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GEEN OMSTA
BIBLIOTEEK VERWYDER WORD NIE
DIMENSIONS OF ORACLE-SPEECH IN THE NEAR EASTERN, MEDITERRANEAN, AND
AFRICAN CONTEXTS: A CONTRIBUTION TOWARDS AFRICAN ORALITY
By
Mogomme Alpheus Masoga
Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree
Doctor of Philosophy
in the
DEPARTMENT OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
in the
FACULTY OF HUMANITIES
of the
UNNERSITY OF THE FREE STATE
Supervisor: Prof P J Nel
Co-supervisor: Prof M A Moleleki
BLOEMFONTEIN
JULY 2001
11
DECLA RATION
I declare that 'Dimensions Of Oracle-Speech In The Near Eastern, Mediterranean, And
African Contexts: A Contribution Towards African Orality'is my own work and that all the
sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of
complete references.
"5I/ICJJ..~;
. .
Date
- 9 MAY 2
UOVS SASOL BIBLIOTEËK
III
Dedication
This work is dedicated to all Diviner-Healers in Africa,
the living and the living timeless!
Thokozani Mangaka!
IV
Acknowledgements
I want to acknowledge the financial support provided in the form of a DOCTORAL
SCHOLARSHIP offered by the Centre for Science Development (now National Research
Foundation), through the University of the Orange Free State, and the University of the
North Senate Grant, without which this study would not have been completed. The ideas
in this are, however those of the author and not the CSD (NRF) or UNIQWA.
The scholarly comments and guidance of Proff PJ Nel (Supervisor) and MA Moleleki (Co-
supervisor) have been the guiding force in the development of this thesis. This work is a
culmination of their guidance from a personal struggle in life to the Doctoral thesis. Le e
lemile, Badimo ba le lote!
The gentle support of Mr Jerry Tsie, Dr Mathole Motshekga, Mme Keleabetswe Komane,
Prof Sitwala Imenda and Prof Phaka Makgamatha is also appreciated. These friends have
in their different ways supported me when Bloemfontein wanted to contaminate me with
electronic sicknesses. Mr Dalifa Ngobese and Miss Nokuthula Mnguni also served as
healing agents, wiping away the terrible spouts of "tiredness" which befriended me when I
had to meet deadlines.
"Qeda man". These are the encouraging words from Mr Sipho Mnyakeni, Rev Shabele,
Prof Tinyiko Maluleke and Or Nyefolo Malete whose insistence on seeing me complete the
thesis, guided me.
The words of wisdom I reaped from Makgolo Magwetja-Nkwe-ya- Thaba about African
divination are incredible. Her endurance is incredible! Wena Magwetja -Nkwe-ya- Thaba,
manna, wa Phashaka!The support of Papa Mavulindlela, manna wa Nqeshe!
v
The research respondents indicated in the thesis. Golang le kake tlou!
I want to thank Badimo ba Bakone, boMakobe ka moka le boNthite ka moka le boMasoga
ka moka, who protected me to this day to expand my talents as far as they and Modimo
permit. Many thanks should also go to my grandmother Moshala Masoga!
I am also indebted to my colleagues in the School Historical Sciences, at UNIQWA, who
were ready to shoulder my Cultural Studies lectures when I left for some days to complete
this work. My success is built on your support.
Dr Marga Stander of UNIQWA kindly inspected my Afrikaans, for which I am grateful. Dr
Gerhard Augustyn, my theological colleague at UNIQWA, used his computer skills and
gave points of critique on the text, all to the advantage of my academic attempt here.
thank him most dearly for that conversational act.
I have been a nuisance to the enduring subject librarian Mrs Maryna van Wyk (UOFS
Library) who never got tired of my requests for bibliographies and other materials, ranging
from orality to prophecy. Thank you for your support, Maryna!
BLOEMFONTEIN
JULY 2001
VI
Summary
Divination is receiving ever more attention in the media. Communities, groups of people
and individuals are asking questions, voice opinions, and make judgements on the
function of this important branch of African life and philosophy. The thesis attempts to
address this issue. Relating African divination to the rich and universal tradition of
divination and oracle, it argues that this important part of African life be brought to the
forefront for purposes of research and scholarship. This generally marginalised part of
African life and culture, should be accorded its rightful place in academia. To this end, the
researcher gives an account of his own life history as it was informed by divination and
divination oracles. He further provides data on African divination oracles drawn from
sample interviews with diviners. In this context, 'the data is comparatively interpreted in
terms of existing oral theories and scholarship on Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean
divination and oracle. The thrust of the thesis is that it aims to both provide some insight
into divination as practiced by African people and to bring this previously marginalized
discourse and its practices into the centre of debate and scholarship.
vu
Opsomming
Waarsêery ontvang meer en meer aandag in die media. Gemeenskappe, groepe mense
en individue vra vrae, lug opinies en gee uitsprake oor die funksie van hierdie belangrike
vertakking van die Afrika-lewe en -filosofie. Die tesis poog om hierdie saak aan te spreek.
Deur die Afrika-waarsêerskuns met die ryk en universele tradisie van waarsêery en
orakelkuns te verbind, word die argument gevoer dat hierdie belangrike deel van Afrika-
lewe na die voorgrond vir die doel van navorsing en intellektuele gesprek gebring word.
Hierdie algemeen gemarginaliseerde deel van Afrika-lewe en -kultuur behoort sy
regmatige plek in die akademie in te neem. In hierdie verband gee die navorser rekenskap
van sy eie lewensgeskiedenis soos dit deur waarsêery en orakelkuns gevorm is. Hy verskaf
verder data oor die Afrika-waarsêerkuns en orakels uit geselekteerde onderhoude met
waarsêers. In hierdie konteks gesien word die data vergelykend geïnterpreteer met die
heersende stand van wetenskaplike mondelinge teorië oor die Antiek Naby-Oosterse en
Meditterreense waarsêery en orakels. Die doel van die tesis is om beide insig in waarsêery,
soos dit deur die Afrika-mense uitgeleef word, te verskaf, sowel as om die voorheen
gemarginaliseerde diskoers rakende hierdie praktyk die middelpunt van intellektuele
bespreking te maak.
1
Table of Contents
Declaration ii
Dedication iii
Acknowledgements iv
Summary vi
Opsomming vii
1. Introduction 6
1.1 Background and the nature of the Problem 6
1.2 Aims of the Study 11
1.4 Motivation for the Study 17
1.5 Scope of Research 18
2. _When I became a Ngaka (African Healer): A personal account 21
2. 1 This is my Story 21
2.2 Reflections 27
3. Divinatory Conversation with Mrs Annah Mokgethi... 35
3.1 Sesotho version of the Interview 35
3.2 English Version of the Interview 38
3.3 Reflections 41
4. African healing, divination, and prophecy 46
4. 1 African Herbalists 47
4.2 African Diviner-Healers 50
4.2.1 The call, and training of African Diviners 50
5. African Divination Oracles 61
5.1 An interview with Ngaka Maamushi from Makgane, Ga-Sekhukhune, Northern Province65
5.1.1 The Oracle 67
5.1.2 Translation 73
5.2 Interview with Ngaka Nkosi of Majaneng. 74
5.2. 1 The Oracle 75
5.2.2 Translation 85
6. Theories of Orality. 89
6.1 Oral techniques - theories to be considered 91
6.2 Theories or dynamics of Orality ; ~94
6.2. 1 Sounding words and their dynamism 94
6.2.2 Mnemonic and formula patterns 95
6.2.3 Thought and expression in oral discourse 96
6.2.4 Redundant propensity. : 98
6.2.5 Conservative? 99
2
6.2.6 Oral discourses are closer to the human lifeworld 102
6.2.7 A terrain of 'fierce struggle' 102
6.2.8/n search of 'harmony' 103
6.2.9 The power of memory in oral voicings 104
7. Divination Theories 111
7.4/nternal, semiotic (symbolic patterning) and semantic approaches to divination. 120
7.5 The praxeological approach 125
8. Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean divination and oracles 128
8.1 The phenomenon in question 128
8.2 Mesopotamian perspectives on prophecy and divination 128
8.3 The Semitic World in Perspective 132
8.4 Ancient Greeco-Romen perspectives 135
8.4.1 The inscription from Epideuros , 142
8.4.2 Disease, disability and healing: Hippocratic writings 148
8.4.3 The sacred disease 153
8.5 Occurrence in Israel 158
8.6 Primitive Prophecy 161
8. 7Mohammed : 163
8.8 St. Bridget of Sweden / 164
8.9 Ecstasy and other extra-ordinary phenomena 165
8.10 Classical prophets and primitive prophecy 167
8.11 Revelations 168
8.12 Prophetic Oracles and sermons 169
8.13 Ecstatic visions and auditions 170
9. The Oral Structure of Prophecy. 174
9.1 General Remarks 174
9.2 Prophets and their oral communication patterns 175
9.3 Various Prophetic Oracles 177
9.3.1 Brief statements with more clarity, made up of two, three, or a few more lines 177
9.3.2 Long statements / utterances 178
9.3.3 Lyric poetry with refrains. 180
9.3.4 Prose 180
9.3.4.1 The strict style 181·
9.3.4.2 The freer style 181
9.3.5 Vision and audition oracles 182
9.3.6 Coded form 183
9.3.7 Visions connected with verbal revelations 183
9.4 Classification forms of prophetic oracles 183
3
9.5 Style and syntax 184
9.6 Claus Westermann 's theories on forms of prophetic speech 185
9.6. 1 Westermann 's Prophetic Genres 187
9.6.1.1 The Messenger formula 187
9.6.2 The proclamation formula 188
9.6.3 The Prophetic judgement-speech on individuals 188
10. Reflections 190
10.1 Concluding Reflections 190
10.1.1 Ecstasy , 193
10.1.2 The connection between the supernatural world and the natural world 194
10.1.3 Supernatural world determining the natural world 195
10.1.4 The importance of symbolism 195
10.1.5 The importance of dreams ~ 196
10.1.6 The concept of 'Space' and 'Time 197
10.1.7 Divination oracles and orality. 197
BIEL!OGRAPHY , ; 212
4
APPENDICES
Appendix A 223
Figure 1 tfgaka Maamushi's divine-healing shrine 223
Appendix B 224
Figure 2 rs elete / Lehumo / mahlogonolo 224
Figure 3 Abandawu 225
Figure 4 Abanguni 226
Figure 5 Badimo 227
Figure 6 Ga go byalo 228
Figure 7 Hamba ku fuma 229
Figure 8 Koloi 230
Figure 9 Mahlo a mabedi 231
Figure 10 Mahlogonolo 232
Figure 11 Masêbo 233
Figure 12 Masêbo 234
Figure 13 Monna 235
Figure 14 Monna 236
Figure 15 Mosadi 237
Figure 16 Mosadi 238
Figure 17 Mosemanyana 239
Figure 18 Ndomba 240
Figure 19 Ngwanenyana 241
Figure 20 Tselete 242
Figure 21 Sehlare 243
Figure 22 Tsela 244
Figure 23 Tsórnbe 245
Figure 24 Mohlologadi 246
Appendix C: 247
Photo 1 247
Photo 2 248
Photo 3 249
Photo 4 247
Photo 5 250
Photo 6 251
Photo 7 252
Photo 8 253
Photo 9 254
Photo 10 255
Photo 11 256
Photo 12 257
Photo 13 258
5
Photo 14 259
Photo 15 260
Photo 16 261
Photo 17 262
Photo 18 263
Photo 19 264
Photo 20 265
Photo 21 266
Photo 22 267
. Photo 23 268
6
CHAPTER ONE
1. Introduction
1.1 Background and the nature of the Problem
Recently (July 1999), the South African Broadcasting Corporation - Television 2 -
introduced an interesting drama programme entitled: Ke bona boloi? (Is it really
witchcraft?). The content of this SABC production centred on the concept and practice
of divination. As a point of reference, Makhura, a well-to-do businessman in the
community, in terms of the characterisation of the drama, is honourable and patron to
most of his clientéle. His opponent is depicted as a liar, gossiper, and sly. The latter,
then, falsely accuses Makhura of fraud and of robbing community members. He also
plans to kill Makhura in the name of b%i-accusation. He manages to launch this plan
by conniving with village youth, rumouring that Edward's (a silent and short-lived
character) suspicious suicide death, was as a result of vbotoi (witchcraft).
Having managed to spread these serious allegations, the whole village is completely
convinced that it was necessary to invite the ngaka (diviner-healer) to hJoJaor go hJoJa
(to divine). Makhura was responsible for both organising the divination.event as well as
paying the diviner-healer. Central to this whole programme are the oracle-formulae
articulated by the diviner-healer in revealing the actions and identity of the 'real witch'
during. umhlah/o (Ngubane 1977 :38) session - a public consultation with a diviner.
7
As Ngubane (1977 :38) points out,
"Urn hlahlo is a consultation with a diviner in cases of open accusations. Both the
accu ser and the accused agree upon the particular diviner who is to be
consulted. She must be one who lives a good distance away and is therefore not
known to either. Her methods of divination must be such that the consultants
give no clue; they sit silently throughout the process of divination. Besides the
accuser and the accused there must be neutral observers who represent the
chief. These are chosen by the chief himself, and their duty is to report back to
him and also to ensure that the protagonists do not fight"
The general aim of this SABC 2 production was to address the killings that are
associated with witch-believing systems in South Africa, in particular the Northern
province. The general belief has been that wrong and innocent people were targeted
and then became victims of witch-believing killings.
Another interesting discourse derives from the Bafana Bafana (the National South
Nrican Football Team) competition in Burkina Faso in 1998. At some point during the
proceedings, the temporary coach of the team at the time had to fly from Burkina
Faso to consult a diviner-healer. This shows the importance African people ascribe to
divination and the central role oracles play in their lives. Contrary to the SABC
production - in which divination was negatively depicted - in this case, it was correctly
reported on in the media, even though not without sarcasm in some instances. The
story indicated to the South African 'literate' public that things in Burkina Faso were in
8
bad shape, and, to set matters right, that Jomo Sono had to seek divinatory
intervention.
Another reference pointing to the importance divination has for African people, comes
from the SABC 1 story titled: HJaJa kwabafiJeyo (Stay forever with the dead). In the
story, Mhlongo, a dominant character, vanishes mysteriously on his daughter's
wedding day. The family then looked for him, with the assistance of friends and the
police. The search for him also included the mortuaries. In one of these, the family
mistook a man who looked like him, to be Mhlongo. The wrong Mhlongo was then
buried. In reality, however, Mhlongo was hospitalised and his stepson, Vusimuzi, did
not recognize him when looking for him there, because he was under the influence of
alcohol. Prior to the burial of the wrong Mhlongo, however, Mrs Mhlongo consulted
with a diviner, uBabaMkhonto. BabaMkhonto, in his divination and oracle, flatly
pointed out that "yene uzotholekele" (he will be found).
