the strength, courage and grace to complete this study. Indeed, I can do all through the Almighty God that strengthens me. Praise and Honour to You, Lord! iv ABSTRACT School violence is becoming a global scourge and teachers seem to be helpless in tackling the challenging violent behaviour of learners in classrooms. Teachers are expected to apply alternatives to corporal punishment, even as violence increases, making these attempts at discipline futile. This study explored teachers’ lived experiences of school violence at one high school in the Xhariep District of the Free State province. The aim of the study was to make positive contributions to the creation of safe and healthy school environments for teachers by formulating new coping and intervention strategies that can help curb school violence, thus aiding teachers and managers with tools to manage school violence. The study adopted a qualitative research approach with a phenomenological case study research design to describe how school violence related to the lived experiences of teachers. A purposive sample of eight teachers from one high school participated in the study. Data were collected through semi-structured and face-to-face audio- recorded interviews. The data were transcribed and analysed using thematic analysis as outlined by Braune and Clarke (2012) to identify themes and sub-themes. Findings from the study show that school violence remains a concern in South African schools. Teachers experience school violence in various forms, and it is detrimental to their physical, mental and emotional wellbeing. It has significant implications for teachers’ professional motivation, satisfaction, job retention and efficacy. Teachers resorted to different strategies to deal with violence, such as reporting and campaigning against school violence; peer communication; self-check and avoidance; temporary removal of learners from school; motivation and coping training skills; and recreational activities, taking time-off, and medication. However, none of these coping strategies were adequate by itself, so teachers recommended multiple intervention strategies to assist teachers, including debriefing sessions and mentoring; parental involvement; counselling and psychological support; support from school stakeholders; conflict management training and workshops; and amendment of policies and laws. Keywords: Coping strategies, intervention strategies, phenomenological case study, school violence, teachers. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Declaration……………………………………………………………………………………i Dedication……………………………………………………………………………………ii Acknowledgement…………………………………………………………………………iii Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………...iv Table of Contents…………………………………………………………………………...v References…………………………………………………………………………………..xi Appendices………………………………………………………………………………….xi List of Tables…………………………………………………………………………….....xi List of Acronyms………………………………………………………………………......xi CHAPTER 1……………………………………………………………………………….….1 INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………….............1 1.1 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY……………………….….1 1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM…………………………………………………….4 1.3 RATIONALE OF THE STUDY………………………………………………………….5 1.4 AIM OF THE STUDY………………………………………………………………...….6 1.5 MAIN RESEARCH QUESTION………………………………………………...………7 1.5.1 Sub-research Questions………………………………………………………..…..7 1.6 DELIMITATION OF THE STUDY…………………………………………………...….7 1.7 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY………………………………………………………7 1.8 DEFINITION OF KEY WORDS…………………………………………………………8 1.9 PRELIMINARY LITERATURE REVIEW……………………………………….……...9 1.9.1 Introduction……………………………………………………………….…………..9 1.9.2 Theoretical Framework – Routine Activity Theory ………………………..…..10 1.9.3 Review of Related Literature…………………………………………………….11 1.9.3.1 Concept of school violence……………………………………………………..11 1.9.3.2 Types of school violence………………………………………………………..13 1.9.3.3 Causes of school violence against teachers………………………………...14 1.9.3.4 Teachers experiences of school violence…………………………………….15 1.9.3.5 Strategies to handle school violence against teachers…………………….17 1.9.4 Summary of preliminary literature review……………………………………..18 1.10 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY…………………………………………..............19 vi 1.10.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………19 1.10.2 Research Paradigm…………………………………………………….................19 1.10.3 Research Approach………………………………………………………………..20 1.10.4 Research Design…………………………………………………………………...21 1.10.5 Study Site and Participants………………………………………………………22 1.10.6 Sample and Sample Size………………………………………………………….22 1.10.7 Instruments for Data Collection………………………………………………….23 1.10.8 Data Collection Procedures……………………………………………………...24 1.10.9 Data Analysis………………..…………………………………………………….24 1..10.10 Data Trustworthiness……………………………………………………………26 1.11 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS………………………..……………………………..27 1.12 ORGANIZATION OF CHAPTERS……………………..……………………………28 1.13 CHAPTER SUMMARY………………………………………………………………..29 CHAPTER 2………………………………………………………………………..............30 LITERATURE REVIEW……………………………………………………………………30 2.1 INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………….30 2.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK……………………………………………..............30 2.2.1. Motivated Offender…………………………………………………………………30 2.2.2. Suitable Targets…………………………………………………………………….31 2.2.3. Capable Guardians………………………………………………………………...31 2.2.4 Importance of RAT Theory to the Study…………………………………………33 2.3 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE………………………………………………34 2.3.1 The Concept of School Violence………………………………………………….34 2.3.2. The History and Prevalence of School Violence………………………………36 2.3.3 Types of School Violence………………………………………………………...37 2.3.3.1 Physical violence…………………………………………………………………37 2.3.3.2 Psychological violence………………………………………………………….39 2.3.3.3 Sexual violence……………………………………………………………………40 2.3.3.4 Bullying and cyber-bullying…………………………………………………….42 2.4 CAUSES OF SCHOOL VIOLENCE………………………………………………...43 2.4.1 Exposure to Violence……………………………………………………………..44 2.4.2 Access to weapons, drugs and alcohol……………………………................45 vii 2.4.3 Socio-Economic Background…………………………………………………...47 2.4.4 Influence of Peer Groups and Gangs…………………………………………..47 2.4.5 Gender Inequalities……………………………………………………………….49 2.4.6 Psychological and Emotional Stress…………………………………………..50 2.4.7 Teachers and Parental Influences………………………………………………51 2.4.8 Poor School Discipline and Management Policies…………………………..53 2.4.9 Social Media Influences…………………………………………………………..53 2.5 TEACHERS EXPERIENCES OF SCHOOL VIOLENCE…………………………...54 2.6 COPING STRATEGIES FOR SCHOOL VIOLENCE……………………………….57 2.7 INTERVENTION STRATEGIES FOR SCHOOL VIOLENCE………………………59 2.7.1 Developing Teacher-Parent Relationships……………………………………..59 2.7.2 Teacher and Learner Relationships Through Caring and Recreational Activities…………………………………………………………………………………….60 2.7.3 Developing School Policies and Safe Environment…………………………..60 2.7.4 Prevention Programmes, Training, and Counselling…………………………61 2.8 IMPLICATIONS OF THE STUDY……………………………………………………..62 2.9 CHAPTER SUMMARY………………………………………………………………...62 CHAPTER 3………………………………………………………………………...............64 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY……………………………………………………………64 3.1 INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………..64 3.2 RESEARCH PARADIGM………………………………………………………….......64 3.3 RESEARCH APPROACH……………………………………………………………..65 3.4 RESEARCH DESIGN…………………………………………………………………..66 3.5 STUDY SITE AND PARTICIPANTS………………………………………………….67 3.5.1. Study Site…………………………………………………………………...............67 3.5.2. Participants………………………………………………………………...............68 3.6 SAMPLING AND SAMPLE SIZE……………………………………………………..68 3.7 INSTRUMENTS FOR DATA COLLECTION…………………………………………69 3.8 DATA COLLECTION PROCEDURES……………………………………………….71 3.9 DATA ANALYSIS……………………………………………………………………...71 3.10 DATA TRUSTWORTHINESS………………………………………………………..74 3.10.1. Credibility…………………………………………………………………………..74 viii 3.10.2. Transferability……………………………………………………………………..75 3.10.3. Dependability……………………………………………………………………...75 3.10.4. Confirmability……………………………………………………………………..75 3.11 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS………………………………………………………76 3.12 CHAPTER SUMMARY……………………………………………………………….77 CHAPTER 4………………………………………………………………….....................78 DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF THE FINDINGS……………………..78 4.1 INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………….78 4.2 RESEARCH JOURNEY……………………………………………………………….78 4.2.1 Ethical approval……………………………………………………………………78 4.2.2 Inviting and meeting participants for consent and data collection……………………………………………………………………………………79 4.2.3 Transcription……………………………………………………………………….80 4.2.4 Participants background information………………………………...............80 4.3 DATA ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS…………………………………………………..81 4.3.1 Theme 1: Teachers’ perception of school violence…....................................83 Sub-theme 1: School violence originates from the community……………….......83 Sub-theme 2: Learners’ developmental gaps…………………………………………84 Sub-theme 3: School violence remains a continuous problem……………………85 Sub-theme 4: Policies and laws failed teachers………………………………...……86 Sub-theme 5: Job dissatisfaction and resignation……………………….………….88 4.3.2 Theme 2: Teachers experiences of school violence…………………………..89 Sub-theme 1: Bullying……………………………………………………………………90 Sub-theme 2: Physical violence…………………………………………………………91 Sub-theme 3: Emotional abuse………………………………………………………….93 Sub-theme 4: Verbal abuse………………………………………………………………95 Sub-theme 5: Sexual violence………………………………………………….………..96 ix Sub-theme 6: Vandalism…………………………………………….……………………97 4.3.3 Theme 3: How school violence affects teachers’ professional lives……….98 Sub-theme 1: Post-traumatic stress and anxiety…………………………………....98 Sub-theme 2: Professional performance………………………………………..........99 Sub-theme 3: Professional disengagement and demotivation…………………..100 4.3.4 Theme 4: Teachers coping strategies to deal with school violence………103 Sub-theme 1: Report and campaign against school violence…………………….103 Sub-theme 2: Interpersonal communication………………………………………..104 Sub-theme 3: Self-check and avoidance………………………………………….....105 Sub-theme 4: Temporary removal of learners from school……………………….106 Sub-theme 5: Motivation and coping training skills…………………...…………...107 Sub-theme 6: Recreational activities, time-off and medication…………………..109 4.3.5 Theme 5: Intervention strategies to assist victim teachers………….……110 Sub-theme 1: Debriefing and mentoring……………………………………………..110 Sub-theme 2: Parental involvement…………………………………………………..111 Sub-theme 3: Counselling and Psychological supports…………………………..113 Sub-theme 4: Support from school stakeholders…………………………..