When Mhlongo was identified albeit wrongly at the mortuary, Mrs Mhlongo rejected the
oracle-message. It was only after the truth came out - that Mhlongo was still alive -
that Mrs Mhlongo admitted that the oracle-message had been correct. This
admission was voiced to BabaMkonto who was on his deathbed at the time. In this
regard, the divination oracle was correct, "meoje usetholekele' (he has been found).
These three incidents provide some insight into the importance of divination for
people. In general, this is not acknowledged in our current modern and so-called
9
enlightened society. This disjunction has provided the general rationale for this thesis
and has also determined its particular structure.
Divination as both concept and practice, in the opinion of the researcher, is not
accorded its rightful place in society. As in the first SABC production referred to
above, it is negatively seen - that it is a practice, which is closely related to the sinister
killing of innocent people. Despite the existence of evidence that divination
constitutes a central element of the history of human culture, that much research has
been done on it, and that it is generally acknowledged as one of the most central
elements of human spirituality, it is either negatively evaluated or ignored in the African
context. Symptomatic of this state of affairs is that producers, authors or journalists
who do report on it, do not consult with stakeholders (including diviners themselves).
Since the media both mirror and pose serious questions to society, this general state
of affairs is untenable. As part of the general populace, but also as very significant
leaders in communities, diviners need to receive the recognition they deserve. At the
least, when writing or reporting on divination, the diviners themselves need to be
consulted. Their 'voices' and 'voicings' cannot be silenced any longer. For any
meaningful conversation on this issue, they are the role players who must be accorded
their rightful place in society.
Film productions are a mirror of reflection to any society, just as folktales function as a
reflection of any given community. They attempt to pose serious questions and offer
answers to society. Furthermore they 'jump' societal boundaries to open new avenues
for the interaction of communities. Stakeholders, like diviners, from varied Nrican
10
cultural backgrounds should have been consulted, engaged, and conversed with
during the making of the films. In this way their 'voice' and many other 'voicings'
would have been a meaningful contribution and conversation in the process of the
productions in question.
Divination is central to Nrican life. Divination oracles define and determine human
destiny, at least in most Nrican communities. This is the case in spite of the fact that
'globalization' - often used as synonym for 'modernization' - has become a buzzword in
Africa. For many, if not most Africans, modern life does not exclude participation in
divinatory practices. For example, imagine a young well-qualified engineer driving from
Sandton with his new BMW 5 Series and a top of the range laptop computer on the
seat next to him, to see his grandmother and ask her to bless his new property. He
drives to Giyani kaMalamulele, dusty and remote. On his arrival, a diviner of the clan,
who immediately sprinkles substances on his car, meets him. The diviner then
immediately gets a goat slaughtered for this special occasion. Vakokwani
(grandmothers) of the entire clan sing praises to the young man. For some, this image
may be strange. For African people, it is a daily occurrence. It is central to their lives,
philosophies and cultures. Modern life does not exclude this particular part of African
spirituality. The ancestors are not outdated, nor out of touch with current
developments and the challenges and demands of modern living. They are a living
part of life - they know about laptops and BMWs.
11
Obviously the above three accounts provide and raise critical questions for this
particular research study. The following questions are crucial:
1. What is the nature and significance of the divination oracle? The question calls
for serious engagement on the concept and practice of divination oracles.
2. How could divination oracle be studied scientifically and from within (personal
discourse aspect)? - This question challenges the present students on
divination to begin to wrestle with the subject of divination from both
reductional and internal-investigation premises.
3. What are the oracle features and formal characteristics of divination oracles?
4. How do African divination oracles relate to the existing features in the Near
Eastern -Mediterranean contexts?
5. What challenges do African divination oracles pose to the investigator?
1.2 Aims of the Study
The research for this thesis proposes that oracle-speech in the context of divination
(go hJahJoba, ukuhJahJoba, bo hlo/a) plays a central religious role in African culture, life
and practice. In particular, it provides data to support this view. In general, it provides
definitions, perspectives and historical information on the shape and functional
dimensions of divination with regard to its seminal role in many oral and residual oral
communities (Ong 1982).
12
It is undergirded by the following key objectives:
Firstly, to provide a brief account of the researcher's own life history as it was informed
by divination and divination oracles. Having been exposed to a vast number of events
and circumstances that influenced my life, [ finally ended up qualifying and being
initiated as a diviner-healer.
Secondly, to provide data on divination and the oracle drawn from sample interviews
with a number of practising diviners. The researcher worked cross-culturally with
about fifty diviners of varied training in the fields of divination and healing.
Geographical areas which were covered in the field research include among others:
Sekhukhune (Makgane and Jane Furse), Motetema, Ga-Mmasealama, Bela-Bela
(Warmbad), Majaneng (Hammanskraal), Soshanguve (North of Pretoria), New Castle,
Mnambithi (Ladysmith), Phuthaditjhaba, and Intabazwe (Harrismith). For the sake of
focus, only samples of the gathered data are presented here.
Thirdly, to interpret the data comparatively in terms of oral theories. A number of oral
theories are looked at critically, with the primary focus on the work of WaIter Ong
(1982).
Fourthly, to interpret the data comparatively in terms of existing scholarship on
ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean divination and oracle.
Finally, to interpret the data comparatively in terms of the oral structure of prophecy.
13
The research focus, then, is on the religious phenomenon of divination and oracle. It
seeks to identify, in a comparative manner, the similarities and dissimilarities between
Near Eastern and Mediterranean, and Nrican oracle formulae. In contrast to literate
culture, the oracle is a seminal part of oral culture.
As Albert Bates Lord (1960: 15) rightly asserts:
"... for the majority of people, as a matter of fact, words are still heard rather
than seen, and even those who have learned to visualise words as containing
particular letters in a particular sequence continue to operate much of the time
with the heard, and hence the spoken word".
1.3 Definition of operational terms
1.3.1 Divination
To define the concept 'divination' is a cumbersome act for the concept, or idea, itself
is complex. As Devisch (1985:50) maintains,
"People look to divination to uncover the hidden, to gain insight into occurrences
which go counter to the even tenor of life and to the normal sense of events, so
as to enable remedial measures to be taken or to restore peace."
Devisch's assertion makes sense in the context and relevance of what this research
attempts to do. The researcher views the concept of divination as a linking 'zone'
between what is and what ought to be - in this regard the process of divination allows
the what is context to engage the what ought to be context. In this way divination
occupies the 'middle' place and attempts to offer open avenues of responses and
14
'voices' for the two contexts to be able to engage each other. The divine
(supernatural ) context converses with the natural context. Decisions are arrived at
after a series of serious engagements. It is expected that both contexts should at least
come to a kind of agreement - in terms of the 'space' and 'time' of which the
divinatory process and conceptualisation offers an ongoing conversation. On the
whole the researcher views divination to be a process and not a static dimension.
1.3.2 Oracle
An oracle is viewed within the context of divination. It simply means a 'divine
response'. The researcher views an oracle in a complex manner. The entire process
of divination constitutes an oracular-context - note the wise speeches, oracular
declarations, views of audience, symbolic bodily expressions of the diviner-healer, the
place in which the oracle is declared - all constitute an oracular context. In this regard
the researcher challenges reasoning that sees an oracle only pertaining to words said
during the divinatory process.
1.3.3 Culture
Ani (1994) asserts that culture as a phenomenological concept through which people
retain their self-identity, build their views and symbolic expressions on a shared
historical experience, and thereby create a sense of collective cultural identity. It
follows that culture is embedded in the life of the society with its variety of aspects
such as material culture, painting, drama, philosophy etc. On the whole culture helps
people to affirm their comprehensive well-being in the world around them. Again
15
culture is contained in what people are capable of doing and retaining as a source of
building confidence in themselves and in relation to others (Ngungi wa Thiongo 1986)
1.3.4 Healing
Grundmann (2001 :26) is right to assume that
"healing is a pan-religious phenomenon; it exists in all the religions we know of,
be they of a primal kind or be they highly sophisticated. Healing thus cannot be
monopolised by Christian groups or the Church".
Again Bates (2001 :73) makes a strong distinction between curing and healing, Le;
"curing disease" and "healing illness". For Bates (2001 :73),
" Curing disease then is an organic process of remedying disease. However,
healing illness is a human process that has to do with the perception as well as
the understanding of wellness within the society or culture she is part of'.
Taking cue from both views (Grundmann and Bates) the researcher defines healing as
the restoration of human life and thoughts. This particular line of reasoning takes into
account the disparaged human relationships both within the natural and supernatural
contexts.
1.3.5 Orality
To define the concept 'orality' forces one to enter a terrain of fierce struggles
(Jensen 1980 and Naude 1996). There is tension that pervades debates on orality.
The basic contention within the debate is caused by the lack of a clear-cut division
between oral and written literature - with the nagging assumption that "most illiterate
societies have some degree of literacy" (Jensen 1980:22). However, one gains a sense
16
of relief to note that within this heated debate by scholars in the field of orality, Africa
is considered an exception. Jensen (1980: 15) notes that,
"From what I have read, it seems that the best chance of finding a single parallel
today would be in Africa: the collection of oral poetry from all parts of Africa is
currently taking place on a large scale, and it is possible that a detailed and
profound comparison between early Greek poetry and that of some definite
African society will be possible in the not too distant future"
One would then support Naude's views (1996:20-21) in this debate and accept his
views as plausible definition that,
"Instead of the older model of a finalised a-social product, one should perhaps
look upon a text as an emergent process with all its connotations of eo-text,
meta-text, con-text, pre-text, sub-text, inter-text and after-text ... This notion of a
text-as-process opens the possibilities about "oral text" whilst doing justice to the
dynamics involved in the creation and transmission of oral or verbal art forms."
1.3.6 Prophecy
Sawyer's definition (1993:1) of prophecy as "first and foremost 'proclaimers'"
suffices for the focus of this research study. However, the definition does not at all
confine itself to the proclamation role only, but instead broadens it to
accommodate the distinct supernatural prowess dimension (Sawyer 1993: 1 and
Sheppard 1987 :8-14). This supernatural power should not be equated with
divination as Ndiokwere presupposes (1981: 175).
\
17
1.4 Motivation for the Study
As stated above, the study seeks to bring divination into the centre of scholarly debate
and research. It does so because it is a central part of African life, culture and
philosophy. For this reason, the study does not focus on the topic in a disinterested
manner. Since divination is an existential part of life for many - if not most - Africans
the topic is engaged experientially.
Further, since there is both a rich universal tradition related to divination and also an
ever developing scholarship on this phenomenon, the study seeks to articulate both
divination and oracle. In the process, Nrican traditions are associated with this
tradition. It is accomplished by focusing on theories but also the formulaic structure of
oracle. This focus seeks to provide possibilities for the advancing of a typology, or at
least to provide a basis in terms of which Nrican oracle speech can be compared with
the ancient roots of this phenomenon.
Ultimately, the study attempts to analyse, define and open up further possibilities of
conversation amongst existing scholars on orality and oral community speakers and
performers. This focus is derived at by situating orade-formulae in the context of
development, namely: scholarly, political and cultural. Despite a growing body of
research on oral culture and the oral nature of African communities, the
presupposition of the study is that 'development' will only be effective, if African
spirituality is taken seriously and accommodated in developmental processes.
18
The study therefore proposes that this voice from the underside of history be
accommodated and that it be heard as a potent and dynamic oral voice. Verily, it is
time for text-oriented scholarship to begin to wrestle with the reality and integrity of
oral communities. The recorded speeches could be of importance to other
researchers by stimulating further research work to rediscover and reclaim the
indigenous knowledge systems included in a tradition now threatened by globalisation
and modernisation processes. This is again in line with the current "worrying voices"
about the African Renaissance, which encapsulate the African thought of life. In some
way it helps to bring one in close contact with realities of African cultural reclamation
and revitalisation. Another path is a serious engagement with the African bios-cosmos
and bios-philosophy. The alleged distorted and displaced African-blos needs to be
revisited and 'found' once more, especially now that the 'buzzword' is Renaissance
(Biko 1978, Chinweizu 1987 and Frere 1981).
1.5 Scope of Research
The thesis consists of ten chapters. The first chapter provides the general rationale
and perspectives on the research design.
The second chapter is a narrative of the life of the researcher as it pertains to
divination. The chapter strives to bring to the fore, by means of a personal account,
the experiential elements of this previously marginalized discourse and its practices.
19
Life-historical accounts are one way among many, through which previously
marginalised discourses can be brought to the centre of debate and scholarship.
The third chapter provides data from an interview with Mrs Annah Mokgethi, an African
healer of Qwa Qwa, Phuthaditjhaba. It gives some insight into perceptions and views
of a typical diviner-healer as they concern the 'call' to divination, as well as practices
related to the divination institution itself.
The fourth chapter looks at healing and prophecy. It provides general trajectories in
this respect and offers further clarity of the divination context.
The fifth chapter deals with African divination oracles. The researcher selected the
oracles-speeches from the data gathered for the research. The data of oracles are
drawn from sample interviews with diviners.
The sixth chapter deals with theories of orality, in particular the psychodynamics of
orality as theorised by Ong (1982).
Chapter seven looks at theories of divination. This is particularly helpful in terms of the
theorisation exercise for discerning divination in the African context.
Chapter eight looks at the Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean divination oracles
and prophecy. The chapter paves the way for a possible comparison of the theories
and the fieldwork data collected.
20
Chapter nine looks at the oral structure of prophecy. As in the case of chapter seven,
it offers a comparative footing to interpret the data in terms of the oral structure of
prophecy.
The final chapter (chapter ten) concludes the study by looking at the similarities and
differences found in each of the theoretical and taxonomic studies accessed in this
research endeavour.
21
Chapter Two
2. When I became a Ngaka (African Healer): A personal account
This chapter deals with the researcher's personal journey through the world of
divination. The narrative discourse in this regard attempts to bring previously
marginalised discourse and practice of divination into the centre of debate and
scholarship. This forms part of one of the key research objectives in rectifying the
current imbalances concerning African culture in general. Further, the discourse offers
this displaced discourse the opportunity to occupy its rightful place and be able to
'converse' with existing centralised discourses. The story also allows for openness and
transparency. It is intended to be Ipssisime vitae with regard to the esoteric world of
divination.