………114 Sub-theme 5: Conflict management training and workshops…………………….117 Sub-theme 6: School procedures and policies amendments…………………….117 4.4 CHAPTER SUMMARY………………………………………………………............119 CHAPTER 5………………………………………………………………………….........120 DISCUSSION OF FINDING AND CONCLUSION…………………………………….120 5.1 INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………...120 5.2 DISCUSSION OF THE FINDINGS…………………………………………………..120 x 5.2.1 Theme 1: Teachers’ perception of school violence………………………….120 5.2.2 Theme 2: Teachers experiences of school violence…………………………124 5.2.3 Theme 3: How school violence affects teachers’ professional lives……...127 5.2.4 Theme 4: Teachers coping strategies to deal with school violence………129 5.2.5 Theme 5: Intervention strategies to assist victim teachers………………...132 5.3 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS…………………………………………………………..135 5.4 IMPLICATIONS OF THE STUDY…………………………………………………..138 5.4.1 Implication for policy – DBE……………………………………………………..138 5.4.2 Implication for school…………………………………………………………….138 5.4.3 Implication to teachers……………………………………………………………139 5.4.4 Implication for learners…………………………………………………………...139 5.5 RECOMMENDATION FOR FURTHER STUDIES………………………………...140 5.6 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY……………………………………………………..140 5.7 CONCLUSION OF THE STUDY…………………………………………………….141 REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………….142 APPENDICES Appendix A: UFS Ethical Clearance Letter……………………………………………...166 Appendix B: FSDE Permission Letter……………………………………………….......167 Appendix C: School Permission Letter…………………………………………………..168 Appendix D: Sample of Participant Consent Form………………………………………169 Appendix E: Interview Guide………………………………………………………………170 Appendix F: Certificate of Language Editing……………………………………………172 Appendix G: Turnitin Report………………………………………………………………173 LIST OF TABLES Table 4.1: Participants background information………………………………………….80 Table 4.2: Themes and Sub-themes………………………………………………………81 LIST OF ACRONYMS AEU Australian Education APA American Psychological Association ATL Association of Teachers and Lecturers CDC Center for Disease Control and Prevention xi CJCP Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention DBE Department of Basic Education FSDE Free State Department of Education GP Gauteng province KZN KwaZulu Natal LPS Limpopo Province Statistics PTSD Post-traumatic stress disorder RAT Routine activity theory RCL Representative Council of Learners SACE South Africa Council for Educators SADTU South African Democratic Teachers' Union SAPA South African Principals Association SAPS South African Police Service SASA South African Schools Act SGB School governing body SMT School management teams TA Thematic analysis UK United Kingdom UNESCO United Nations Educational, Social and Cultural Organization USA United States of America WHO World Health Organization YSA Youth Studies Australia 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY The prevalence of school-based violence in South Africa is increasing drastically, and research has shown the effects on learners, without acknowledging that teachers are hugely affected also (Sibisi, 2016:13). According to Govender (2015:2), school violence is a global phenomenon and teachers seem to be helpless in tackling the challenging violent behaviour of the learners in the classrooms. Teachers’ safety is often not guaranteed at schools anymore. Bester and Du Plessis (2010:204) indicate that teachers have been complaining since 1999 that the Department of Basic Education (DBE) is showing no interest in supporting their efforts to expel violent learners. Osborne (2004:67) postulates that education stakeholders in positions where they can make changes, lack skills to deal with issues of school violence. Therefore, teachers are expected to use the same disciplinary measures of detention and learner privilege withdrawal while the violence is increasing, making these measures futile. In the United Kingdoms (UK), 29% of teachers claim to have been attacked physically by a learner (Association of Teachers and Lecturers (ATL), 2008:2). More than 50% of teachers in the UK have been victims of violence, causing severe physical and mental harm (Nieuwenhuizen, 2018:1). In the United States of America (USA), studies indicate an 80% increase in threats and physical violence against teachers (Govender, 2015:4; American Psychological Association (APA), 2013:1). Additionally, Benefield (2004:1) established in a study of teachers in New Zealand, that 28% of teachers had experienced lower forms of bullying as a daily or weekly occurrence and 27% had been physically assaulted more than once by learners. In Australian schools, school violence resulted in 42 teachers needing medical attention after been assaulted and attacked by learners (Australian Education Union (AEU), 2003:2, Youth Studies Australia (YSA), 2005:10). In a study (Mehmet, 2012:1) conducted in Turkey, emotional abuse was experienced by 24.1% of teachers, verbal abuse was experienced by 14.7%, and physical abuse was experienced by 6.3% of the participants. Teachers in Scotland 2 have reported 6 899 instances of violent behaviour on the part of students, both inside and outside of schools (Govender, 2015:21). In South Africa, physical violence is on the rise too according to principals and teachers at primary and secondary schools across the country (Govender, 2015:3). According to Burton and Leoschut (2013), 41% of teachers had experienced verbal abuse from a learner, while 7.9% had experienced physical abuse. In addition, Maseko (2013:109) indicates that in 2011, the secretary of the South African Democratic Teachers' Union (SADTU) reported that 67 000 teachers had resigned from work as a result of issues with school management and learner violence. The most recent statistics on school violence in South Africa are higher than those in the United States, according to Mhlongo (2017:5). The South African Principals Association (SAPA) (2020:7) states that 358 teachers were exposed to physical abuse according to statistics for the Limpopo province while in the Gauteng province (GP), schools expelled 151 learners, of which 31 were accused of assaulting teachers and other school staff. Additionally, the Free State Department of Education (FSDE) raised concerns about the assault of teachers by learners in the province following numerous reports and incidents at schools (Nieuwenhuizen, 2018:1). Prinsloo and Neser (2007:47) define school violence as any intentional physical or non- physical condition or act that causes the recipient of that act to suffer physical or non- physical pain while the recipient is under the supervision of the school. School violence, according to a study by Girmen, Kaya, and Kilic (2018:703), is a "multifaceted construct that involves both criminal acts and aggression in schools, which impede development and learning and also harm the school climate." According to another study by Grobler (2018:15), school violence is defined as any verbal or physical act that injures the intended victim while they are supervised by the school. Any physical, emotional, or verbal act that interferes with the ability to teach and learn in a conducive environment is considered school violence, according to the definitions above. Miller and Kraus (2008:15) distinguishes different forms of school violence, including physical violence in the form of pushing, shoving, attacking, punching, or damaging property, including corporal punishment; psychological violence such as verbal abuse like name-calling, racial slurs, swearing, and gossiping in order to cause emotional and mental harm to a person; sexual violence, such as rape and harassment; and bullying, 3 which can be in the form of physical or verbal abuse to gain dominance over someone, including cyberbullying, which causes harm to a person by means of social media. School violence are linked to the availability and misuse of alcohol and drugs, access to guns and different weapons, poverty and joblessness, elevated degrees of neighbourhood crime, gangsterism, and inadequate lodging or housing (Govender, 2015:28). Research by Grobler (2018:27) indicates that significant reasons for school violence include gender and socially accepted practices and deeper underlying factors, such as income imbalance, hardship, marginalization, conflict and the powerlessness of schools to authorize approaches that deal with discipline and violence. Netshitangani (2014:1398-1400) includes poor parental care, exposure to mass or social media and peer influence as common causes of school violence. School violence negatively affects teachers’ well-being as it results in burnout and professional disengagement (Türküm, 2011:644). Reckson and Becker (2005:107) argue that teachers experience stress as a result of having to deal with learners’ emotional and educational needs, and this is worsened by the trauma they experience when they witness or are affected by school violence. Many teachers suffer from physical distress, occupational distress such as burnout or psychological distress such as anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder caused by school violence (Grobler, 2018:29). In addressing the high rate of school violence, Sibisi (2016:49) states that learning behaviour can be improved by cultivating positive relationships between learners, teachers, and parents. If guardians are considered responsible for the behaviour of their children and in that manner can cultivate an ethically decent living climate for their children. Additionally, SAPA (2020:18) postulates that having developmental programmes for teachers, behavioural and social programmes for learners and employing security guards at school can help mitigate school violence. However, the challenge with the strategies of prevention is that not all schools are similar in terms of demography, geographical area, district resources, teacher-learner ratio and general culture, which suggests that different strategies must be applied at different schools. Miller and Kraus (2008:21) state that the most effective models for programmes that aim to prevent violence use social skills training that includes structured and interactive classroom activities such as role play. This study argues that once teachers feel 4 protected in their own classrooms and are equipped with useful policies, disciplinary procedures and support; violence can be eradicated in our schools and communities. The aim of this study is to investigate teachers’ lived experiences of school violence for a holistic analysis of the cultural and contextual factors that may elucidate the types of school violence teachers’ experience. The study also determined the coping strategies and intervention strategies used to address school violence in the school systems. The routine activity theory, which emphasizes that when there is a motivated offender, a suitable victim, and no competent guardian, crime occurs (Miro, 2014:1), informed the study. 1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM School violence is a challenging issue in South Africa (Ozdemir, 2012:51; Galand Lecocq & Philippot, 2007:465). It affects teachers emotionally, psychologically and physically, which in turn negatively influences teaching and learning processes (Klassen & Chiu, 2011:125; Wilson, Douglas, & Lyon, 2011: 235; Espelage, Anderman, Brown, Jones, Lane, McMahon, Reddy & Reynolds, 2013:77). Research indicates that teachers are the victims of school violence three times more than learners (Kondrasuk, 2005:639). According to Trackman (2008:29), the culture of violence in South Africa can be linked to our apartheid history, which taught students that violence is the only way to solve problems, subsequently making it a problem in the school system. De Wet (2010:191) adds that teachers may feel powerless because corporal punishment as a tool to discipline learners has been taken away, giving learners power over them. Khumalo (2019:8) states that violence in schools is negative, and children cannot learn in an environment where fear, intimidation, low self-esteem, and bullying are rife. Social injustice is perpetuated by these practices, and they are unsustainable for high-quality education. De Wet (2007:2) posits that schools with high rates of crime and violence are less effective at teaching learners, so they promote unfair and unjust practices. The challenge is that teachers’ experiences of learners’ physical violence have caused teachers to avoid learners, to become disengaged from the teaching and learning activities, to experience burnout, and to resign from the teaching profession (Klassen 5 & Chiu, 2011:125-129; Wilson et al., 2011:2360; Espelage et al., 2013:82-83; APA, 2013:1). Opic, Lokmic and Bilic (2013:6-10) posit that learners’ physical violence towards teachers lead to teachers’ dissatisfaction with their profession and inability to create a healthy teaching environment that will ensure the development and success of learners. Augustyn, Frank, Posner and Zuckerman (2002:800-802) support the above by stating that teachers' performance, attitudes, and thoughts of attrition may be affected by their sensitivity to violence in schools. Augustyn et al. (2002:803) further postulate that witnessing violence is strongly linked to depression, rage, anxiety, disengagement, dissociation, and post-traumatic stress disorder. According to Joyce (2013:251), principals have indicated that violence targeted at teachers disrupts classrooms and teachers have difficulty controlling their classrooms, which makes the teaching environment unconducive for learning. Consequently, the educational system is affected by sick leave, workers' compensation, and alternative pay (Espelage et al., 2013:85). The studies mentioned above support the fact that teachers are unable to execute their daily tasks in an environment that is filled with violence. Not only does school violence negatively affect teachers personally and professionally, it continues to dismantle the education system and deprives learners of a good quality education. According to Ncontsa and Shumba (2013:2), schools should secure settings where learners and teachers can learn, have fun, and feel safe. However, they have become marred by violence, which has become a daily occurrence at many schools in South Africa. Teaching and learning cannot possibly thrive in this setting. Given these problems, this study explored teachers lived experiences of school violence. 