2.1 This is my Story ...
In my first Northern Province fieldwork on divination I remained an observing outsider,
only asking questions. Most questions were more clarity seeking questions than aimed
at being engaged in the realities of divination itself. Since I had been introduced to
divination and healing from early stages of my life, however, this changed. Very soon,
the data awakened the realities divination had had for me personally at various stages
of my own life. This is my story.
22
My mother comes from Ga-Ramotse, a village to the north of Pretoria, located within
the Hammanskraal area. Unfortunately (or maybe because it was destined to be) my
father did not marry my mother. I have never seen or met him. However, I know that
he comes from the Makobe family. To know this, has always been enough for me,
and has always given me my own special identity. When I was seven years old, my
mother was married into the Masoga family. I still have a vivid recollection of the
actual day of the wedding and the activities all engaged.
We (mother and I) were covered with dikobo (African blankets) and danced in circles.
Among others, well wishers sang songs like the following:
Dikuku di monate
LenyaJoJeboima
Rena re ya tsamaya 0 tja sala 0 dibona ngwetsi. ...
(Wedding cakes are tasty
But marriage is a tough zone
We are going and you shall see to finish.)
Since my mother was being married with me already born, the ritual demanded that
the magadi (betrothal gift) include me. This fact means that I am not ignored but
taken cognisance of and fully recognised in the new relationship. The Masoga family
had to establish links with my mother as well as with me. As such, it was not a
transaction, but an establishment of links and relations. It was at this point in my life
23
that ancestry featured prominently in my life. The magadi negotiators from both
families emphasised the importance of these new ties. Sacrifices confirmed the new
status of both my mother and I.
In these activities and festivities, animal sacrifice plays a central role. It is a ritual of 're-
ordering' and it impacts strongly on our 'symbolic social universe' - giving primacy of
place to ancestral spirits. Becoming a Masoga did not change my inner identity -
Makobe Makobe. The fact that my father left my mother in the cold did not change the
fact that I am Makobe Makobe. My ancestral spirits guard and support me. This had.
been so throughout my life. At some points in my life, there were indications too, that
I am a child of the ancestral realm - Ke ngwana wabadimo.
For my schooling, I proceeded from the primary school at Leboneng to Madisong
Middle School where I completed my standard eight. I then moved to Hans Kekana
High School and there completed my matriculation - the only high school in my
village, Majaneng.
Trouble began when I had to embark on my post-matriculation programmes. I was
offered a bursary by the then Bophuthatswana Department of Education, but turned it
down. The basic reason was that I wanted to become a minister of religion, or to be
precise, a Reverend within the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Southern Africa. My
parish pastor at the time, Rev A Malapane, an old man full of wisdom and good
counselling, was primarily responsible for my 'early entrance' into the training for the
ministry in the Lutheran church.
24
My application for training was successful and I was informed that the screening
committee of ELCSA had decided to send a few of the new candidates to the
University of Natal's School of Theology, at Pietermaritzburg. It was at this stage that
my grandmother, Mrs Moshala Paulina Masoga advised me to consult with a woman in
the vicinity. The woman in question was a well-known 'prophet', immediately
consulted with her with the purpose of 'smoothing' my way into and through the
University.
During the consultation, Mrs Modise, the prophetically gifted woman, put a seashell
containing clear water on a table. Sheprayed to all the ancestral spirits and concluded
with the trinitarian reference - Modimo Tate, Le MOlWa Je Moya 0 Mokgethwa. After
this, she said to me that I had serious problems in my life.
"Your ancestors, both patrilineal and matrilineal, want you to become a diviner-healer.
This they wish for seriously, my son. They appreciate that you intend to become a
minister of religion. But still, they want you to become a diviner-healer."
"Please ask them to release me for a while to complete my studies. Thereafter, I will
surely follow in their footsteps," I pleaded.
Her reply was: "Sure, that can be considered. We will have to plead with them to allow
you to pursue your studies first."
25
Subsequent to this was a ritual of pleading. A sheep was slaughtered and I was
cleansed (ritual cleansing) with its blood, and some un-describable substances were
mixed in the water of my cleansing bath. After the ritual, a black string was tied
around my waist.
"Now you can proceed with your studies. Remember that ancestral spirits cannot be
fooled, my son. A promise is a promise. Now go and complete your studies," she
concluded.
My stay at the University did not meet with problems at all. I was surely under the
support of my ancestral spirits. I was able to complete my studies to master's level.
From the University of Natal, I moved to Pretoria and worked as junior lecturer in the
Department of Classics at the University of South Africa. Trouble started to simmer.
First, I divorced my wife. Reasons for this event, I can hardly spell out. Only the
ancestors can give an adequate account of it. Second, I was involved in a number of
motorcar accidents. Reasons for this are unknown too. Some of the people I was
accompanying in their cars died. I felt that I was saved for a reason. I consulted with a
number of diviner-healers who mentioned the same thing: Badimo ba Iwa le wena
(The ancestors are at war with you). I then decided to become a ngaka.
For about four months I frequented Tate Mavulindlela's sangoma lodge. I was there
almost every day and evening, sometimes staying overnight. Life at the sangoma
lodge showed me many aspects and layers of African divination and healing practices.
26
I was restored back to my full human form. I experienced patterns and dreams of
sangomahood. Tate Mavulindlela, now my 'father' (the rank used in this trade) was
chosen by my ancestral spirits to initiate me. I greet her as: Tate Mavulindlela, monna
wa ga Nqeshe, 0 tswalwang ke koko Mashayi-Hlombe, monna waga Nkomo Mokhari,
otswalwang ke koko Magwetj'a Nkwe ya Thaba, monna wa ga Phoshoko - the
ancestral greetings. This I have to do whenever I meet her at the sangoma lodge.
I was then introduced to basic esoteric knowledge and the skills of handling oracular
tablets. With regard to the digging for and gathering of herbs as well as with the
administering of medicines, I was supervised. I had to induce ancestral trances daily. I
was also informed that my grandfather, Makobe Makobe - old and tired - spoke and
still speaks through my mouth, asking for a stick to walk with. He sometimes, I am
informed, conveys messages about daily happenings and how they should be handled.
Trance production is considered to be the decisive sign of one's calling.
After three months of training, I was sent to the Northern province due for initiation.
The place was the sangoma lodge of Koka Magwetja Nkwe ya Thaba, monna wa
Phoshoko. Koka Magwetja Nkwe ya Thaba gave birth to my 'father' Mavulindlela
manna wa Nqeshe. It was the right time to be initiated into sangomahood. It
happened before a large audience of lodge members, invited guests and neighbours. I
spent the first day and evening with no food, only wearing and covering my body with
a red cloth. The whole night was characterised by drum rhythms and singing.
Ululations filled the night. I was informed that the ululations welcomed two new
sangomas - badimo ba retwa e bile ba lebogwa ka mekgolokwane.
27
The morning of the initiation dawned. This day I will never forget as long as I live. I
was to be initiated together with an elderly woman from a Shangaan background. We
both knelt and sniffed our motsoko (snuff) without uttering a word to one another.
The great moment came. My ancestral goat passed by. It was taken right up to the
ancestral site - 'egandJeJweni' - the place where ancestral spirits reside.
Kbelel' nkeni, khelel' nkeni. nkani ya bobaba beyibuz' nkani (I am crying for the
healing horn, let my ancestral spirits bring the healing horn to me) - was the song sung
at this moment. With drums beating in the background, the song was sung
repeatedly. Tate MavuJindJeJa came forth to fetch me. I crawled on hands and knees
over rocky and rough ground to 'egandJeJweni'. Finally, I reached my destination.
drank the blood from the cut throat of a dying goat and drank water from a big bowl.
had to take out the water substances with blood faster. Having taken that out brought
a sense of relief to all: ngaJiphuza ngaJiphaJaza. Finally,.1 was initiated.
2.2 Reflections
Before one can attempt to do a reflectional discourse on the above narrative account
the theoretical observations need to be clarified at this stage. The first one has to do
with the tension that exists within the phenomenological debate or field. Eliade's
perspective on epoche' - i.e. meaning that 'an observer can enter into the religious
experience of believing communities and achieve understanding initially through the
28
technique of epoche and then by employing emphatic interpolation while still
maintaining epoche concerning the reality of the community's object of faith - was
heavily contested by a number of scholars (SegaI1983:101, Pals 1986:28 and Strenski
1993:41). This entire debate centers around reductionism in the scientific research on
religion (Cox 1996:155). James Cox's views on methodological conversion make
sense to the researcher. He (Cox)maintains that
"We can understand those who are different from ourselves without
confessionally endorsing their world views. Yet, we do affirm methodologically
what they affirm thereby experiencing what they experience" (1996: 166).
This explanation or perspective clarifies confessional conversion as opposed to
methodological conversation. As Cox (1996;168) maintains,
"Confessional conversion surreptitiously moves the study of religion away from
science into theology".
In this case methodological conversion allows one to suspend the rules of
autonomous rationality and abide by the rules of religious faith while at the same time
playing the rules of scientific rationality (Cox 1996: 168).
Cox uses the term diatopical hermeneuties as opposed to interpolational approach to
the study of religion. Bringing Cox's views home one is able to note the following:
The researcher was introduced or plunged into the esoteric knowledge of divination
together with his academic cultural baggage. This was a diatopical situation the
researcher had to deal with. The conversion meteneie helped the researcher to
sharpen his methodological analysis. Itwas not a mere confessional process, but dealt
29
with his inner methodological realities. The researcher changed and adapted his
thinking in the process of the diatopical hermeneutics. Firstly, both the researcher
and his adherence to his faith were critically analysed by employing theories and
disciplines to which he had been introduced (Cox 1996: 167). Secondly, the
researcher tried to apply the said analysis to the tradition he found and had emerged
from (Cox 1996: 167). Thirdly, the researcher attempted to internalise his own
tradition in the process of critical appraisal. This process engaged a serious, open,
critical and honest conversation which ultimately led to a methodological conversation
(Cox 1996: 167). Fourthly, the whole conversation and conversion led to "new
meaning" and understanding. The process that the researcher went through exposed
and pointed to major landmarks for his life experience. He kept on reflecting and re-
casting on this backdrop as it shaped and reconstituted his thinking and life. The
effects of this engagement willnot be easily removed from the researcher, but instead
will continue to engage other life experiences encountered in due course. Surely, in
terms of methodological stance the researcher changed and reshaped his own
perspective. The researcher is found once more, was lost before.
Further on the theoretical assumptions. The above narrative discourse introduces or
rather opens a door for the reader into the narrator's world. Genette (1972)
distinguishes between bistolre, recit and narration to account for the analytical
categories used in narrative theory. She translates these concepts as story, text and
narration. A story in this regard comprises the logical chronological fictional events
that provide the narrative with the 'raw material' in terms of which the narrative is told.
Text deals with the narrative text encountered during the narration process. Lastly,
30
narration category within the narrative theory accounts for the process of the narrative
with implications that someone has written the narrative and has intended it to be read
as a message by a reader or readers. As Rimmon-Kenan (1983:3) rightly notes,
"within the text, communication involves fictional narrator transmitting a narrative
fictional narratee. Of the three aspects of narrative fiction, the text is the only
one directly available to the reader. It is through the text that he or she acquires
knowledge of the story (its object) and of the narration (the process of its
production). On the other hand, however, the narrative text is itself defined by
these two aspects: unless it told a story it would not be a narrative, and without
being narrated or written itwould not be a text".
For purposes of this research both the story and text fit. The above story indicates the
nature of events and characters involved. The function of events indicates progression
through 'steps taken' with the result of 'objective reached' or 'missed' or the 'steps not
taken'. In this case both analeptic and proleptic events in the story are taken into
consideration. As far as the characterisation goes, the researcher is the character
himself. He is, in terms of Rlmmon-Kenan's (1983:40ff) definition of character, a
round character. Apparently this distinction originated in the 1930's and since it has
been taken over by many narratologists. A round character is more complex and
develops in the course of the action (Rimmon-Kenan 1983:40).
The textual narration of the above personal narrative discourse stands in relation to
both story and narration. Three categories should be noted in this regard: Time,
31
characterisation and focalisation (Rimmon-Kenan 1983:43). In this case time and
characterisation stand in relation to the story and focalisation to the narration.
Time category concerns the textual arrangement of the event component of the story
in the text (Rimmon-Kenan 1983:43). Definitely, the researcher's narration does not
accurately correspond to the logical chronological succession of events in the story.
The discourse of the researcher is patterned in terms of order, duration, and frequency
(Genette 1972:33ff). The order patterns specify analeptic (flashbacks) and proleptic
(foreshadowing) relations between the story and text-time. Duration specifies the
difference in time between events that took place in the story and at various textual
levels. Lastly, frequency specifies the number of times the events in the story are
recounted in the text. In this regard 'initiation' as an event noted in the text is repeated
several times. Characterisation on the other hand has already been discussed above.
Lastly, focalisation offers the reader or hearer an 'angle of vision' (Rimmon-Kenan
1983:3) through which the story is filtered in the text, and it is verbally formulated by
the narrator (Rimmon-Kenan 1983:43). Uspensky (1973) identifies three areas in this
regard, i.e.; the perceptional facet, the psychological facet, and the ideological facet.
First, time and space determine the perceptional facet (sight and hearing). The
researcher is also a focaliser both externally and internally - located in the action and
interaction of the entire focalisation. He (researcher) not only provides a bird's eye
view but participates in the action and is further unlimited to the present
characterisation.
32
Second, the psychological facet of perception has both cognitive and emotive
components. The cognitive component (knowledge, conjecture, belief, and memory)
indicate that the narrator (cf. researcher) understands overtly the represented world in
the text. The emotive component comprises the emotions of the internal focalisation
(Rimmon-Kenan 1983:80f). Lastly, the ideological facet of focalisation comprises the
'norms of the text' which consist of 'a general system of viewing the world
conceptually' (Rimmon-Kenan 1983:81). In the above personal narration (narrative
text), the narrator-focaliser's norms or ideology provide the 'single dominant
perspective' which "is usually taken as authoritative, and all other ideologies in the text
are evaluated from this 'higher' position" (Rimmon-Kenan 1983:81). In the above
mentioned narrative discourse ideology is positively presented and evaluated by the
narrator-focaliser. The narrator-focaliser is,in this case, inside the storyworld (diegesis)
and not objective and authoritative external focaliser.