1.3 RATIONALE OF THE STUDY Teachers are becoming helpless victims of school violence, which has spread worldwide (Govender, 2015:2). Indeed, widespread violence at primary and secondary schools is becoming a growing concern (Burton, 2008:11). On a personal level, I was a victim of school violence early in my career as a first-year in-service teacher at a township school. I experienced bullying, verbal abuse, as well as physical abuse. Not 6 only did I experience school violence from learners, I also witnessed my colleagues being violently attacked by learners. One of the incidents I will never forget is when a learner pulled a knife on me and pinned me against the wall in my class and threatened to stab me if I do not leave him alone, simply because I asked him to leave the classroom as he was disrupting teaching and learning. Another incident was when a learner took boiling water from the staff kitchen and poured it on a teacher because the teacher is “always on her case”. One thing I have learned from these experiences is that the trauma that results from experiencing and witnessing such events never leave you. However, the above personal experiences moved me to embark on this research to determine teachers’ lived experiences of school violence in order to establish the prevention and intervention strategies to curb school violence directed at teachers in schools. The matter of urgency is that school violence directed teachers and the teaching environment adversely affects teaching and learning. Good quality teaching and learning can only be achieved when the school environment is safe and teacher- learner relationships are healthy (Sithole, 2017:24). Elghossain, Bott, Akik, Ghattas and Obermeyer, (2019:8) acknowledge that “childhood and adolescent violence will have an impact on the health, well-being, and ability of the next generation to shape society as they navigate rapid social and political change”. This means that if we do not solve the problem of school violence against teachers, we will be creating another generation of learners who will become violent towards society as a whole. This study and its findings will contribute in a positive way to the coping and intervention strategies with respect to school violence against teachers. 1.4 AIM OF THE STUDY The aim of this study is to investigate teachers’ lived experiences of school violence. In line with the main aim, the specific objectives are to: • Determine how teachers perceive school violence. • Explore the types of school violence experienced by teachers. • Examine how school violence affects teachers’ professional lives. • Establish teachers’ coping strategies to deal with school violence. 7 • find out the intervention strategies that could be used to assist victim teachers. 1.5 MAIN RESEARCH QUESTION The main research question that informs this study is: What are the teachers’ lived experiences of school violence? 1.5.1 Sub- research questions In order to answer the main question, the following secondary research questions will be addressed: • How do teachers perceive school violence? • What types of school violence do teachers experience? • How does school violence affect teachers’ professional lives? • What are teachers’ coping strategies to deal with school violence? • What are the intervention strategies to assist victim teachers? 1.6 DELIMITATION OF THE STUDY This study focuses on teachers’ lived experiences of school violence. Only teachers from one high school participated in the study. The study was conducted at one high school in the Xhariep District of the Free State province of South Africa. 1.7 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY Although there is a high incidence of school violence against teachers in South African schools, very little research is available on the effect of violence on teachers (Trackman, 2008; De Wet, 2010; Wilson & Douglas, 2011; Taole & Ramorola, 2014; Netshiyamgami, 2014; Davids & Waghid, 2016; Sibisi, 2016; Hlatshwayo, 2018; Grobler, 2018; Taylor & Smith, 2019). According to Govender (2015:2), the South African Democratic Educators Union (SADTU) emphasizes the urgent need to address school violence and its underlying causes in order to prevent it. Teacher unions have to deal with the growing concern that students are attacking teachers. Alcohol and drugs, according to Njeri and Ngesu (2014:2), account for the majority of the rise in 8 learner violence against teachers in schools. As an in-service teacher, I have witnessed how school violence on teachers and in the teaching environment can have a negative effect on learning and teaching outcomes. Understanding how teachers experience school violence will aid in the development of effective prevention and coping strategies to curb school violence and assist victim teachers at schools. As safe schools can help mitigate wider exposure to violence and anti-social behaviour among learners, the information gathered from this research study will help the DBE to create safe school environments for teachers (Burton, 2008:17). When the school environment is safe, teaching and learning can be achieved because teachers can focus on the job at hand if they are not worried about becoming casualties of learner executed violence. Teachers can focus more on offering a quality education to learners when the school environment is safe and conducive to teaching and learning. First, the study will identify intervention strategies and make recommendations to curb school violence. Second, the findings will help teachers to better manage violent behaviour in the classroom and help managers of the school to manage violence. Third, the study hopes to improve the school environment and community at large to create healthy educational environments. Finally, the study aimed to contribute to the education field by advancing the scholarly discussion on teachers’ experiences with school violence. In essence, understanding how teachers experience school violence will create an opportunity to establish effective coping and intervention strategies to curb school violence and assist victim teachers at schools. 1.8 DEFINITION OF KEYWORDS Violence: According to the World Health Organization (WHO, 2002:5), violence is defined as the intentional use of physical violence, whether threatening or actually directed at oneself, another person or against a group or community, and which results in or has a high probability of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm or dispossession. Physical, sexual and psychological abuse (such as a dependent relationship's significant use of power, threat, intimidation and neglect) also forms part of this definition. In this study, violence refers to any act that aims to harm and affect another individual negatively. 9 School violence: School violence is any conduct by learners, teachers, administrators, or non-school individuals who attempt to harm another person or damage school property (Zulu, Urbani, Van der Merwe & Van der Walt, 2004:70). In this study, school violence means any negative behaviour displayed by any individual within the school community that intends to threaten or harm another individual. Teacher: A teacher refers to a person whose profession is to teach. According to Roundell and Fox (2002:12), a teacher is someone who provides assistance to students or learners within the school setting. A teacher is also someone who is known for guiding and assisting students in learning (Du Plessis, 2008:5).In this study, a teacher is someone who is responsible for helping learners acquire knowledge and competence through teaching and guided learning. Learner: The South African Schools Act, 84 of 1996, (SASA) (1996:4) defines the term "learner" as "any person receiving education or required to receive education." In this study, learner will be referring to individuals who receive knowledge and skills from teachers through learning. Phenomenology: Van Manen (2017:2) defines phenomenology as capturing an experience at its origin or pristine essence, without interpreting, explaining, or theorizing. Alternatively, Williams (2021:367) defines it as the study of what can be experienced. In other words, it is a study that enables one to comprehend the fundamentals of a human experience to gain an in-depth understanding of a particular experience from the participant's perspective (Crawford, 2016:62). In this study, phenomenology is defined as the study of peoples’ experiences of a particular phenomenon and what those experiences mean. 1.9 PRELIMINARY LITERATURE REVIEW 1.9.1 Introduction South Africa has seen a significant rise in school-based violence over the past few decades. The high rate of crime and violence on school grounds demonstrates this. 10 This section reviews the available literature on teachers’ lived experiences of school violence. It commences with the theoretical outlook that informs this study and reviews related literature on school violence, types of school violence, causes of school violence, teachers’ experiences of school violence at school and prevention and coping strategies to curb school violence. 