Clearly the above brief account of the researcher's own experiences gives insight into
some of the practices that are central to his own life history. They can be much
expanded and that will be done in future research. Even so, my mother's wedding,
how I was taken up in the Masoga family, my studies, that I had a calling and how I
finally became a ngaka, form ingredients central to my life. If I would deny this, I
would become alienated not only from my most revered meaning system but also my
people and ancestors. When I started my research, I intended to do it as a scholar
looking at divination from the outside and objectively. Very soon, however, and given
my own calling before I went to university to study, I realised that this was impossible.
This explains why I took the course of action I did: to become ngaka.
33
My entrance into divination offered me esoteric knowledge that remains outside the
experience of the observer-researcher who remains on outsider. Crossing over into
this special territory or 'specialised space' gives this esoteric knowledge personal, social
and bodily legitimacy.
This experiential knowledge is more profound and comprehensive, more personal and
idiosyncratic than what Iwould have gleaned from mere observation.
The knowledge I gained is practical and effective. I have mastered the language of
divination and healing. The knowledge and language of divination heals. Healing, with
its complexities, attempts to realign the natural and supernatural realms. They cannot
be separated. The diviner-healer is the embodiment of the ancestry in the world of the
living, regardless of his or her technical skills. This is encompassed in the spiritual
manifestations that diviners experience daily.
I have also realised that much of the current scholarship on African Religion uses the
operation table of intellectual vivisection to de-construct, deny, assault, appropriate, or
destroy the living. There are exceptions to this practice (Setiloane 2000: 11). As
Setiloane (2000: 11) rightly observes:
"For many of us living in modern urbanized Africa, it becomes increasingly
difficult to imagine how lifemight have been on this continent before the advent
of Western people and their civilization. We have become so conditioned (and
34
brain washed) that, even with the best education, we often look back at it with
shame as 'shame', 'brutal' and everything that is bad".
Much of the published work in this field has produced systematic academic
commentaries (Mbiti 1969). The problem, however, is that such approaches are often
reductionistic. As van Binsbergen (1991 :341) rightly notes:
"We still know far too little about the anthropological activity as boundary
crossing, and how this reacts with the participant's own boundary management.
Dealing with other people's existential questions, existential questions of our own
cannot be avoided; nor can these all be suffocated under increasingly convoluted
and elegant discourse, no matter how many levels of structure, transformation,
binary and ternary logic they may contain".
In crossing over and making contact again with my own ancestral roots, I merged with
the data. I am enriched in the process and am human being again. To provide more
insight into divination, however, the following chapter provides information on an
interview that I had with Mrs Annah Mokgethi.
35
Chapter Three
3. Divinatory Conversation with Mrs Annah Mokgethi
This chapter offers the reader a glimpse into the esoteric world of divination as seen
and explained by a practitioner herself (Mme Annah Mokgethi, /Ygaka ya setso sa
Afdka). Questions formulated for this 'conversation' intended to bring to the fore
some of the elements of divination. As it will become clear from the interview, Mme
Annah Mokgethi did not delve into the specialised intricacies of divination, but only
gave general views on the subject.
3.1 Sesotho version of the Interview
Date: 11 October 2000
Interviewee: Mrs Annah Mokhethi
Designation: African Traditional Healer (Ngaka ya Setso sa Afrika)
Venue: Phuthaditjhaba, Qwa Qwa
Potso: Ako mpollelle ka tshebetso enaya setso.
Karabo: Phodiso ya setso ke hore re oka motho ya tshwerweng ke mafu, eka ba
hloho, mangweIe, mahlo, ditsebe kapa lefu le leng le le leng le ka phekolehang.
Potso: Ka setso 0 bolela hore ho na le merianaya mafu ohle?
36
Karabo: Re na le yona.
Potso: Le sebedisa merione ya Iona jwang, a na e hlwekile hore e ka sebediswa
ke bekudi?
Karabo: Ho tswa hore motho ya 0 sebedisang ke mango E tlamehile hore e
hlweke. Re e phehe ka pitse tse hlwekileng, Re a e sefa, re ntano e kenya ka
dibotlolong tse hlwekileng.
Potso: Pitso ya hore 0 be ngaka ebe e tswa kae?
f Karabo: Ho tswa hore neho ena 0 e fuwa ke mango Baholoholo ba hao ba 0 tlela
l ka toro, be 0 bontshe setlamatlama, le lebitso la sona. Le ho batho ho jwalo feela, betla 0 bolelela hore 0 ye sebakeng se feng moo 0 tla kopene le motho eo 0 mo
bontshitsweng torong, ka neko tse ding otla fumana motho eo a bile a 0 emetse.
Potso: Ho etsahalang ka motho ya hanang seo a se bolellwang torong tsa hae
ke bona baholoholo ba hae?
Kerebo: o tla kula, a re 0ya dingakeng tsa sekgowa, ase fumane pheko ho hang;
ka neko tse ding a be a hlokahale. Pheko ke yona feela ya hore a dumele mme a
pholohe.
37
Potso: Ha re kgutlele thupelong ya bona bongaka bona. Taba ya kgomo e hlajwang e
kens kae moo?
Karabo: Kgomo ena ha e hlajwe feela, 0 tla e bontshwa pele, mohatla wayona 0
be jwang, mmala, manaka, jwalo-jwalo. E be e ya ho batlwa; hobe ba e fumane ba ke
ke ba 0 bontsha yona, 0 tla tlameha hore 0 ebatIe ka ditaola, kepe ka hloho hobane e
patilwe kae kae, le sebaka seo otla tlameha hore 0 se lao/e.0 tla lao/a ho fih/ela 0 ba 0
efumana
Potso: Na ho etsahala hore 0 se e fumane? Teng ebe ho etsahalang ?
Karabo: Ee ho etsehele. feela e tla be e hlabuwe.
Potso: Bohlokwa ba bongaka boo ba setho ke bofe matsatsing a ka jeno?
Karabo: Bo sa le boholo, ho,?ane makgowa ha a kgone ho ka phekola mafu ana
kaofela; re na le botsebi re le ngaka tsa setso.
Potso: Hlahlobo ya motho e tsama-tsamaya jwang hape 0 bona jwang hore
motho 0 tlisitswe ke bothete bofe ho wena ?
Karabo: Ho na le batho ba tlang ho rona bosiu ditorong , re kgona ho bona hore
e tla ba mang, ya tshwerweng ke eng, ebe ha a fihla taba tse ding di tla hlahela, mme
38
ha a {jh/amona ke se ke tseba hore ke tlamo neha eng hore a hlaphohelwe lefung le
mo tlisitseng mona ho nna.
Potso: Ho na le batho ba tJang dingakeng ba tla hlahloba 0 kgona jwang ho
sebetsa le bona?
Karabo: Ke kgona ho ba thuse, mohlomong ho na le ho sa lokang ka lapeng
kapa ho na le ho sa lokang pakeng tsa mosadi le monna wa hae, ke ba shebe feela
ebe ke 0jwetsa hore 0 etse eng.
3.2 English Version of the Interview
Question: Tell me about African healing systems as practised by you and others.
Answer: This healing as practised by myself and others has the potency of curing
all curable illnesses and diseases including headaches, eyes, knees, ears, or any other
illness which are regarded as incurable by conventional healers.
Question: According to this practice, do you have a cure for almost all kinds of
known diseases?
Answer: Yes, we have remedies for almost all known illnesses.
39
Question: How do you make sure that your medicines are hygienic for use and
consumption by patients?
Answer: It always depends on the person who is using them. Ideally, hygiene is
our priority. We cook these plants, then remove the unwanted material that may be
present using specified equipment for that purpose. They are then bottled in clean
containers.
Question: How does one become a healer; how did it happen that you are now a
healer?
Answer: It is a calling. One is called by his or her ancestors to became a healer.
Your ancestors may come to you in the form of a dream; they may show you a certain
kind of context with particular herbs you did not know of before; they tell you the name
of herbs, their properties and how it must be used as a herb to cure illnesses. They
also tell you the person to contact for initiation as well as the place where you would
find such a person. Sometimes, you will find that person waiting for you.
Question: What can happen if you refuse your calling to be a healer?
Answer: You will probably get sick and may even die. If you think that your illness
can be cured by western medicine, you would lie to yourself, because there is nothing
this medicine can do to help you.
40
Question: Let us go back to the issue of initiation. Why is a cow slaughtered?
Answer: The cow is not just slaughtered. The ancestors first show you how it
should look like, its tail, head, horns on so on. Then you go out to buy it, but not you
yourself. When it arrives you are also not allowed to see it. You just have to throw
bones and they will tell you what it looks like, and where it is hidden. You will have to
guess until you find its whereabouts.
Question: It happens that you sometimes do not find its whereabouts?
Answer: Yes it sometimes happens, but it is still going to be slaughtered anyway.
Question: Do you see the importance of this healing system nowadays?
Answer: Yes, there is still a lot of importance for this kind of healing. Western
medicine can cure all the illnesses and our medicines are able to complement where
they are failing, or unable to cure.
Question: How does this healing system work? How do you diagnose the illness or
detect what brings a person to you?
Answer: When someone is coming to consult me, knowledge about him/ her ,
the nature of the problem, as well as the kind of sickness, are brought to me
41
beforehand through dreams. When the person arrives, I have a full understanding of
what brings him here, and what I should give as a remedy.
3.3 Reflections
From the above conversation with Mme Mokgethi, three perspectives are important.
First, views aired consist of the following: that the diviner healers believe that they have
remedies for almost all known illnesses; that they can cure all curable illnesses and
diseases; that they follow a hygienic process in the preparation of their medicines; that
the calling to become healer and diviner is central to this position; that the divination
of the cow which is slaughtered at the time of initiation is a central component of the
initiation process and that it is a very important system within African understanding of
health and well-being. There is also evidence of the fact that diviner-healers see their
practices as complementing modern medicine.
The second perspective comes from the fact that dreams form a central component to
all divination. The dream is the medium through which the ancestors communicate.
It is also in dreams that the diviner has visions of people who may come to him or her.
The dream is also the medium through which the diviner comes to know what
people's ailments are and what medicines to prescribe. This is supported by a number
of diviner-healers I have conversed with during the fieldwork research. Statements like
'badimo ba reng?" (what do ancestors say?) and 'lena le be le nyaka gore re botse
badimo eng?' (what do you want us to tell the ancestors?) were common in the
42
responses of the diviner-healers I conversed with. The two questions are posed to
both 'spaces'. The former refers to ancestral 'space' while the latter is posed in the
context of empirical 'space'. In the mediation of the spaces, the diviner plays a
prominent role. He or she has to establish the link that exists between deceased
kinsmen and the people living in the empirical world. Ancestry, as rightly pointed out,
is responsible for this particular 'gift' of healing, and continues to remain central to
healing and divination. It has to be noted that ancestors determine the entire system
of divination. Mrs Melita Lekota (Research Informant: Diviner-healer from Soshanguve,
Pretoria) points out that,
"Badimo ga ba tshwane/a gore ba gape/etSwe. Ba t/oge/e gore ba ipheto/e/e. 0
seke wa ba bo/e/efa"
"Ancestors should not be forced into something they do not approve of. Let
them speak for themselves - Do not speak on their behalf'
In this case dreams and divination bones are anei//a to the ancestral context. Dreams
and divination bones work inter-changeably. There are instances when one dreams
and the actual content of the dream is confirmed or deciphered during the divination
process. Or put differently, the suppliant or diviner-healer could dream of the actual
divination process. This shows how important it is for one to see all symbols and
activities as part of the same pattern. Allwork to support the entire system. There are
no hierarchies in terms of this operation and philosophy. Dreams are not de-valued in
43
the context of divination. But instead considered a part in the entire divination
process.
To make this explanation understandable, the researcher encountered problems on
his way from his initiation ceremony. He felt acute pain in his abdomen. The pain was
so serious that he had to stop driving for a while. He (the researcher) rang his gobela
who immediately threw bones to divine. She (gobela) pointed out that ancestors were
not satisfied because the researcher did not fulfil his promise of paying the Rl 0
(symbolically standing for a cow) during the river-initiation. Ancestors were so angry
that they even intended killing him. This shows how a mere abdominal pain connects
with the macro-structural patterns.
Last, the third perspective deals with the slaughtering of the goat and its significance.
In his book, Homo Neeens. Burkert outlines his approach - an eclectic blend of
functionalism, structuralism, and soda-biology (cf. Burkert 1983:xix; 1987: 150;
Alderick 1980:3). He defines ritual as "Forms of non-verbal communication" and
'patterns' which are accompanied by motives (Burkert 1987: 150). For him, human
society is shaped by the past. Burkert further shows that killing and spilling of blood is
the/a central ritual of religion. This practice, as he maintains, affirms, paradoxically,
the necessity of violence for the foundation of human culture. Burkert's views are not
without flaws (Lambert 1993:305,308). Therefore, one should be careful about the
idea of bones collected, and hunting theories of sexual aggression. However, one
accepts the relationship between ritual sacrifice and the renewal of life. In addition,
44
one can accept the functions of community forming and relationship building or the
restoring of sacrificial ritual.
Girard, a distinguished French literary critic whose views on violence, aggression and
sacrifice are shaped by literary texts, uses Freud's model of the conscious and
unconscious. For him (Glrard), ritual is an act which is a substitution of a prior event,
while, on the other hand, myth is the verbalised concealment of the original event.
Therefore, ritual becomes part of the social institution and it is repetitive because it
claims to be mimetic re-enactment of a prior event (Girard 1987 :99,100). The details
of Girard's thesis may be challenged, rightly, especially the reduction of everything to
binary opposition and the positing of hypothetical original situations. But, the idea of
projected guilt is helpful and could be combined with some Bukert's views, especially
on the community building aspect and the death-life exchange.
The two ritual theoretical frames above (Burkert and Girard) help one to understand
the pillar role of sacrificial rituals as indicated by Mme Annah Mokgethi. Indeed,
without this shedding of blood, there can be no life. The shedding of blood creates
and affirms social interaction (Burkert 1983:24). The goat, as mentioned by Mme
Mokgethi, helps suppliants to interact effectively with the living timeless (Mbiti
1969:83).
The three perspectives referred to above undergird the main rationale behind the
conversation with Mme Mokgethi. Mme Mokgethi's account indicates vividly the
importance of the African 'social symbolic universe' (Geertz) and how it governs folk in
45
the empirical world. The connection of the two 'spaces' is to allow them to operate as
'one' and they are forcefully inter-dependant. There is no line of division between
them. The conversation with Mme Mokhethi helps to demonstrate how people in the
empirical 'space' view divination oracles. Symbolic objects like divination oracles are
seen as the 'mouthpiece' for both these 'spaces'.