1.9.2 Theoretical framework – Routine Activity Theory In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, Routine Activity Theory—also known as Opportunity theory—has proven to be one of the most useful theories for comprehending patterns of victimization and criminal behaviour. Cohen and Felson came up with this theoretical explanation in 1979, and its primary goal has been to provide information about who is more or less likely to be a crime victim (Cullen & Wilcox, 2010:3). According to Cohen and Felson's (1979) routine activities theory, a criminal event necessitates the convergence in space and time of a likely offender, a person who is motivated to commit a crime; a suitable target, someone or something that the likely offender is attracted to commit an offence against; and the absence of capable guardians, individuals who are capable and empowered to protect the target and discourage offenders (Gotham & Kennedy, 2019:67). In simple terms, Wickert (2020:2) defines routine activity theory (RAT) as the occurrence of a crime that is likely to occur in the absence of a competent guardian and presence of a motivated offender with a suitable target. RAT is frequently used to explain why and how people are more likely to engage in criminal behaviour and be victimized. There are factors that attract offenders to the targets or that make targets attractive to offenders. Mahalingam and Sidhu (2021:308) state that the choice is affected by the offenders’ view of the suitable targets' shortcoming – the likelihood of a crime increases with the target's suitability and openness. The level of criminal activity is also influenced by the population's number of motivated offenders. It is held that offenders are less likely to commit crimes if they believe they can achieve their own personal goals through legitimate means. This suggests that if offenders believe there are alternatives to crime, they will be less motivated to commit crimes. On the other hand, whether competent guardians are present or not significantly influences the likelihood of crime occurring. When capable guardians are present, there is no opportunity for motivated offenders to harm suitable targets. Thus, offence will not occur. Capable guardians 11 prevent an offender from obtaining suitable targets. As a result, criminal motivations and the likelihood of an offence increase when opportunity exists and guardianship is absent. Moreover, RAT provides an account of how people's daily activities to meet their needs create opportunities for crime. People have a variety of daily routines, such as commuting to and from work, attending school, church, and other events, shopping, engaging in recreational activities, and communicating using a variety of electronic technologies (Wikström, 2018:1). These routines determine who the victim will be, when, and where a crime will happen. Madero-Hernandez and Fischer (2012:1) postulate that the expression "Opportunity makes the thief" emphasizes one point: in order to commit a crime, both an opportunity and a motivated offender are required. Based on this notion, even the most motivated offender cannot commit a crime unless there is an opportunity to do so. This theory formed the basis for this study as it explored how teachers become targets of the offending learners out of the sight of responsible guardians that can prevent the convergence of the crime, thus lowering the likelihood of violence occurring in schools. 1.9.3 Review of related literature 1.9.3.1 Concept of school violence The concept of school violence is vast and multi-faceted due to the way it manifests itself (Turanovic & Siennick, 2022:1).The likelihood that new teachers will become victims of school violence is troubling because the majority of teachers have dealt with it in their careers (Sibisi, 2016:23). According to the South African Council for Educators (SACE) (2020:1), school-based violence is influenced and shaped by contextual factors rather than occurring in a vacuum. De Wet (2007:12) describes school violence with reference to the South African law, as "violent acts that involve both physical and non-physical harm that may lead to damage, pain, or terror." In its 2015 National School Safety Framework, the DBE defines school violence as "assault and victimization that occur in and outside the classroom, around schools, on the way to and from school, as well as online" 12 committed against teachers, school safety officials, school administrators, and learners, as well as by teachers and learners themselves. On the other hand, Hlatshwayo (2018:11) defines school violence as any kind of violent activity that takes place in a school setting. This includes things like bullying, physical abuse, threats, intimidating, fighting such as punching, kicking, biting, slapping, and verbal abuse, shootings, and assaults with a weapon or participation in a gang. Burton (2008:19) expounds that school violence is "deliberate harm, discomfort or inconvenience caused to people, including incidents such as school fights, harassment and drug abuse". Based on the given definitions, one can infer that students who engage in serious misconduct at school run the risk of even committing murder at school because they have access to dangerous weapons (Hlatshwayo, 2018:3). It has become part of school life for students to carry weapons, arrive at school under the influence of drugs or alcohol, and carry knives and guns, which has a negative effect on education and what happens in schools (Mncube & Harbor, 2013:1). Sibisi (2016:19) states that violence in schools can come from a variety of sources and take many different forms. Miller and Kraus (2008:15) identify different types of school violence such as physical violence (including corporal punishment); psychological violence (including verbal abuse); sexual violence (including rape and harassment); and bullying (including cyberbullying). In other words, extreme acts of school violence such as verbal and physical assaults, including punching, whipping, hitting, killing, sexual abuse, biting with an object, and beatings can be grouped under physical, mental, sexual abuse, neglect or verbal abuse sub-theme respectfully (Khumalo, 2019:3). From the aforementioned elucidations, it is abundantly clear that acts of violence in schools go beyond just what happens at schools; it concerns learners’ school experiences and the school environment. 13 1.9.3.2 Types of school violence Govender (2015:17) states that school violence typologies range from physical and sexual abuse to psychological and emotional abuse. Physical abusive behaviour may take the form of pushing, shoving, attacking, punching, kicking a person or damaging property (O’Moore, 2006:4). Sexual violence can take many different forms, including rape, sexual assault, and sexual harassment, which includes making inappropriate sexual advances and groping. Unlike physical and sexual abuse, scholars characterize verbal violence as a behaviour with a message conveyed with the conscious intention to cause psychological pain (Taylor & Smith, 2019:52). Therefore, verbal abuse is related to emotional and psychological abuse; name-calling, racial slurs, swearing, and gossip are all included (Booren, 2007:13). Although this type of violence may be used to gain power, dominance, or social status, the end goal of emotional and psychological violence is to hurt someone. According to Veriava and Hodgson (2017:298-299), corporal punishment, gangs, gender-based violence, harassment, injury, forceful group initiation, sexual harassment, and sexual violation are additional forms of school violence. While school violence against teachers is the focus of this study, it is important to note that conflict in schools can also occur between learners and teachers; learner-on- learner; learner-on-teacher and teacher-on-learner (Snodgrass & Heleta, 2009:41). Allen (2010:3) highlights the fact that teachers are not only the possible perpetrators of school violence, but also some of its victims. It is also noteworthy that school violence is often gender-based due to inequalities arising from gender roles, men's dominance and women's subordination (Njuho & Davids, 2012:271). Ngqela and Lewis (2012:94) explain that females frequently bear the brunt of school violence, while males are frequently identified as the perpetrators. In a similar vein, female educators are more likely to be the targets of physical and verbal abuse. 14 1.9.3.3 Causes of school violence against teachers There are a variety of internal and external factors that can lead to school violence against teachers. School violence is exacerbated by both school-level and community- level risk factors. The factors at the community level include the availability of alcohol and other drugs, access to firearms and other dangerous weapons, poverty, unemployment, high neighbourhood crime rates, gang activity, and inadequate housing (Govender, 2015:28). These factors can disrupt and cause violent outbreaks, which are relatively typical in low-income communities and consequently create unrest in the school environment, leading to acts of violence (Moore, Jones & Broadbent, 2008:235). Similarly, any unexpected change in the family dynamics at home can have adverse effects on learners. Espelage et al. (2013:76) highlight that family death or suicide; parental divorce and the arrest of a parent can induce a violent reaction if children do not have adequate emotional support. Furthermore, it is generally acknowledged that societal cultures that promote, tolerate, and demand violence are the root cause of school violence (Moore et al., 2003:253). This "culture of violence" is especially prevalent in South Africa, where political and criminal violence have been consistently high for two and a half decades, leading people to accept it and to view it as a normal part of life (Van Jaarsveld, 2008:31). As a result, in South African culture, conflict resolution through violence has become the norm. Eventually, learners model their way of behaving and reactions to struggles on what they see at home and in their networks (Van Jaarsveld, 2008:31). This viewpoint is well-exemplified by De Wet (2016:2), who argues that gangsterism and school violence are inextricably linked to the Cape Flats specifically, and that racism, class privilege, and gender oppression are structural root causes of school violence in the Western Cape province. The societal acceptance of the use of violence promotes school-based violence as a form of dispute resolution. When this culture of violence permeates the school environment, it results in risk factors at the school level, such as a negative or harmful school climate, association with delinquent peers, poor teacher-student bonds and relationships, disorderly school environments, and truancy and high dropout rates (Burton & Leoschut, 2012:53). 15 External factors that cause school violence include poverty and unemployment; sexual violence; exposure to domestic and community violence; and mass media that keep violence as the norm. Internal factors that cause school violence include inappropriate societal norms and values, illegal forms of discipline, abuse of power and authority by teachers, disability, gender, race and sexual orientation, poorly run schools and lacking effective leadership, creating the space for violence (Veriava & Hodgson, 2017: 297). Netshitangani (2014:1400) supports this by mentioning that the most common causes of school violence are poor parental care, media exposure, students' low socioeconomic status, and peer pressure. Teachers play such an important role in the positive growth of our society. However, if they are subjected to such danger, how will that benefit our society and consequently our country? As an in-service teacher at a dysfunctional public school, I am driven to be the voice of my colleagues and explore their experiences in this violent educational setting in the hopes that it will force a transformation in the management and discipline policies and protocols; so that a conducive educational environment is created to ensure academic achievement, schooling, increased teacher retention and job satisfaction. According to Burton (2008:17), schools are generally regarded as places where individuals are prepared for the roles they will play in society as a whole and as mechanisms for developing and sustaining positive citizens with pro-social attitudes. In addition, Jefthas and Artz (2007:46) suggest that a lack of security at schools may contribute to the perpetuation of crime and violence throughout society. 