The next chapter deals with some general trends in African healing, divination, and
prophecy.
46
CHAPTER FOUR
4. African healing, divination, and prophecy
Every human community "recognizes a need for the special knowledge gained through
divination" (Peek 1991: 1). Africa still prides itself on its divinatory practices.
Unfortunately, divination was and still remains marginalised. Even so, Peek (1991: 1)
says that some of its intuitive findings and assertions are surprisingly 'scientific'.
Further, another unfortunate part of views on divination is that most of the African
indigenous healers cannot express themselves through the medium of literature (Peek
1991 :200). In most African oral cultures, the diviner does not, and cannot 'read', but
looks and listens, sees and hears (Peek 1991 :200). With that in mind, the role of the
diviner is to decode, or to be precise, to interpret the esoteric codes for the client in
the divination process. It is for this reason that some social anthropologists have not
represented them well. However, the esoteric knowledge of African indigenous healing
systems, has survived the tests of time.
The previous chapter looked at the conversation with Mme Annah Mokgethi on
divination and the calling to divination and healing. This chapter looks at trends in
African healing, divination and prophecy. This is done by primarily focusing on African
herbalists, African diviner-healers, and the call, and training of African Diviners. In the
process, the researcher has decided to retain indigenous terminology. One of the
reasons is that the concept 'traditional', for example, may give rise to views that it is
47
not relevant or outdated. The term traditional, is commonly known to have roots in
Latin 'tradere', literally to 'pass on something from somewhere'. Currently, scholarly
views on whether it should be used or not, are divided.
Those who are against its use are adamant that the term has derogative underpinnings
and should therefore not be used at all. Those who prefer the use of this concept refer
to its Latin root meaning as it denotes a sense of progression or passing on through
time.
4.1 African Herbalists
The common trend among African herbalists is to divide indigenous healing into two
categories - herbalists and diviners.
Dingaka Tshupsa, inyanga - 'Herbalists' - treat diseases. They simply do not diagnose
or venture into any divination strategies. This skill of treating diseases can be learnt.
Very often it is inherited. To this category may be added the growing number of
homeopaths and natura paths whose activities require some investigation. Bapedi
communities have a specific terminology for this category of healers - ke ngaka e
tShupsa (he or she is a healer who does not use divining bones - ditaoJaor dikgagara).
)
This typology of healing involves a serious concern for herbs (mere or dihlare). The
healer has to have good skills in knowing the correct prescription for a particular
disease or illness. In most case, the healer studies or becomes an understudy of a
particular skilled herbalist healer who later imparts the skill to him or her. Part of the
48
training involves going into the field and bushes to dig for herbs (go epa mehlare goba
mere). The entire procedure and protocol in digging and stamping the dried herbs is
explained painstakinly to the learner or disciple. Some procedures cannot be easily
understood but demands complete commitment on the part of both tutor and
disciple.
Respondent Ruth Motlatsi from Thaba Moopo points out that:
"Seo 0 swanelSego go se tseba ke gore gona le mehlare e mengwe eo 0 ka se
kego wa e rema felafela ... gona le ka fao melao e beilweqo gore e rengwe ka
gona. Mohlala, nke go botse ka moh/are 0 0 thdago bonna, ge motho wa
senna a na le bothata bo bo bjalo. Ngaka e swenetse gore e sale gosasa e tsoge
e tsee kepu le mokotlana wa yona e Iebe thabeng. E tJaremola eIe kgauswj le
wona moh/are, e tla apola dikobo e sale e ponoka ... e ponoka ke a go botse. Ke
moka e tla thoma ka go 0 rema. Ga e swanela go bolela go ba go lealea kua le
kua. Sa yona ke gore mah/o a yona a tsepelele gona mo mosomonq yoo e
godkago. Ke moka ge a fedjtSe 0 tla tlatSamokotlana wayona. E boeIe gae. Ga e
swanela go Iebelels morago mo a ISwago. Ga ea swanela go boledêene le mang
kapa mang go {jh/a gae. Me/awana e ka moka e direlwe gore sehlare se goba
pheko ye e tIe some e phedêe betho".
"One has to note the fact that there are herbs that cannot be cut as one wishes .
... there are rules pertaining to the cutting procedure. An example is the specific
herb that helps impotent men. The healer has to cut it at dawn. When he or she
49
is about to reach the said tree he or she has to take off their clothes and then
proceed with the cutting process. He or she is not allowed to talk or look around
but instead to fix or rather use the tree as his focal point and attention. When the
process is complete he or she will return home but is not allowed to look back or
talk to any person he or she meets on the way until he or she finally reaches
home. All these little rules are meant to be observed so that the potency,
efficiency and effectiveness of the herb is guaranteed".
From the above interview with MmaMotlatsi one is able to notice a few important
elements.
The herbalist has to be skilled in order to observe all rules pertaining to herbalism.
Rules pertaining to herbalism separate the healer from the everyday patterns of life, for
an example,
"When he or she is about to reach the said tree, he or she has to take off his or
her clothes and then proceed with the cutting process .... he or she will return
home but is not allowed to look back or talk to any person he or she meets on
the way until he or she finallyreaches home".
The rules are extra-ordinary because they need to ensure the extra-ordinarly nature of
the cure or healing which is to be effected. Rules are there to be observed and
demonstrate the level of commitment of the herbalist.
50
4.2 African Diviner-Healers
The second category to be taken note of, is that of 'diviners' - I'fgaka tsa marapo/
ditsole/ dikgagara! Izangoma! amagqirha. Healers within this category are able to
diagnose and prescribe medicines. However, their medicines and diagnostic skills and
art are even used in the social, economical and magical spheres of life. This research
work is confined entirely to this category of African healers because of its specific
interest to divination-oracles.
4.2.1 The call, and training of African Diviners
It is within this category that calling is emphasised. Calling refers to the actual entry
into divination and its intricacies. The general trend has it that one does not decide to
become a healer but is 'forced' into it. Respondent Ntate Mopedi, the African healer
from the Northern province, at the place called Makgane, notes:
"rina ke be ke sa rate goba ngaka, ke bile ka bilSwa. Bongaka bjo ke bo Uwe ke
bo koko le bo rakgala. E be e le bdsego ge ke be ke na le pono. Ke bile ka bona
makgolo khukhu yo nna ke bega ke sa motsebe. Vena oile a itsibiSa gore ke
mang le gore ke wa moloko 0 Fe. Oile a nhlaldselSa le gore oile a hwa lehu la
mohuta mango Seo ke ilego ka se bontshwa ke yena, ke mokotlana wa ditaola le
gore ke tla 0 hwet:Sakae. Go tsogeng ga ka ke ile ka napa ka ba botse ka mogae.
Ba bagoIo ba ile ba kgonthiSiSa lebaka le. Se ke go bontshe gore bongakeng ga
wo ikgethele, Fela0 wa botïwe"
51
"I did not want to become a healer, but was called into it. The gift came from
both my ancestors and ancestresses. It was in the night that I saw my great-
grandmother whóm I did not know. She explained herself to me and accounted
for her own death. She showed me a bag full of divining bones, and even
informed me about their actual whereabouts. In the morning I informed my
family about my dream. They (the older ones) confirmed her actual 'existence
and the fact of her healing trade when she was still alive. This shows very clearly
that one does not merely decide to become a healer, but is rather called".
van Binsbergen (1991) did extensive fieldwork in Francistown and surrounding areas in
Botswana during April-May 1988, November 1988-0ctober 1989, August-September
1990 and June-July 1991. In the article entitled: Becoming a sangoma: Religious'
anthropological fjeld-work in Francistown, Botswana a comprehensive narrative of his
initiation into what he calls sangomahood is provided. He (van Binsbergen 1991 :333)
succinctly points out that
"There is no doubt that 'becoming a sangoma' offers me as a researcher a vast
range of information, both of esoteric and of social and bodily patterns which
may not be as accessible to the participant observer who remains an outsider".
van Binsbergen (1991:316) mentions a number of steps that were followed before he
qualified as a sangoma. Part of the process included
(a) "we were introduced to a more complex and less mechanical aetiology", (b)
"we were impressed when in dramatic divination sessions the specific ancestors
were identified who were held responsible for our suffering: my paternal
i15707799
52
grandfather, who had died in my father's infancy, and a few weeks later at a
different sangoma lodge",
(c) "we both could hardly talk, think or dream of anything else any more except
sangomahood" ,
(d) was introduced to esoteric knowledge as regards "handling the oracular
tablets",
(e) "the drinking of blood from the cut throat of a dying goat; its gall was.
smeared onto my feet and its inflated gall bladder tied to a string for me to wear
as a pendant",
2 was "initiated as a twaza, before a massive audience of lodge members,
invitees and neighbours", and
3 "with all the trappings: my own sangoma uniform as dictated in detail by my
ancestral spirit under trance; sacred cloths, as well as bead necklaces and
l bracelets which I was to wear night and day for the rest of my life;
(h) elaborate and cumbersome taboos and prescriptions relating to food, bodily
care, sexuality and ritual for the duration of my period as a twezd',
The above-mentioned sketched procedure, though summarised, overtly introduces
one to the meaning and functions of African divination. van Binsbergen had the
opportunity to experience this partem rite de passage (cf. Turner 1969) of African
divination and healing.
53
Calling into divination varies from one healer to another. In the case of ntate
Maamushi, he experienced visions and dreams. Badimo visited him in his sleep and
made their wishes known to him. In turn, these dreams and visions exerted a
profound attraction.
Respondent Tate Mavulindlela from the Eastern Free State, Phuthaditjhaba, Qwa Qwa
(her ancestral name is Mavulindlela the man of Nqhese, born by grandmother
Mashayihlombe, the man of Nkomo Mokhari. .. ) points out that,
"Iwas very sick. Iwent from one hospital to another. Western doctors could not
account for the cause of my disease. One doctor at Manapo Hospital hinted at
asthma as the cause of my disease. This problem was not only located physically
but was socially as well. My marriage was in a shambles. My husband left me.
There was no verifiable cause for his departure from home. He returned home
and chased me away. I was deeply hurt by his actions. Fortunately, my maiden
family was supportive. They took me to consult with a traditional healer. He was
very forthright. This is what he said to me: You do not have a problem. It is
ancestors who are behind all these problems. They want you to be initiated into
healing/divination. I guarantee you that after you have gone through the initiation
your affairs will be restored to normality. I then decided to undergo the initiation
54
process and I am now back to my normal stage. Ancestrology is a very serious
affair and should be treated as such."
Tate Mavulindlela had to be subjected to some form of physical and emotional
pressure to indicate that ancestors wanted her to do something. Becoming sick or
falling sick necessitates that an established or qualified diviner be consulted. Van
Binsbergen (1991 :318) concedes that,
"it turns out that the social and psycho-somatic complaints of patients in both
types of therapy are very similar. However, the sangoma cult idiom seeks to
establish, in the consciousness of the clients, a coherent image of a viable and
meaningful social order anchored in the village, adorcism."
The diviner may come to a solid conclusion that such an illness, as in the case of Tate
Mavulindlela, is not amenable to simple treatment by any healer. Findings and
conclusions in this regard may be that the patient is at an early stage of the novitiate
(uyathwasa). Literally, the term go thwasa/uku-thwasa, "means coming into view."
Some scholars, in this very same context translate it as 'blossoming' (Setiloane 2000,
Berglund 1975 and Mbiti 1969). In particular Setiloane (2000:27)outrightly mentions
that,
"Go thwasa, properly understood, means 'to blossom', 'to come to blossom', like
a flower, 'to come into being', like a new year or month, or 'appear into view', like
the sun or moon."
55
In this case, it simply means that 'to become the novice' is at an early stage of entry
into divination. Only the most experienced, established and renowned diviner is
capable of 'iikuthwesise' (helping with the initiation) the novice. It is at this stage that
the novice often begins to grow delicate and eccentric, dreaming frequently, often
about wild ferocious animals and serpents. He or she is instructed to take note of
dreams and visions and convey them to his or her gobela 'the established diviner'
involved in the training. Novices are of a highly neurotic temperament and often are
in a trance while at other times they become violent. They often become particular
about food. They are again often fond of snuff, lefola or motsoko and easily get
shaken by convulsions. They shed tears and weep extravagantly. They may get up in
the middle of the night and sing.
Those around them or in their company are expected to respond by clapping hands
and beating a cowhide drum rhythmically. Usually the spirit in possession begins
singing her or his favoured/ preferred song and is then joined by those who sit around.
At one of the Ndomb', which are rightly translated by van Binsbergen to be 'cult
lodges' (1991 :316) in Pretoria, Soshanguve, I observed the following:
The novice sitting on the floor began to shiver and had uncontrollable hiccups. She
began to move her feet uncontrollably. Immediately those sitting around her, spoke
patiently:
'Botse botse, le seke la tla ka bogale, tlang ka lethabo, e kaba mokgekoIo goba
mokgalabe, re a le amogela .... "
56
Wonderful, wonderful, do not come with trouble, come with happiness, whether
an old woman or man, we welcome you".
The ithwasana then moved out of the ancestral room and moved towards the place of
the gobela. She was going to hlehla, literally meaning 'to greet accordingly'. She
started to sing her preferred song: Awee Shai makarakaragana, awee shai
mekerenkere. rena bagoJogolo she! mekerenkere. re a le lotshe, ke nna Phalafala, shai
mekerenkere .... She started by greeting the gobela and then moved.
So far one is able to see the importance of a call to this vocation. The candidate is
supposed to be in a suitable physical and spiritual condition to receive a revelation or
direction from a guardian spirit. The guardian spirit reveals the vocation as well as
supposed trainer. The directives of the guardian spirit are binding and must be
obeyed. At this stage one has to note that one healer has the ability to commune with
more than one guardian spirit.
Another good example of this is the account of Mrs Melita Lekota, healer from
Soshanguve, whose ancestrological names are Magwetja Nkwe ya thaba, the man of
Phoshoko, born by grandmother Mahlasela, the man of Mtetwa Nyembose, born of
grandmother Le dada phulamanzi, the man of Ndwendwe Nxumelo, born of
grandmother Mkhwekazi, the man of Ndebezithe MajoJa,Majola the progenitor of the
initiation medicine (drug). Mrs Lekota indicated to me that she has more than twenty
guardian spirits. She is particularly impressed by the presence of one guardian spirit
that can foretell tomorrow's happenings. This particular guardian spirit is able to
57
inform her if her interlocutors are telling lies or not. Lastly, she is able to discover
hidden articles because of the help of this particular guardian spirit.
When one has finally accepted the call, he or she is admitted into a place called
Ndombe or ka ndombeng or ngoako wa Badimo (an initiation lodge) (d. van
Binsbergen 1991 :316). This is a place where guardian spirits reside and take charge.
There is a special ritual that is performed when an initiate (novice) is received into it.
He or she stands at the entrance of the yard and is covered with a veil depending on
the requirements of his or her specific guardian spirits. The preliminary ritual is
performed. It is the ritual called go phasa (cf. isiZulu - ukuphahla; Sesotho - ho h1abela
badimo) (to communicate with the ancestors and ancestresses). It is at this stage that
the badimo of the novice are evoked and welcomed into the house of the trainer or
senior's adept (van Binsbergen 1991:316) badimo in order for them to 'thwasa - to
blossom' (Setiloane 1998, 2000 and Mbiti 1969). It should be noted that the whole
process revolves around the ancestors and ancestresses. Every communication has to
do entirely with them. It is the badimo who are about to thwasa and not the novice.
The use of the term novice refers to the badimo because they have not as yet thwasa.
They are still regarded as being young. Having admitted them, the human novices,
into an Indombo they now are ready to be taught and trained to become skilled
healers.
Training of the novice (both the possessed and the guardian spirit) involves both
physical and mental aspects. The physical aspect of training entails rules pertaining to
dietO, fasting, cleanliness, etc. The mental training on the other hand covers
58
thorough knowledge of the novice's family history, history of the controlling guardian
spirit, religious developments within the family, as well as ritual rites and taboos.
Acquiring a knowledge of healing herbs is vital in this aspect of training. This type of
training is regarded as basic for ithwasana. After the experienced trainer has
established that the ithwasana is ready for higher training he or she (ithwasana) is then
introduced to the most complex esoteric philosophies about life as regards healing.
Training basically deals with the intellectual, intuitve and spiritual aspects. The
intellectual capacity provides knowledge about the profession, dealing with the
mysteries and powers contained in the profession.
In developing this aspect the candidate has to be able to demonstrate knowledge of
bone-casting or oracular tablets (van Binsbergen 1991 and 1995, Whyte 1991)
(ditaola/amathambo/tinhlolo), psychological treatment of patients, concentration and
mastery of trances : go tlelwa ke badimo le go tseba go gwerana le badimo ge ba tfile
ka melaetse e bohlokwa eo e nyakago gore e titisetswe go bao ba phelago ka keno.
The intuitive capacity on the other hand deals with the power of knowing or
understanding something without reasoning or being taught. This capacity lies in
one's ability to connect closely with one's guardian spirits go ntSha badimo gore batle
ba tsebe go diramosoma wa bona.
Lastly, the spiritual aspect deals with powers utilised in the control of the human soul,
nature, prophecy and the reading of the human mind and thus finding hidden articles
and secrets. One has to note that all aspects indicated are mutually inclusive and aid
59
one another to foster a comprehensive healing skill and art. Allhave to be maintained
and viewed as of equal importance.
Another important dimension in the training is the secluded life that has to be led by
the neophyte. Part of this seclusion is the strict observance of chastity.
In some cases the neophyte has to avoid all common footpaths and is constantly given
medicines to purge. The dress code varies from one neophyte to another depending
on the demands of their respective guardian spirits (van Binsbergen 1991 :317).
Commonly, they dress in white. As van Binsbergen (1991 :317) precisely notes, "my
own sangoma uniform as dictated in detail by my ancestral spirit under trance". In his
case the ancestral spirit dictated the actual clothing for him. In most cases ancestral
spirits prefer the clothing they previously used when they were still alive. One
respondent, Mahamba-nomoya (she preferred to use her ancestral name) pointed out
to me that,
"Go iJegwa ba Jenako eo ke iJegoka se apare dikobo !:Sabadimo ba ka. Ba ile ba
nkgama. Se se bontshe bogoJo ba seo badimo ba Jego sons".
"It happened that one day I did not put on my ancestral clothing. Iwas forcefully
pressed on my throat. This is what the ancestors are all about."
The role of fear is central in this case. The researcher discovered that fear operates on
two levels. First, is the general fear of the ancestors. Second and relevant for this
research work is the 'complex-fear'. The first view of fear is general in a sense that
neophytes have to obey their ancestors. This is general and applies to almost everyone
60
who is within the African social symbolic universe (reality). The second view is
complex and tricky. It involves a serious and clear relationship which one (neophyte
and/or experienced diviner-healer) has with his or her ancestors. The neophyte or
diviner-healer is always careful and in fear of the 'wrath' of ancestry. The ancestors, in
this case, are not supposed to be angered or provoked but should be 'cushioned' until
they become stronger to work. Expressions like 'ke soma ke badimo' (I work through
,
my ancestors) are common within this latter view of fear.
The preceding descriptions enable one to get an idea of the specialised terminology
used by some in the field of African divination communities. The main rationale
behind this chapter was to provide the reader with a broader perspective on some
African divination communities. The following chapter looks at the typologies of
African divination oracles and provides further commentaries on these oracles.
61
CHAPTER FIVE
5. African Divination Oracles
This chapter looks at African divination oracles and provides a footnoted commentary.
The chapter aims to aid the reader to get acquainted or attuned with the esoteric
knowledge, lingua and world of divinatio. The oracles were selected from the sample
interviews that were conducted with a number of diviners. For the purposes of this
research, the researcher selected two oracles that are different in terms of their unique
generic forms. The selection was done by carefully sifting the samples of about 50
divination oracles that were previously collected, translated and analysed. Two
categories can be distinguished: The first category of oracles was basically poetry
. form. The oral performers (cf. diviner-healers) did not only 'tell' a story in their
divination poetry, but transmitted their 'epics' by word of mouth and 'changed their
word patterns in the process reciting the 'epics'. The second category is a divination
oracle nuance consisting of formulary patterns combining with siyavuma interjections.
The research targeted fourty African diviners and healers spread throughout the
country. It concentrated on the Northern province. I employed both snowball and
Delphic techniques to acquire the data. Places covered included the following:
Makgane (Northern Province, Ga-Sekhukhune), Motetema (next to Groblersdal),
Moganyaka (on the route to Marble Hall), Majaneng (fifty kilometers from Pretoria),
Suurman (neighbouring village to Majaneng), Stinkwater (on the east of Soshanguve),
62
and Soshanguve township which is about forty kilometers from Pretoria. It was in
Soshanguve that I was introduced to the cultic lodge of Ndabezitha Majola. It was
within this lodge that I was initiated as a diviner (refer to Appendix A). The Ndomba of
Ndabezitha Majola has links with Swaziland and Maputo (where Ndabezitha originally
came from.
The diviner named ngaka Maamushi at Makgane in Sekhukhune pronounced the first
oracle to the researcher himself. The second oracle was pronounced to IYtate
Masobela, a young man from Rockville, Hammanskraal. Mr Masobela accompanied
the researcher on some days of the fieldwork research. He gave consent that the
oracle be recorded for the purposes of this research.
Please refer to the pictures attached as appendix C for visuals of the variety of
interviews that took place during the fieldwork research. The researcher selected a few
pictures for the purposes of this research, from the many pictures that were taken
during the interviews, with a wide range of diviners, in a number of places, in the
country. Attached here as well (appendix A), is the schematic representation of planes
of classification (d. Turner 1969) indicating places and symbols in the context of
divination (cf IYgaka Maamushi's divination place).
Most of the divination infrastructures were common and similar in many ways. Turner
(1969:15) accommodates every unit of space and time, by convention, for something
other than itself in this regard. The schematic representation indicates the importance
of viewing 'space' and 'time' conjunctively. As Mircea Eliade (1959:20) postulates,
63
"for religious man, space is not homogeneous, he experiences interruptions,
breaks in it; some parts of space are qualitatively different from others".
One entered each divinatory space, related to the two oracles question here, in a
different way. In this regard Turner's concept of rite de passage, borrowed from
Arnold van Gennep (1909), is helpful. Arnold van Gennep connected this concept to
the idea of 'liminal space' (Turner 1969:94). According to van Gennep (cf. Turner
1969:94) concepts of rite de passage
"accompany every change of place, state, social position and age. Three phases
are notable in this regard, namely; separation, liminality and reincorporation" .
Separation refers to the "symbolic behaviour signifying the detachment of the
individual or group from an earlier fixed point in the social structure" (Turner 1969:94).
Liminality on the other hand indicates that the "intervening 'liminal' period ... the
characteristics of the ritual subject ... are ambiguous" (Turner 1969:94).
Reincorporation means that the "individual or corporate, is in a relatively stable state
once more" (Turner 1969:95). Taking a cue from Turner's views the researcher's
fieldwork had a triad of levels of experience, viz. separation, Iiminality and
reincorporation. The researcher crossed boundaries and entered into the divinatory
context (cf. photos 4,7 and 8)
The researcher was betwixt and between positions assigned and arrayed by the
divination laws, customs, conventions and ceremonies. It was a state and experience
of ambiguity and was characterised by indeterminate attributes as expressed by a rich
variety of symbols, expressions and activities. Despite the ambiguity of characterising
64
this 'space' (Eliade 1959:20-24), the researcher ventured through it to discover and be
discovered. Both the researcher and Mr Masobela allowed their 'spiritual space' to be
interfered with and dictated upon by diviners. Se ke seo bongaka e Jego sona beqeso
... (This is what divination is all about).
African indigenous healing systems has become one of the hotly debated terrains 1 in
scholarship. Various perceptions are advanced from different paradigms. The general
propensity in this regard underrates, or rather put aptly, down-writes, the positiveness
of this fact2•
1 van Binsbergen (1991) relates a story of his initiation into divination. He read a paper
at the University of Cape Town in 1990 and was challenged by Prof Harriet Ngubane, a
prolific author on anthropology and established in the field. The attack was based on
her extensive rural research. She questioned the (unintended) suggestion that one
could opt to be a sangoma. In her opinion one has to be chosen by the ancestors.
Also Nokuzola Mndende in one of her articles entitled: Initiation of "White Sangomas"
within Xhosa Tradition, (in: Imibengo Yomthonyama (April 2000), pp. 4-6), asserts
strongly that 'no white person can become a sangoma'. Mndende strongly maintains
that, "I want to be honest in this regard; the initiation of whites by Xhosa diviners is a
false practice, from both sides ... I have never heard a white person enquJa (invoking
his/her ancestors) even in his/her language. I have never heard them telling us that
they woke up with a song revealed to them, instead you sometimes hear them singing
Xhosa songs. Does that mean that they are called by Xhosa ancestors or are their
ancestors Xhosa? Strange!"
2 Ferdinand (1999:84) argues that the nature of the African spiritual world is essentially
ambivalent and dangerous. He further maintains that "the response to spirit attack
exhibits a similar uniformity; on the one hand it may be repelled by exorcist
65
5.1 An interview with Ngaka Maamushi from Makgane, Ga-Sekhukhune,
Northern Province"
Having entered the yard of ngaka4 Maamushi I was led into the healing shrine (ka
ngwakwaneng wa ka/afd). Ngaka Maamushi welcomed me and instructed that I take
off my shoes. He then brought his bag full of divining bones and further instructed
that I sit on the grass-made-mat, with my legs straight, facing the east. He explained
this as a position helping me to 'look into myself (go jh/a/a) and not to 'complain' (go
tlëe pe/ae/o). He then asked that I breathe into the bag which contained the divining
bones" in order to bring life to the bones and let them liveand tell their story about my
techniques; on the other; concessions may be made to satisfy the spirit and give
advantages to the victim."
3 This is were most of the data was collected (cf. Photos 10,11,13,14,15,16,17,18 and
19).
4 Sesotho for diviner-healer.
5 Refer to Appendix A (Ngaka Maamushi's Cultic Lodge), which indicates planes of
classification. It indicates a construction from the observational and exegetical data of
a model of the semantic structure of this symbolism.
6 Ditsole from Sepedi (or rather commonly known as Sesotho sa Leboa) is derived
from the verb root '/ao/a'which translates as 'to divine' or put scientifically, 'to seek or
establish meaning'. As Peek (1991 :2) rightly asserts,
66
life (go di huetse gore di tlise bophelo gape). Having breathed into the bag, I took it
and threw the ingredients on the floor (gore di tIe di boIeIe gore ke Ila kae eng) and he
began with his divination (go thoma go lao/a) process:
"A divination is often the primary institutional means of articulating the
epistemology of people ... is central to the expression and enactment of his or
her cultural truths as they are reviewed in the context of contemporary realities."
In this case, the use of ditao/a and going through the 'fao/a' process in itself offer and
guide the enquirer into the entire context of esoteric knowledge, symbolic power, and
performative beauty. Ditsole are composed of various bones taken from different wild
animals (cf. Appendix C, Photos 8 [;,.9). Like elephant, lion amongst others. The size
is usually less than 10cm and made from wood, bone or ivory (van Binsbergen
1995: 115). The use of the symbolic world and its images encodes the life of the living.
This places a human being in close connection with nature. Nature is where human
beings emerged and continue to live. For family typology divination bones (cf. monna,
mosimene, ngwanenyana, ngwana, mosadi ete) refer to appendix B taken from the
Ndabezitha Majola's cultic lodge. It should be noted that bone throwing differ from one
cultic lodge to another. In the case of the Ndabezitha Majola's cultic lodge only diviner-
healers are supposed to throw bones during the divination process. This is based on
the perspective of cleansing versus miasma (pollution). This cultic lodge (Ndabezitha
Majola) emphasizes the importance of cleansing. Common expressions in this regard
include among others: sefifi (literally from darkness - lefifi, isiceto or monyama). All
these terminologies refer to miasmic propensities. According to Mrs Melita Lekota
(chief diviner in the cultic lodge based in Soshanguve, Pretoria; "Badimo ga ba rate go
tshwere senyama" - "Ancestors to not like miasma".
67
5.1.1 The Oracle
1. Yaa!F
2. Ke nna mogolo ke kakatlela dithebs'
7 It acts as a 'constraint' to offer the narrator the 'space' and 'time' of fixing his
discourse. One has to note that the narrator, in this case ngaka Maamushi, needs this
'space' and 'time' to stitch together prefabricated discourse.