1.9.3.4 Teachers experiences of school violence Cangelosi (1988:280-283) suggests that there are four reasons teachers are exposed to violence from learners. The reasons include: learners may intend to establish or retain their “cool-status” by physically harming the teacher – that way showing that they are not afraid; when a learner is being aggressive or irate, the teacher might be an easy target for the learner; learners may want to show control over authorities or seek revenge against authority figures or even relieve boredom by pranking the teacher in a way that puts him/her in danger; and lastly, learners may wish to defend themselves if they believe that a teacher poses harm or danger (Cangelosi, 1988:280-283). 16 According to SAPA (2020:5), there have been reports of violence against teachers at schools, such as the video that was taken of a learner throwing an exercise book at a teacher, and another depicting a group of learners beating a teacher in the classroom while other learners watch and laugh. A more extreme experience is of a teacher that was attacked and stabbed 14 times on the back by a learner while writing on the chalkboard (Hlatshwayo, 2018:36). SAPA (2020:5-6) further indicates that teachers do not want to report these incidents due to the belief that they will be viewed as teachers who cannot discipline learners. Should these teachers opt for counselling, they fear that this implies defeat or that they do not trust in the school disciplinary methods. The result of reporting violent incidents or seeking counselling is that teachers are forced to return to the same classroom as the violent learners. Therefore, teachers believe they are not supported adequately, and the disciplinary measures used in school or the classroom are not sufficient to address violence, and as a result creating room for learners to misbehave or cause violent disruptions (Bester & Du Plessis, 2010:226). Sibisi (2016:47) postulates that teachers no longer feel safe in their classrooms, which leads to increased job resignation, teacher burnout, anxiety, depression, fear, post- traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), humiliation, and self-esteem issues. Grobler (2018:2) mentions that teachers' personal experiences with violence result in depression, headaches, anxiety, low self-esteem, feelings of worthlessness, helplessness, frustration, shame, guilt, disillusionment, and exhaustion on a professional level. This can lead to an overwhelming negative attitude towards students, a reluctance to assist with classroom learning, a resignation from the profession, mediocrity in teaching, a lack of enthusiasm, an inability to control their temper, classroom discipline issues, the breakdown of teaching and learning, and a diminished reputation in the eyes of their students, colleagues, and the principal. However, there has been little emphasis on teachers’ experiences with violent learners in their classrooms and how this consequently affects the entire school system. Naturally, the victimization of teachers has the potential to have a significant impact on student academic and behavioural outcomes, as well as recruitment, teacher well- being, and teacher retention. 17 1.9.3.5 Strategies to address school violence against teachers In order to eradicate school violence against teachers in schools, certain strategies are used. Some schools take teachers to professional development workshops where they are taught strategies for settling disputes so they do not get out of hand (Colvin, 2004:116). According to Govender (2015:32-34), learners are sent to behavioural and social programmes where they are taught about interventions that can mitigate or decrease aggressive behavioural patterns. Schools also strengthen policies and disciplinary committees, and lastly, they teach life skills and offer access to counsellors. Burton and Leoschut (2012:51) state that positive teacher-learner bonds, academic motivation and success, school discipline and clear rules, non-deviant friends and peers, and participation in structured pro-social activities are all school-level protective factors. Cultural awareness, knowledge, and comprehension aid in the prevention of violence in schools and subsequent classroom settings. Furthermore, humour is used as a classroom strategy to relieve tension and create a warm classroom environment (Bester & Du Plessis, 2010:230). The South African Principals Association (SAPA) (2020:18) states that having security guards, requiring parents to accept responsibility for their children's actions and enforcing severe punishment for learners who are violent towards teachers are effective strategies in some schools. In the case of gang-related violent schools, a school that is well run, inclusive, and well organized can reduce the number of incidents and external gang-related violence (Mncube & Steinmann, 2014:209). Sibisi (2016:49) states that there are schools that collaborate with advocates for violence prevention to establish supportive relationships and develop parenting development programmes that emphasize healthy relationships, therefore building a healthy moral development for learners. Lastly, Mkhize (2012:53) postulates, hat programmes in schools that try to prevent high-risk behaviours like drinking, using drugs, and carrying weapons are helpful and that reinforcement of such lessons in the school terrain and classroom has reduced the number of incidents of violence in schools. 18 1.9.4 Summary of preliminary literature review The section reviewed different literature that demonstrates that school violence continues to be a significant problem in South Africa. School violence is clearly multi- layered and there are different forms of school violence that are informed by different external and internal factors. It is evident that learners are faced with different adverse forces that then drive them to be violent towards their teachers. The discussions on the lived experiences of teachers with respect to school violence provided an overview of the effects of school violence on teachers, showing how teachers cannot fully execute their day-to-day functions when they are under physical and psychological threat or in an unhealthy state. From the literature it is evident that in order for quality education to take place, the school environment needs to be safe from any form of violence and turbulence. An exploration of routine activity theory revealed how crime can occur when there is a link between an offender, target and the absence of a guardian who prevents the crime from occurring or escalating. The discussion reveals how violent acts can be prevented by supervision and eliminating motivation for violence by focusing on all three elements. Additionally, the discussions on the strategies to deal with school violence showed that the strategies that are already in place are inadequate and that not all strategies can work effectively across all schools in South Africa, consequently heightening the need to identify new, relevant strategies. The literature review therefore provided a holistic conceptualization of violence in school, the effects it has on teachers’ functioning and possible prevention. It is clear from the review that teachers’ experiences of school violence can create the urgency to better understand learners and their backgrounds, to attempt to eliminate the negative stimuli that drives learners to be violent beings towards teachers and to create new classroom management strategies. Lastly, it exposed the significant need to create school environments that are not only conducive to the education process, but also physically, psychologically and emotionally healthy to all actors in the school system so that the educational objectives can be satisfied. The next section presents the research design and methodology. 19 1.10 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 1.10.1 Introduction Research methodology refers to the systematic method a researcher follows to guarantee valid, dependable results that are in line with the research aims and objectives. The purpose of this section is to outline the research paradigm, approach, design and methodologies that will be employed in collecting and analysing data regarding teachers lived experiences of school violence. The section will also outline how the data will be obtained, the sampling method that will be used, the data collection and analysis techniques, as well as the ethical processes to follow before embarking on data collection. The above mentioned are discussed below under appropriate headings. 1.10.2 Research Paradigm According to Kivunja and Kuyini (2017:26), a researcher’s worldview is referred to as a research paradigm, and it is the perspective, school of thought, or collection of shared beliefs that guide the meaning or interpretation of research data. This worldview has significant repercussions for each and every decision made during the research process, including the choice of methods and methodology. This study is guided by the interpretive research paradigm, which endeavours to comprehend and interpret the subject's thoughts or interpretation of the context (Kivunja & Kuyini, 2017:33). Glober (2018:7) suggests that this paradigm supports the idea that reality is socially constructed with multiple realities or interpretations of events. The use of an interpretive paradigm in this study will be useful “to relate people’s experiences in their day-to-day natural environment” (Govender, 2015:10). Interpretive paradigm allows the researcher to describe and understand humans, objects and events in a natural setting (Pham, 2018:3). Sibisi (2016:57) states that the researcher relies heavily on the participants' perspectives of the situation being studied in order to find meaning in the research process. The author adds that knowledge claims must be negotiated in order to reach a consensus when experiences are interpreted in different ways. In this study, teachers used their daily teaching activities to make sense of their experiences with school violence. As a result, the interpretive paradigm is committed 20 to studying meaning and human phenomena within their context. It does this by allowing the researcher to gather information directly from the teachers as they reflect on the actual events in a way that allows for documentation (Govender, 2015:43). By using this paradigm, meaning can be constructed out of the data from teachers’ experiences of school violence. 1.10.3 Research Approach This study was informed by a qualitative research approach, which is defined as “a type of social inquiry that tends to adopt a flexible and data-driven research design, uses relatively unstructured data, emphasizes the essential role of subjectivity in the research process, studies a number of naturally occurring cases in detail, and uses verbal rather than statistical approaches” (Hammersley, 2013:12). Research approaches, according to Creswell (2014:3), are plans and procedures for research that cover the steps from broad assumptions to specific data collection, analysis, and interpretation methods. The research approach includes attitudes toward comprehending human experiences, interpretations of the social world, and how to inquire about all of these things (Cohen, Manion & Morrison, 2018:287). Alternatively, Lichtman (2011:240) postulates that through contact with people in their natural environments, qualitative researchers investigate human experiences and realities to produce rich, descriptive data that aid in our comprehension of those individuals' experiences. Cohen et al. (2018:287) further state that qualitative research can be used for a variety of things, including description, explanation, reporting, development of key concepts, theory generation, and testing. As a result, this method helped me to describe the teachers' lived experiences with school violence and interpret the meaning in order to determine the prevention and coping strategies that will help teachers to better manage school violence. Since the phenomenon under study involves people's experiences, qualitative research is appropriate for this study. According to Creswell (1998:14), qualitative research is carried out in a natural setting in which the researcher acts as an instrument for data collection, collects words or images, analyses them inductively, focuses on the participants' meaning, and describes a process that is linguistically expressive and 21 persuasive. The ability of qualitative research to provide detailed textual descriptions of how people experience a particular research issue is its strength. According to Mack, Woodsong, MacQueen, Guest, and Namey (2005:1), qualitative research provides information about individuals' behaviours, beliefs, opinions, emotions, and relationships in relation to a topic. Lastly, this method will support the study by adhering to an inductive approach, focusing on individual meaning, and emphasizing the significance of illustrating a situation's complexity. Additionally, because it involves examining teachers' personal experiences with school violence, this method seems to be suitable for this study. 1.10.4 Research Design This study followed a phenomenological case study research design. A phenomenological study describes how a concept or phenomenon relates to the lived experiences of multiple people (Mourlam, De Jong, Shudak & Baron, 2019:402). It is a methodical approach to studying how people find themselves in the world, how they define themselves and the world, and how they experience world phenomena (Vagle, 2014:20). On the other hand, a case study is a comprehensive examination of a single individual or group of individuals that aids in our comprehension of real-world phenomena (Karlsson 2016:1). Moreover, a phenomenological case study is an in- depth exploration of phenomena experienced by a particular group of people (Mourlam, De Jong, Shudak & Baron, 2019:397). According to Crawford (2016:62), phenomenological case studies provide “rich, in- depth, and developed anecdotes and descriptions and have the potential to impart knowledge and comprehension of phenomena to others as well as generate new concepts and information”. They produce "a rich and holistic account" of a particular phenomenon and are "anchored in real-life situations" (Merriam, 2009:51). Phenomenological case studies will permit the researcher to understand complex human experiences and reveal the phenomenon's essence. King, Horrocks, and Brooks (2018:241) postulate that in phenomenology, people do not experience their bodies as objects like any other. However, they are the subject of experience and as such should be a central focus of a study based on lived experiences. A phenomenological approach is well-suited to studying affective, emotional, and frequently intense experiences because the study is based on teachers' lived 22 experiences of school violence (Merriam, 2009:26). The phenomenological case study design of this study will ensure that the data gathered address the research problem as clearly, precisely, and objectively as possible. I will however have access to a wealth of data that provides a comprehensive understanding of teachers' experiences of school violence. Therefore, a phenomenological case study is adopted here because this study aims to explore teachers lived experiences of school violence in one high school. 1.10.5 Study Site and Participants This study took place at one high school in Xhariep District in the Free State province. The school is located in a small, rural, impoverished and violent township area in the Letsemeng circuit. According to Shaw and Satalkar (2018:80), the term "participant" refers to a living individual from whom an investigator conducting research obtains identifiable private information or data through interaction. Given the aim of the study, teachers who are frequently subjected to violence in schools and are in a position to provide pertinent data about their experiences of school violence were selected. In other words, participants will be selected based on their capacity to provide the researcher with relevant information. Information on age, gender, and years of experience at the school were collected from a variety of teachers. 1.10.6 Sample and Sample Size According to Mujere (2016:109), a sample is a collection of people, things, or things taken from a large population for the purpose of measurement. The author adds that the sample represents the population to ensure that the results from the research sample can be applied to the population as a whole. Purposive sampling was used in this study. In qualitative research, purposeful sampling is a common method for selecting information-rich cases that make the most efficient use of limited resources (Palinkas, Horwitz, Green, Wisdom, Duan, & Hoagwood, 2015:2). It also entails locating and selecting individuals or groups of individuals who are familiar with or have experience with a phenomenon of interest (Cresswell & Clark, 2011:20). Furthermore, the purpose of using this type of sampling is that it helps researchers to better understand people and what they go through. In that way, it also supports the aim of this study by exploring the true and real experiences of teachers, creating meaning 23 from it and extracting what is relevant to the study. The sample included eight teachers who had been working at the school for a minimum of five years, who come from different age, gender and race backgrounds. This ensured that the data produced are rich and reflects the teacher population experiences at the school. 1.10.7 Instruments for Data Collection According to Adosi (2020:1), it is important to choose an appropriate data collection instrument to use in capturing the needed information to address research questions in a qualitative study. The research questions and objectives heavily influence the instruments used to collect data (Canals, 2017:399). Semi-structured interviews were used to gather the data for this study. A semi- structured interview is a data collection method for a qualitative study which combines the opportunity for the interviewer to further investigate themes or responses with a formalized list of open questions to elicit discussion (Cho, Song, & Lee, 2018:344). Participants must reflect on past events when participating in interviews. According to Palmer and Bolderston (2006:16), participants share attitudes, ideas, beliefs, viewpoints, and a deeper understanding, in this case of the factors that influence teachers' behaviour and well-being. Therefore, Gonzalez, Brown, and Slate (2008:3) state that interviews with teachers are a good fit for the study's objective. According to Creswell, Ebersohn, Eloff, Ferreira, Ivankova, Jansen, Nieuwenhuis, Pieterson, Pano Clark, and Van der Westhuizen (2010:108) semi-structured interviews are used to confirm data from other sources. The authors further state that such interviews are usually not long because the line of inquiry is developed by the researcher in advance of the interview. These interviews involve open-ended questions, followed by further probing and clarification. Participants are given the opportunity to respond in their own words when open-ended questions and probing are used, evoking responses that are meaningful, unexpected, and explanatory in nature, which will improve the quality of the study's data (Adosi, 2020:5). This method was chosen for this study because it gave me the flexibility to inquire about initial participant responses, such as "why" or "how." The researcher must pay close attention to what the participants say, interact with them in accordance with their individual personalities and styles, and employ "probes" to get them to 24 elaborate on their responses (Mack et al., 2005:4). The semi-structured interviews helped me to gathering important data on the teachers’ lived experiences of school violence in school environment since the method implies interaction between myself and teachers. Additionally, they helped me to explain, better understand and explore teachers’ opinions, behaviour about their experiences and its effects. The interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and grouped according to the various themes that emerged from the data. Audio recordings, as stated by Crawage (2005:128), facilitate the preservation of the emotional undertones present in an interview, in addition to providing a complete and accurate record of the entire interview. Sibisi (2016:62) points out that audio recordings can be replayed and transcribed into written records. Therefore, semi-structured interviews enabled me to engage teachers in extensive conversations to get their experiences on school violence. 1.10.8 Data Collection Procedures The procedure of data collection in this study involved interviewing teachers about their experiences with school violence in a high school setting. Interviews were conducted with participants who had been directly or indirectly affected by school violence and who volunteered to be part of the study. Furthermore, the interviews took place at the participants’ school so that they could be in a natural and comfortable setting. Data were collected through face-to-face interviews, and interviews were audio-recorded to capture the data accurately. I determined the time and date of interviews with the participants to confirm availability and to ensure that there would be no clash with their work duties. Ethics considerations and COVID-19 protocols were observed during and after the interviews. After the semi-structured interviews, the data obtained were transcribed verbatim and turned into field texts. Since the researcher can always go back and come up with new hypotheses, the information from interviews, transcripts, and recordings is highly reliable (Silverman, 2000:14). After the data analysis, the main themes were identified and categorized. 1.10.9 Data Analysis The process of "inspecting, cleaning, transforming, and modelling data with the intention of discovering useful information, drawing conclusions, and assisting in 25 decision-making" is referred to as data analysis (Bazeley & Jackson, 2013:28). The study used thematic data analysis (TA), which refers to the process the researcher uses to determine the main ideas and their frequencies from interviews (Hlatshwayo, 2018:8). It can also be defined as a useful method for examining the perspectives of various research participants, highlighting similarities and differences, and generating unexpected insights (Nowell, Norris, White, & Moules, 2017: 2). Thorough thematic analysis can yield reliable and insightful results. Braun and Clarke’s (2012) outlines six steps for thematic analysis: familiarizing yourself with the data, generating initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and producing the report (Xu & Zammit, 2020:2). The researcher has to first undertake the coding process to create themes from the transcribed data. Coding is the process of dividing transcribed data into meaningful analytical units by carefully reading it line by line (Creswell et al., 2010:136). Once data have been coded, the researcher is able to create themes from the codes and to categorize them into a system that makes sense of the data. A theme is a particular pattern that has been identified and contains important data-related information about the research questions (Xu & Zammit, 2020:2). In this qualitative interpretive study, the development of knowledge constructed from interactions between the researcher and participants was made possible by the use of thematic data analysis. It revealed the meanings that were socially constructed and shed light on the social, cultural, and structural contexts that influence individual experiences (Kiger & Varpio, 2020:2). In summary, thematic data analysis involved gathering the data firstly from the semi-structured interviews, transcribing it verbatim, then coding the data using in vivo coding to establish preliminary themes. This was followed by identifying underlying patterns, ideas and themes and using them to construct meaning from teachers’ experiences. Thematic data analysis was the best method for this study because it involves finding meanings that are repeated throughout a data set, which is important for understanding phenomena, in this case, teachers’ lived experiences of school violence. 