8 It is important for the diviner-healer to praise himself or herself. The opening of this
praise-form-divination explains and establishes his potency in divining - 'I am the
greatest to take charge of the mountains' as /'/gakaMaamushi indicated in the oracle.
Mountains are associated with ancestral spirits and at times seen as a 'haven' for
ancestral activities. For instance, as Maamushi pointed out, most of Bapedi gei up the
mountain to perform rituals to invoke ancestors/tresses and plead with them to
intervene in stopping drought by bringing rain. A good example is the famous
mountain of Modimo 0 'lle, literally 'The deity has eaten/devoured', which is situated
along the NI road to Pietersburg. It is next to Nylstroom, in the Northern province.
The common belief system regarding this mountain is that: Go tloga kgale-kgale go
be go sa swanela gore batho ba ye kgauswi le thaba ya Modimo 0 'lle. Ge motho a be
a ka {jh/ago yone, ka kgonthe 0 be a sa boe. Tumelo ke gore badimo le Modimo ba
dula gona mo thabeng. Ga se tshwanelo ya gore ba tshwenywe ntle le ge e le bona ba
re tshwenyago (Respondent: Mmameke Masoga, passed away in 1986, interviewed in
1985, June, 26). Translation: "Long long ago the living were not allowed to come
close to the mountain. If a person happened to come close to the mountain he or she
would not return or be seen alive. The belief system was that God and the ancestral
spirits resided there and were not supposed to be disturbed at all. In this case, it was
proper to be bothered by the ancestral spirits than to bother them". In addition, as
mentioned in chapter six (orality theories), ke nna mogoio ke kakatlela dithebe, has
both mnemonic and formulary patterns. It contains epithets and other formulary
68
3. Ke bitSa thaba tsa gesd
4. Ke sepitsi se rwele ketse"
5. Ke moétmane ga ke na mogalo - mogolall
6. Ke mogoIo ke kakatlela dlthebe"
7. Byale ga dije dire go mphereiere"
expressions that provide it with an interesting oral discourse structure. I'Igaka
Maamushi employs the noetic role of heroic 'heavy' figures that are 'bizarre' (cf.
Appendix C - Photos 1,2 and 3).
9 This refers to Ngaka Maamushi's ancestral cultic origin. As indicated in (8) mountains
were and still are associated with sacredness.
10 A very strong combination of various meanings in one statement. A symbolic and
metaphorical use of concepts - note 'cat' and 'horse' (sepitsi se rwele katse - the horse
carries a cat). The bravery of the horse is strongly emphasized. This links with the
preceding llne in which the performer recites about his cultic origin. Sepitsi se rwele
katse refers to the 'family of cats' (Iegora labo katse) e.g. lion, leopard etc. This is
again a 'bizarre' expression. It helps ngaka Maamushi in a noetic manner to structure
his oral divination oracle.
11 To indicate and validate his potency, I'IgakaMaamushi points out to his energetic
constitution. He is like a 'young lad who is able to spring, run, and is overall alert'.
One should note Sherzer's observation (cf. Ong 1982:64) that
"Sometimes formulaic elements are managed in an effort to establish
verbatimsameness, sometimes they work to implement a certain adaptability or
variation" .
12 This appears like a formula in the oracle - see line 6.
69
8. Ke mabyala a ditsokudu"
9. Eeh ... re a tsoga ... 15
10.Re tsoga ka lena, gomme re re ... 16
11.Hleng dibitse mabele ga dije17
12. Tbekedu" lote" motho, motho 0 lotwa ke bendo
13 This is a typology of a bone fall - (Di weIe mpherefere'). HAMahiase (1996:64) in
his comprehensive publication entitled: Mokubega, argues that this tablet or bone fall
indicates 'go rerwe molato/monyanya/magadi, which translates as 'it discusses/
communicates or converses a problem/crisis, feast or betrothal related matter. Ga dije
... 'they do not eat' in this case has a deeper meaning: 'they are not peaceful or at
peace'.
14 It is not clear whether Maamushi indicates his tribal totem (Setiloane 2000: 17).
15 This is a typical formula which introduces a totally different swing of fate. It literally
translates, 'We are awake ... ' which means 'we are fine' with a sarcastic underpinning.
16 We are well because of the support of the ancestral spirits 'lena' - 'we' - collectively.
17 The line emphasises line 7 'Di weIe mpherefere ... ' and negates line 9 'Eeh re a
tsoga .. .'.
18 Thakadu translates 'Orycteropus eter'. The animal is important for diviners. The
bone is used to indicate a diviner it belongs to, it is an animals that digs swiftly. The
diviner in this case is said to go deep into the hermeneuties of life philosophies. In this
case, Ngaka Maamushi invokes his ancestral spirits to come with a divining power to
assist in the divination process.
19 Protect the inquirer or the client.
70
13.Motse bare 0 fotwa ke beniN
14.Ke mebyene" ke mahfatfamanfiD
15.Re tsee maoto a tsukudu"
16.Re sketse bafat~ ...
17.Pafabadi ya mmeboseqo"
18.Eeh. .. re a fekwa moiese"
20 Ke beng in this case refers to the ancestral spirits of the client to take charge, 'Iotd.
21 This line strengthens the previous line. Lota and ke beng is repeated to emphasise
the importance of the ancestral spirits.
22 Ngaka Maamushi continues to praise the divining tablets. In this case, they are
referred to as 'small stones' which are admirable 'mabyana'.
23 The 'admirable small stones' are 'collected' and put in one place to give meaning to
life, 'mehlehlemene'.
24 Literally, 'we take the feet of a hippopotamus'. The diviner indicates further the
importance of 'animal bones' to master human fate and success.
25 Bafata are slaves or servants. It is not clear whether the diviner uses sarcasm in this
case. Slaves and servants are said to be lied to.
26 The night star 'mmeboëeqo ' is mentioned. This indicates another aspect of the
divination process. The star is said to move through the night. The diviner evokes the
ancestral spirits to respond to all questions and doubts of the inquirer. It is believed
that when night falls, it opens space and time for personal and collective reflections,
('pafabadi'), on life and its upheavals.
71
19.Maragél8 dibetlele makokoma - bare go Ietse ba go lala ba kwiltlg
20. Eeh ... ga e Ie sehlako sa mmamomosepedi wa nosi"
21. Dire" mala tlese" go pjtlaganë?3Noko"
22. 0 sale lesogana la go kgahlwakgahlwë?5.
23. Mala basadi e le dintshebe diya nokeng di boye dintshebe"
27Literally, 'we hear you on the ground' - it refers to the ancestral spirits who are said
to be on the ground ('ba mo fase').
28Sepedi for dung.
29 Ba re go letse ba go lala ba kwile. This refers to the ancestral spirits who are said to
be awake and understand the affairs of the living.
30The diviner indicates to the client that his affairs are not fine. Sehlako (traditional
shoe) in this case refers to his well being, indicating that he is not well at all.
31To be understood as : "they say" or "the divine tablets say that. ... "
32Mala tIase ... literally, means "down there" - referring to the life of the client or
inquirer.
33 Go pitlagano means "there is trouble or crisis."
34 It is the totem ism of the inquirer - he venerates Noko.
35"Vou are still a young man who is still looking for this and that girl to marry."
36Women are said to be unpredictable. In this case the inquirer is not decisive on
whom to take as Q wife.
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24. Bare ntshebele motho 0 sebelwa ke webo"
25. Wa djkwaa?,8
26. 0 re ... engf9 ...
27. 0 monna a sa nyeke" ...
28. Seo e lego segwana sa meetse" seo 0 tlogo se bone" ...
29. Wa tja ka sona wa tla wa etie ba bangWe43
37 Literally - let your ancestral spirits help you in this case.
38 Do you hear what they are saying? - The inquirer is asked to confirm if he really
understood what the divine tablets were saying.
39 It is important for the inquirer to agree or disagree.
40 You are still a man looking for a woman to marry. In this case the diviner reiterates
the oracle line 21.
41 SegWana sa mets! literally translates 'The traditional container for water'. The
metaphorical use of the term refers to a bride. Bapedi use the expression in a dowry
context to ask and converse about the wedding preparations.
42 The diviner assures the inquirer that he will surely get a suitable woman to marry. It
is clear that the source of crisis ('mpherefere ') in the life of the inquirer was to get
married to a suitable woman approved by the ancestral spirits.
43 Wa tja ka sona ... wa etSa ba bangwe .... Marriage is held in high esteem. lt is the
institution that is supported by and that supports the ancestral spirits. An unmarried
person is never considered whole until he or she enters into this important institution.
Indeed, ancestral spirits cannot be harboured outside a family. It is referred to as
'lenaka la motheo' ('the horn of foundation'). The belief is that when one gets married
73
5.1.2 Translation
1. Indeed/Yes
2. I am big/great, I hold the mountains
3. I call upon my home/local mountains
4. I belong to the place were lions and leopards stay
5. I am a lad and do not have mogola-mogola
6. I am big/great, and I hold the mountains
7. Now they take a different turn/swing
8. These are mabyala a tshukudu
9. Yes, we are alive
10. We live by you, he says ...
11. Why are they calling for mea lies and they do not eat?
12. Thakadu take protection of a person, a person is protected by his or her's
13. They say a home is protected by its own person
] 4.lt is mabyana and mahlatlamane
(from a masculine perspective) the father or the authoritative male person designated
in the family is supposed to hand over this 'Ienaka la motbeo' to the marrying male
person. The horn should be kept in a secluded place and can only be taken out in
times of trial and tribulation and be used according to the prescribed rules and
regulations governing the ritual itself. It is a protective 'horn'. For instance, when a
baby is born and the diviner-healer is not around, the head of the family (hlogo ya
lapa) is supposed to take out the 'horn' and perform the ritual that fits. The use of this
'horn' is considered to be the grand finale in ensuring the survival of the baby
(ngwana).
74
15. We take the ... of a tshukudu
16. We lie to the servants
17 .Troubles of mmeboseqo (literally, queen of the night)
18. Yes ... we hear you, those on the ground
19. Dung dibetlele makokoma - they say it is those who are asleep who have heard
20. The shoe of the man who walk alone
21. They reveal trouble or crisis down there - /'loko
22. You are still a young man who is still interested in women with the purpose of
getting married
23. Women are gossipers all the time
24. Be told or informed by your ancestral spirits
25. Do you .hear?
26. You should say yes ...
27. You are a man still looking for a suitable woman to marry ...
28. You will definitely get a suitable woman to marry
29. You will have a firm family and be like other people who have strong families.
(This was then followed by the interpretation and implication of the oracle)
5.2 Interview with Ngaka Nkosi of Majaneng
I'Igaka Nkosi is married to Mr Nkosi who is also a diviner-healer (cf. Appendix C -
Photos 20 and 21) I was not able to secure an appointment for both of them but could
only have a discussion with Mrs Nkosi. She has a strong background in Sepedi
divination and healing practices. The couple lives in the rural village of Majaneng,
75
under Kgosi Kekana of the Matebele-a-Moletlane. The oracle was uttered for Mr
Masobela, the young man who accompanied me. Mrs Nkosi indicated to me that she
had no problem in demonstrating how the bones are interpreted but asked one of us
to be willing to go through the divining process. Mr Masobela could not wait to jump
for the opportunity of being divined by Mrs Nkosi. He further pointed out that he had
no problem for the recordings being used in this study. Mrs Nkosi further asked that
R30, 00 be put beneath the mat (Jegogo) as this was necessary for the ancestral spirits
to understand the seriousness of the business of divining. The oracle-divination by
Mrs Nkosi differs considerably from that of Ngaka Maamushi because of its mixed
formulae. As we will observe, the Nguni expression 'sïysvume' permeates the oracle.
This is a typical oracle that is encountered when one visits many diviner-healers. The
siyevume interjection is well contained. When asked why this expression was used with
the Sepedi oracular, Mrs Nkosi indicated that the expression is more convenient than
the Sepedi expression: Eng re a dumela or Thobela re kwana le tsona. A typical Isizulu
oracle would be rhythmically contained and guided by this expression: For instance,
the diviner-healer would say something like this: Vumani bo! and the respondents
around would respond affirmatively: Siyevumel
5.2.1 The Oracle
1. A re yeng le diteots" - siyavuma
44 This is an interesting formula - It functions as both the opening phrase and it also
paces the divination process. The diviner uses this formulation to call for the attention
of the audience present and at the same time authorises the divining bones to
76
2. Ka mokgwa wo dibolelago ka gona45 - siyavuma
3. Ge ke eya ke tsamaya le taola tSagagd6 - siy.
function. It means "Let us begin and go along with the divination process". The
audience is supposed to respond affirmatively: siyavuma, ('We agree'). It is important
for both the diviner-healer and the audience present to find a common space of
agreement. This affirms the divination process. This again shows the inter-cultural
nature of African divination and healing. Siyavuma is in this case expressed in a
Sepedi context. Divination in an African context is both dynamic and inter-cultural,
and it further employs varied devices and patterns. Some of these devices and
patterns are borrowed from other African cultural orientations.
45 As bones speak. In line 1 (one) the diviner-healer was able to exhort her audience to
go along in the divination process. In this case she builds on the formulary pattern
and emphasises the fact that the divining bones have the capacity to 'speak' the 'truth'.
The divining bones are said to be powerful as they reveal the mysteries of life, for life,
against life, and on life. Life's binary oppositions are detected and analysed through
the process of divining bones. The diviner-healer uses the expression 'ka mokgwa wo
di bolelago ka gona' ('as they speak'). It seeks to keep both the speaker and audience
on track.
46 "As I go along with your bones" or, the divination process. The diviner-healer
introduces an interesting discourse. She introduces her ability and authority of
divination. In this case, she sets apart her role as the diviner and places the audience
as people who are in the process of being divined. One should note the expression '1'.
The'l'in this case indicates the special expertise endowed on the diviner to divine. It is
at this particular time that one distinguishes the skill and art of the diviner. This is
necessary for the sake of the authority the diviner-healer has to command. The
reason behind this is the fact that the diviner and her authority should be valued
highly. It is essential to ensure that the entire process continues without any
interruption. The audience should definitely trust the diviner. In the process the entire
procedure of divination willultimately be a trustworthy exercise. It is noteworthy to see
77
4. Eeh ditsole tse gago di weIemakgolela peps" - sly.
line 1-3 as being formed by divination formulae. Being at the beginning, the three
lines are not only formulae, but also function as the introductory process to divination.
I was able to notice the difference in voicing these formulae throughout the divination
process. This formulary pattern is used repeatedly throughout the divination oracle,
but varies in terms of word emphasis.