26 1.10.10 Data Trustworthiness The trustworthiness of a qualitative study simply refers to the question, "Can the findings be trusted?" (Korstjens & Moser, 2018:121). Van Jaarsveld (2011:5) refers to trustworthiness as the precision with which the data have been gathered, studied, and interpreted. According to Lincoln and Guba (1985) in Nowell et al. (2017:3), trustworthiness can be established by ensuring credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability. The confidence that can be placed in the veracity of the research findings is referred to as credibility. According to Korstjens and Moser (2018:121), credibility refers to whether the research findings are an accurate interpretation of the participants' initial perspectives and represent valid information derived from their original data. In this study, credibility was maintained by relying on participant responses during interviews rather than the researchers' underlying assumptions. The study must effectively incorporate the participants' facts, perceptions, and experiences. Korstjens and Moser (2018:121) refer to transferability as “the extent to which the findings of qualitative research can be applied to other contexts or settings with additional respondents”. The research was conducted by means of semi-structured interviews, and excerpts from those interviews may be used by other researchers to determine whether or not the findings would be transferable. The interviews gauged the context, behaviour and experiences of teachers so that they become meaningful to people external to the study. According to Govender (2015:48), dependability is the consistency of the measurement, which means that if the same variable is measured in different conditions, it will still yield the same or similar results. A clear explanation of the data collection and analysis procedures are provided to ensure dependability. After the interview data had been transcribed, participants were given the opportunity to confirm what they said. Lastly, confirmability is defined as “the extent to which the study's findings can be verified by other researchers” (Korstjens & Moser, 2018:121). 27 According to Creswell et al. (2010:145), confirmability describes the extent to which a study's participants, not the researcher's bias, motivation, or interest, influence the results. This study achieved confirmability for the purposes of validity by clearly describing the research steps from the beginning to the development and reporting of the findings. All documentation related to the study was kept to show how and why decisions were made. Nowell et al. (2017:3) posit that when credibility, transferability, and dependability are all satisfied, confirmability is established. To gain sufficient understanding of the group and to establish a relationship of trust between the parties, I ensured trustworthiness through "engagement" between the researcher and the participants (Sibisi, 2016:69). 1.11 ETHICS CONSIDERATIONS Richards and Schwartz (2002:135) in Hlatshwayo (2018:60) allude to ethics as recommended guidelines or rules in a specific expert organization that guides the conduct of its professionals. For this study, all appropriate bodies had to be consulted, and Covid-19 protocols had to be observed. Permission to conduct research was requested from the University of the Free State (UFS) and the Free State Department of Basic Education (DBE). The researcher adhered to the guidelines set out by these organizations. Permission was also sought from the school principal as the study involved the school as the research site and teachers as participants. Participating teachers gave informed consent to be part of the research. Ethics clearance was obtained before the researcher started with data collection. Ethics standards such as anonymity and confidentiality were observed. According to Coffelt (2017:1), confidentiality refers to the removal of any personal, identifying data participants provided from the data, whereas anonymity refers to gathering information without collecting any personal, identifying data. In other words, in this study, there is an interest and focus on individuals’ experiences and behaviours, rather than in exposing individuals. Before the research process started, the participants were informed on the research and its risks. In this case, there was the risk of triggering anxiety and post-traumatic 28 stress disorder (PTSD) in participants as they were asked to recount traumatic experiences. Participants were not forced to be part of the study; only willing participants formed part of the study and they had to sign consent forms. Those who were not comfortable with the research and its risks were excused. The participants had the right to discontinue participation in the study at any time (Paul & Kumar, 2015:43). Moreover, it is of paramount significance that participants are protected from physical and psychological danger. Participants were not exploited nor given incentives to convince them to be part of the study. The dignity of participants must be always upheld. 1.12 ORGANIZATION OF CHAPTERS The dissertation is structured as follows: Chapter 1: Introduction and background of the study This chapter addressed the background of the study; statement of the problem; rationale of the study; aim of the study; main and secondary research questions; the delimitation of the study; the significance of the study; definition of key words; a preliminary literature review on school violence; research methodology; and ethics considerations. Chapter 2: Literature Review Chapter 2 presents the theoretical framework that informed the study and reviews the available literature on school violence by considering its history and prevalence, as well as the types of school violence. Furthermore, the chapter addresses the causes of violence; teachers’ experiences of school violence; coping strategies for school violence; intervention strategies for school violence; implications of the study and lastly, the summary of the chapter. Chapter 3: Research Methodology This chapter describes the research paradigm; research approach; research design; the site of the study and participants; sampling and sample size; instruments for data collection; data collection procedures; data analysis; data trustworthiness; ethics 29 considerations and offers a chapter summary. Chapter 4: Data Analysis and Interpretation of the Findings The chapter presents the research journey, presents the findings, and offers a chapter summary. Chapter 5: Discussion of Findings and Conclusion This chapter discusses the findings of the study and the implications of the study; offers recommendations for further studies; and considers the limitations of the study before concluding the study. 1.13 CHAPTER SUMMARY This chapter revealed the background to the study; stated the problem and highlighted the significance of the study. It also presented the rationale of the study, aims of the study, research questions and the literature review. The chapter briefly considered what school violence is, the types of school violence, causes of school violence, as well as strategies that have been used to address learner violence against teachers. The research methodology section offered a cursory discussion of the methodology used to achieve the aim of the study, such as the nature of the research, the profile of the school, sampling and data collection methods, data analysis procedures, data trustworthiness and the ethics considerations of the study. 30 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter reviews the available body of literature on teachers’ lived experiences of school violence. The chapter commences by discussing the theoretical framework that directs the study; unpacks the various concepts of school violence locally and internally; discusses the types of school violence and their causes, as well as how teachers have experienced school violence. Furthermore, the chapter explores coping and intervention strategies to address school violence, with implications of the study and summary at the end. This study aims to explore teachers’ lived experiences of school violence. 2.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Routine Activity Theory (RAT) serves as the basis for this study. According to Kitteringham and Fennelly (2020:207), Cohen and Felson formulated RAT in 1979 to elucidate the contextual factors that influence and shape crime in the world. RAT is also known as opportunity theory as “opportunity is the root cause of crime” (Pimple, 2016:3). Cohen and Felson (1979:604) emphasize that when three factors come together in time and space, crime occurs: motivated offenders, suitable targets, and a lack of capable guardians. In other words, RAT proposes that the motivation of the offender, the vulnerability of the victim, and the absence of capable guardians all conspire to cause a crime to occur where both the opportunity and the ability to commit it are present (Gotham & Kennedy, 2019:2). To understand how the RAT theory works, the three elements must be unpacked which are the motivated offender, suitable targets, and the capable guardian. 2.2.1. Motivated Offender A motivated offender, as defined by Turvey and Freeman (2013:143), is one who is sufficiently motivated to commit an offence and is motivated by a variety of internal and external factors. Turvey (2011:293-294) and Wilcox (2015:772) express that the motivated offender goes through a victim determination process. It can either be 31 targeted (chosen ahead of time explicitly in view of what their identity is, what they are, what they know, or what they have) or opportunistic (the victim is unessential, and the offender is roused by a craving to commit the offence due to factors such as vulnerability, availability, time and location). 2.2.2. Suitable Targets Suitable targets are victims that motivated offenders perceive to be vulnerable or susceptible to their method of operation in the view of the offender (Cohen & Felson, 1979:605). According to Cohen and Felson (1979) value, inertia, visibility, and access all have an effect on the likelihood that a target will be more or less suitable. Value is the actual or symbolic value that the offender sees in the situation; the term "inertia" refers to a person's size, weight, shape, or other physical characteristics that prevent the offender from seeing it as appropriate; while visibility refers to the exposure of targets to attackers or can be defined as the characteristic that identifies the attacker. Lastly, there is access to the layout and placement of the site, both of which increase the likelihood of an attack or make it simpler to carry it out (Miró, 2014:2-3). These four elements essentially define the level of risk of the suitable target to the motivated offender. 2.2.3. Capable Guardians Turvey and Freeman (2013:143) define capable guardians as people whose presence or proximity deters offenders from committing crimes. They can be teachers, private security guards, police officers, family members, or regular citizens. Alternatively, Hollis-Peel, Reynald, van Bavel, Elffers and Welsh (2011:54) define capable guardians as people or groups who have the physical or symbolic presence of someone who acts (either intentionally or unintentionally) to prevent a crime from happening. Closed- circuit television, for instance, is controlled by people who are not physically present at the crime scene, a friend or classmate of the offender, place managers such as other teachers, managers and others with supervisory responsibility, like general workers. The job of capable guardians is to reduce crime by discouragement because there is a higher likelihood for external intervention and apprehension. In essence, a potential offender could be discouraged by a guardian's presence in a location or by the 32 guardian's relationship with the offender. However, when they are not present, the chances of crime occurring will increase. Cohen and Felson (1979) maintain that people's routine activities, such as their daily work, school, or leisure activities, have increasingly taken them outside of their homes and into the public realm since World War II, increasing their risk of being victimized (Renzetti & Edleson, 2008:488). RAT highlights the spatial links that exist between crime, targets, and the patterns of movement of offenders whose routine activities take place in locations where there are higher probabilities of committing crime. The places where people spend the most time, such as at school, at home, at work, shopping centres, and entertainment areas, as well as the routes that connect them, are frequently the locations of the offenders' crimes (Mirò, 2014:5). Bock, Shannon, Movahedi and Cukier (2017:139) state that when motivated offenders and suitable targets are likely to meet, the frequency of victimization is especially high. For instance, Roman (2002:80) established that block-level violent crime rates are influenced by variables such as school disorganization and routine activity, as schools were found to be generators of crime during the school period (during the afterschool period, lunch breaks, blocks near schools characterized by resource deprivation, during the morning commute and disorderly blocks in the school). In other words, as the number of potential targets increase in the absence of capable guardians, the opportunity for victimization increases. On the other hand, Thwala, Okeke and Tshotsho (2018:4) found that there is direct relationship between RAT and bullying in that low self-esteem and feelings of loneliness of adolescent girls make them more prone to being bullied. Additionally, they discovered that girls also experience being alone and unprotected in schools, where potential offenders take advantage of their isolation. In essence, the low self-esteem, loneliness and isolation of adolescent girls motivate the offender, thus making the adolescent girls suitable targets since there is no capable guardian present. Lastly, Moon and McCluskey (2020:122) found that various types of teacher victimization by students significantly correlated with teachers' unsure, supportive, and friendly behaviours towards students, thus making teachers suitable targets and learners motivated offenders in sight of no authority or capable guardian. The routine activities of both the offender and the victim are included in this 33 theory (Purpura, 2013:55). Hence, it is important to take into account that typically, schoolteachers are viewed as classroom managers and learner guardians. However, they can also be suitable targets that need capable guardians to deter offenders from committing violent acts (SooHyun & Wilcox, 2018:349). Wortley, Seepersad, Mcalla, Singh, Mandon, Greene, Myers and Roswell (2008:14) find that “social disorganization and routine activities influence block-level violent crime rates, which act as a social setting for violence”. There was a higher rate of violence in blocks close to schools characterized by resource deficiency after school than blocks close to schools with more resources. This means that the youth who have no resources are less supervised, creating more opportunity for offenders. Schreck and Fisher (2004:1021) found that students' close families are better able to protect them directly and reduce their exposure to motivated offenders. They also say that students who hang out with delinquent peers are more likely to be targeted for violence, to be under-supervised, and to be exposed to more motivated offenders. Furthermore, Moonand McCluskey (2020:122) established those different kinds of teacher victimization by learners significantly correlated with teachers' unsure, supportive, and friendly behaviours towards students. However, some studies have criticized RAT and its general assumptions: Kitteringham and Fennelly (2020:208) postulate that RAT assumes that criminals use reason when making decisions, they argue that offenders may not use the same logic as the person putting security measures in place, may not even be aware of the situational crime prevention strategies in place, or may be under the influence of alcohol or drugs or may be negligent to not take into consideration the security measures. Renzetti and Edleson (2008:490) argue that RAT implies that the likelihood of being a victim of a crime decreases the longer a person stays at home and that females are more susceptible to being victims than males. 2.2.4 The Importance of the RAT Theory for this Study RAT has benefits such as providing an easy-to-understand yet powerful understanding of the problems caused by crime. It shows how people interact within a given environment because it takes into account the routine activities' spatial and temporal structures, which significantly influence the location, type, and quantity of illegal acts 34 and decrease the interaction of three essential elements: offender, suitable target and absence of capable guardian. Additionally, RAT de-emphasizes the offender and focuses instead on the target and guardian, and lastly predicts possible future crimes through contextual variables it carries (Argun & Dağlar, 2016:1191). According to Mirò (2014:5), RAT over the years has prevented crime by reducing opportunity for motivated offenders, has altered structures of opportunity of various crimes through various methods with the intention of increasing effort, increasing risks, decreasing benefits, and eliminating justifications. It also made it possible to analyse the places in which crime occurs the most so measures can be put in place as a way of prevention. Lastly, RAT predicts how social and economic changes will affect the overall rate of crime and victimization (Wortley, 2016:1). From the aforementioned, it is evident that RAT is used to understand criminal activity trends occurring at any geographical spaces at any given time. In turn, using RAT to study school violence is appropriate because all school participants; including students, teachers, staff, and administrators, participate in routines, activities, and shared interactions that influence and connect them all (Popp & Peguero, 2011:2415). This theory formed the basis for this study as the study explores how teachers become targets of the offending learners out of the sight of responsible guardians who can prevent the convergence of the crime, thus lowering the likelihood of violence occurring in schools. 2.3 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 2.3.1 The Concept of School Violence School-based violence has many dimensions and many different manifestations. The setting in which it arises frequently determines how it manifests. Understanding the definition of violence as “the intentional use of physical force or power, whether threatened or actual—against oneself, another person, or a group or community that either causes or may cause injury, death, psychological damage, mal-development, or deprivation”, is essential for comprehending school violence. Alternatively, De Wet (2007:77-78) refers to school violence as intentional, harmful to the educational mission, and harmful to a conducive culture of teaching and learning. The Australian 35 National Committee on Violence included the characteristic of intentionally causing property damage in its definition (De Wet, 2007:249). Moving on from the previous assertion, there are multiple ways to define violence in a school setting. This is supported by the definition provided by Girmen, Kaya, and Kilic (2018:703) of school violence as a multifaceted concept that includes both criminal acts and aggressive behaviour in schools, hindering development and learning and harming the school climate. Zulu, Urbani, Van der Merwe and Van der Walt (2004:70 cited in Mncube, 2013:3) define school violence as “any behaviour by students, teachers, administrators, or other non-school personnel aimed at causing harm or damage to school property”. South African law defines school violence as acts that result in either physical and non-physical harm, such as pain, damage or terror (De Wet, 2007). In its 2015 National School Safety Framework, the Department of Basic Education (2015:5) defines school violence as "hostility and victimization that happen in and around the classroom, on school terrain, on the way to and from school, as well as online and other events" perpetrated against teachers, school security officials, school management, students, and by teachers or students. This definition recognizes that violent incidents significantly disrupt the normal course of education by affecting school climate and culture. According to the Center for the Prevention of School Violence (2002:1 cited in Miller & Kraus, 2008:15), school violence is defined as any behaviour that violates a school's educational mission or respectable environment or jeopardizes the school's goal of being free of hostility against people or property, drugs, weapons, disruptions, and disorder. Finally, the term "school violence" is currently used to describe the following forms of violence worldwide: physical abuse (counting corporal punishment), psychological abuse (including verbal abuse), sexual violence (counting assault) and bullying (including cyberbullying) (United Nations Educational, Social and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), 2017:15). In essence, any activity that has the potential to disrupt an educational system is considered school violence. 36 2.3.2. The History and Prevalence of School Violence According to Meyer and Chetty (2017:121), the 2013 National School Violence Study conducted by the Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention (CJCP) reveals numerous instances of school violence in South Africa, and not much has changed since. During apartheid, violence was used to oppress people as well as to resist; and the education system was used as yet another tool to oppress the majority of South Africans, separating black people from white people (Power, 2017:295). Power (2017:296) further states that in 1994, South Africa moved towards a democratic constitution according to which everyone must be treated with equality, tolerance, respect, dignity and non-violence. South Africa made significant attempts in pursuit of these human rights, but its continued contact with violence has had a dangerous effect on the school system. According to Govender (2018:22), the current violence in South Africa's education system must be understood in light of the past political and economic disadvantage patterns of inequality. As a result, the various worlds in which South Africans live still bear witness to the destructive legacy of the country's past (Jacobs, 2013:59). However, school violence does not just occur in South Africa; it appears to be a global issue. It has been documented in the UK since 1927, when Andrew Kehoe detonated bombs at a school in Bath. Kehoe committed suicide alongside several others. Paul Orgeron killed himself, along with teachers and students, in 1959 when he detonated a bomb at a Texas playground. Violence tha