47 This means that the client or enquirer might have been ill for some time already - a
chronic disease of some kind. From the onset, the diviner-healer indicates the type of
bone fall for this particular divination. Makgole/a bone fall is different from the
mpherefere bone fall we observed in the case of the first oracle we have looked at.
The latter is more serious. The diviner-healer would actually advise the inquirer to
become more serious as circumstances would demand a speedy intervention. The
other bone falls are as follows: 1. Mogolori has to do with dreams that are directly
linked to the ancestral realm (go lora badimo). 2. Moraro wa mogoIo has to do with
family or house fights or conflicts. 3. Morarwana explains something that could be
seen or experienced in the immediate future. 4. Masupsa explains the silent fight in
which the inquirer identifies a silent and subtle opponent. 5. Legwana explains
problems of a female (young lady) person. 6. Mabyana refers to the clan uncles. 7.
Sehlako explains to the inquirer that he or she should stand firm and fight a hard battle
for life. 8. Legwame explains the ripe mealies or an old man. 9. Hlapadiba explains to
the inquirer to move on and seek divine or healing advice further on. In this case the
diviner does not want to engage himself or herself with the divination or healing
process since he or she might not be fit for it in terms of the competition, or rather
that the ancestral realm does not at all approve of him or her to take on the challenge.
10. Merekwe explains a fight between a husband and wife. Il. Thwagadima explains a
mental disease. 12. Morupi explains the disease of a child caused by the mother's
womb. 13. Setami explains a young man who is a weakling. Refer to Appendix C
indicating some divining bones from the Ndabezitha Majola divination lodge (impande
ka IYdabezitha Majola).
78
5. Oe ke eya ke bolela le taola Sa gagd8 - siy.
6. Molomo ka besernenyens" - siy.
7. Ka mokgwa wo ditsole di bolelago ka gom? - siy.
8. Oe ke eya ke bolela le ditaoJaSa gagd1 - siy.
9. Papa waka gona le melomo ya besemsnyene mo morago ga gago papa wakél2 - siy.
10. Ka mokgwa wo ditaola di bolelago ka gonél3 - siy.
48 Formulary patterns and expressions.
49 Molomo (mouth) is used in this case as generic term. Young boys are talking about
the client. Clearly, the content of what these alleged 'boys' are talking about is not
good news at all for the client.
50 The formulary pattern. Repetition keeps the speaker and audience on track. Both
their minds (speaker and audience) are "forced into a slowed-down pattern that affords
it the opportunity to interfere with and re-organize its more normal, red undant
processes" (Ong 1982:40). The aim is to encourage fluency, fullsomeness and
volubility (Ong 1982:40-41).
51 Repetitive formulary pattern. Refer to lines 3,5 and 8. It heightens expectancy or
suspense just before the main cause of the problem is disclosed or announced (cf. line
10).
52 The diviner-healer reiterates the fact that the client has opponents who continue to
speak ill about him. This emphasis is in the middle of the formulae, note lines 7 and 8
and thereafter lines 10 and 11. In this case, the discourse changes from or makes
minor variations to line 6. The singular form 'molomo' becomes the plural, 'melomo'
to bring about greater clarity on the divination oracle.
53 Repetitive formulary pattern and expression.
79
JJ. Ge ke eya bolela le ditsole Sa gagif' - siy.
J2. Ke nnete gona le sebakwël5 - sly.
J3. Ka mokgwa wo ditsole di bolelago ka gonël6 - sty.
J4. Ge ke eya ke bolela le ditsole Sa gagd7 -siy.
J5. Ka mokgwa wo ditsole di bolelago ka gonë?' - siy.
J 6. Gona le mohlekole" - sly.
J 7. Gona le motho wa senne" - sly.
54 Formulary pattern and expression. As indicated in 52 the function of the formulae in
lines 7,8,10 and 11 enclose the importance of message (oracle) in line 9. Surely, the
client would hear the rhythmic patterns and thus, the message would come home
powerfully. Oracles are supposed to be heard and the message thereof carried further.
55 The diviner-healer reiterates the fact that there are problems facing the client. Even
in this case, the formulary arrangement encloses this oracular message. The
formulary patterns in this oracle function to carry the message of the oracles
powerfully and comprehensively.
56 Formulary pattern.
57 Formulary pattern.
58 Formulary pattern.
59 The diviner-healer reiterates the bone fall - Mohlakola. Refer to appendix C examples
of divining bones.
60 The oracle changes from the collective form of young male opponents and focuses
only on one specific male opponent.
80
18. Ka mokgwa wo diteole di bolelago ka gona61 - sly.
19. Ge ke eya ke kitime le ditaoJa !:Sagag062 - siy.
20. Mohlakola wa gore gona le ngwanenyana wo ailego a tsewe ke mosemenyerui" -
siy.
21. IYgwanenyana wo 0 bego 0 dula le yena 0 go !:SwJ1meatsogonf14 - siy.
22. Ka mokgwa wo ditaoJadi bolelago ka gona65 - siy.
23. Ge ke eya ke bolela le ditaoJatëe gagd6 - siy.
24. 0 go !:Swilematsogong wa thoma go dula ka pelo e ntshd" - siy.
61 This formulary pattern emphasises and supports the oracle, line 17.
62 The diviner-healer introduces a new formula - 'as I run along with bones'. This is
interesting to note. The diviner-healer uses her skill in articulating words and
formulating new expressions in the process of the divination.
63 Mohlakola is further emphasised in the context of fight or conflict as regards a
woman. There is a tension brewing between the client and the male opponent,
instigated by a young woman who was once involved with the client in a love
relationship. This is indeed a love triangle.
64 The young woman is said to have left the client for another man, presumably the
young male opponent already referred to in the oracle above.
65 Formulary pattern.
66 Formulary pattern.
67 The above preceding 22 and 23 prepare the reiteration of this line (24). The
reiteration maintains the fact that the client lost his former lover.
81
25. Ka mokgwa wo ditao/a di bolelago ka gona68 - sly.
26. Mo yena a nyakago gore lerato la lena le ka boya gape69 - siy.
27. Ka mokgwa wo ditao/a di bolelago ka gona70 - siy.
28. 0 a ltshole mo pelong ya gagwe71- siy.
29. Ka mokgwa wo ditao/a di bolelago ka gona72 - siy.
30. Ge ke kitime le ditao/a tse gagd3 - siy.
31. 0 hlokomele ngwanaka74 - siy.
32. Mo ditaoleng tse gago75 - siy.
68 Formulary pattern strengthening line 24.
69 The formulary pattern changes from three and two lines to one to indicate a shift.
The oracle indicates that the young woman is sad that she separated with the client
and that she wants to reconcile with him if permitted to do so.
70 Formulary pattern.
71 The girlfriend in question is sorry about the decision she took by leaving the client.
72 Formulary pattern.
73 Formulary pattern. Note line 19.
74 The client is seriously warned to take care of his affairs. Even in this case, the
'rnohlekole' bone fall (/ewa lamohlakola) is emphasised.
75 For the first time, the diviner-healer introduces an emphatic expression, literally 'in or
according to your bones'. This expression strengthens the oracle and its underpinnings
for the client's life and affairs. It should be noted that artistic and skillful
82
33. Gona le motho yoo a go setSego moreqo" - siy.
34. Ka mokgwa wo ditaoJadi bolelago ka gona77 - siy.
35. Mo ba ratago go time lebone, ba re 0 hleletile kudu" - siy.
36. Phuthi ya bo metope" a re ke sepela ka go ikgoga - siy.
37. Ke bolela gore le mmele wagago 0 re ke lepile la go hwaB°- siy.
38. Ga 0 sale mosemene wago tsoga wamaloba le meobene" - siy.
communication is pertinent in maintaining the conversation between the client and the
diviner. Correct, or to be precise, appropriate wording and articulation should be
maintained to carry out the message of the oracle.
76 The diviner healer uses a concealed manner of speech ('there is a person who is
after you'). This line presupposes the male opponent already introduced earlier on in
the course of the oracular discourse.
77 Line 34 immediately reinforces line 33 about the unidentified figure who has
'malicious' intentions concerning the client.
78 Lines 35 to 41 discuss the content of the malicious intentions of the client's
opponents. It is interesting that the diviner switches from singular to plural forms. The
opponents want to killthe client.
79 Phuthi ya malope - literally 'the small antelope' (cf. some form of euphemism). The
diviner uses an encoded form of language. It refers to the fact that the sexual organs of
the client are no longer potent enough ('a re ke sepela ka go ikgoga 'J.
80 A more vivid commentary is provided immediately by the diviner - the sexual
performance of the client is no longer as good as it used to be.
81 Further commentary is provided. The client is no longer active as he used to be.
83
39. Ga 0 sale mosemene wago tsoga wola wa maloba le meobene" - sif.
40. Ke ra gore, ge 0 hlakane le banenyana goba motho wa sesadi 0 a Iepe" - sly.
41. Ga 0 sale wa maloba le meobene" - siy.
42. Ka mokgwa wo ditao/a di bolelago ka gona85 - siy.
43. Selo se se diragore ge 0 hlakane le motho wa sesadi 0 fellwa ke meetle" - siy.
44. Botbete bo madins/7 - siy.
45. Ka mokgwa wo ditao/a di bolelago ka gona88 - siy.
46. Ge ke bolela le ditao/a tse gago89 - siy.
47. Mosadi le yena pelo ya gagwe ke e ntsho" - siy.
82 The commentary provided in line 38 is reiterated. It looks as if the diviner considers
this 'department' of life to be central in the affairs of the client.
83 The most vivid explanation is provided - 'It means that when you meet with female
people in bed you are a failure in bed'.
84 You are no longer active as you used to be.
85 This is immediately followed by a formulary pattern and expression.
86 The diviner is about to mention the cause of the problem.
87 The problem is in the blood circulation and content thereof.
88 Formulary pattern.
89 Formulary pattern.
84
48. 0 rata go boela go wenapeps" - siy.
49. Ka mokgwa wo ditsole dibolelago ka gonél2 - siy.
50. 0 tiiSe mmele wagaga pepe" - siy.
51. Lehono go timiJengwanakff'4 - siy.
52. Ge ke bolela le ditaoJatSagagd5 - siy.
53. 0 hlokomele 0 se tlo welakotsinq6 - siy.
54. Sebakwa ke gore bare 0 hlalefile kudu 0 ka tlo tsose lapa la gend7 - siy.
55. Ka mokgwa wo ditaoJadibolelago ka gonél8 - siy.
90 The diviner goes back to the girlfriend's sub-discourse. She, it is alleged, is sad
about the separation.
91 The girlfriend wants to be reconciled with the client.
92 Formulary pattern which both closes and introduces the counselling sub-discourse.
93 The client is advised to fortify (tiisa) his body (mmele).
94 The main reason for the physical fortification is based on the fact that the client has
no support and cannot withstand challenges facing him.
95 Formulary pattern in the counselling sub-discourse.
96 The client is advised to be extra careful and not fall into traps that might destroy his
life.
97 Another reason for this subtle conflict is because of the jealousy.
98 Formulary pattern.
85
56. Ge re ya re bolela le ditaola !:Sagoml9 - siy.
57. Le ka ga geno di gata mohlakola direpheko e timiléoo - siy.
58. Ge ke bolela le ditaoJatse gagdo/ - siy.
59. Dire 0 tiye le lapa la geno le tIe le loke'" - sly.
60. Ka mokgwa wo ditaoJadibolelago ka gona/03 - siy.
61. Ge ke kitima le diteote tse gagd04 - siy.
5.2.2 Translation
1. Let us go along with the bones - we agree (siyavuma)!
2. According to your bones
3. As I do along with your bones
99 Formulary pattern.
100 The oracle makes references to the client's family. It is mentioned that there is
'rnohlakola'.
101 Formulary pattern.
102 Reiteration of the fact that the client has to fortify and strengthen himself to
withstand upcoming life threatening challenges.
103 Formulary pattern.
104 The oracle closes with a formulary pattern and expression ('Ge ke kitima le ditaoJa
tse gago 'J. In this regard the formulary pattern and expression becomes a closing
86
4. Yes! It is a difficult or critical bone fall
5. As I go along with your bones
6. Mouth by boys
7. According to your bones
8. As I go along with your bones
9. There are mouths of boys - after you
10. According to your bones
11. As I speak about your bones
12. Indeed, there is a conflict
13. According to your bones
14. As I speak about your bones
15. According to your bones
16. It is a critical bone fall
17. There is a male opponent
18. According to your bones
19. As I go along with your bones
20. A crisis-fall (divination fail): that you once had a girlfriend who was forcefully taken
from you by a certain boy
21. Your girl friend left you
22. According to your bones
23. As I speak about your bones
24. She slipped through fingers - she feels bad about that
formula. The audience (cf. the client) emphasized the closure by both a sigh and the
siyavuma interjection to indicate the measure of the oracular message.
87
25. According to your bones
26. She wants to come back to you
27. According to your bones
28. She is sorry internally
29. According to your bones
30. As I run along with your bones
31. Be careful my son
32. In the context of your bones
33. There is a person who is after you
34. According to your bones
35. They would switch off the light of life in you by claiming that you think yourself
better intellectually
36. Your sexual organs are tired
37. I mean your body is tired
38. You are no longer that active person in bed
39. You are no longer that active person in bed
40. I mean when you are in the act with a woman in bed
41. Indeed you are no longer the same
42. According to your bones
43. As bones speak
42. As I speak about your bones
43. You feel weak when you meet a female person
44. It is in your blood
45. According to your bones
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46. As I speak about your bones
47. Your girl friend is not happy
48. She wants a second chance with you
49. According to your bones
50. Strengthen your body
51. Today there is absolute darkness
52. As I speak about your bones
53. Be careful of falling into danger
54. The reason is that they think that you are wise and could save your family from
misery
55. As bones speak
56. As we speak about your bones
57. There is also some trouble in your family
58. As I speak about your bones
59. Be strong and fortifyyour family
60. According to your bones
61. As I run through your bones
89
Chapter Six
6. Theories of Orality
The preceding chapters dealt with the data on African divination oracles. This chapter
attempts to treat the oral characteristics in terms of some of the scholarly theories.
The researcher, to a larger extent, makes references to the work of Waiter Ong in the
field of orality versus literacy. The researcher is very much aware of the controversy
that exists in this specific field (cf. Jensen 1980). He (the researcher) uses Ortg's
perspective to provide some basics on orality for the research work. The chapter
basically outlines some key features of orality which underline the main thrust of the
research work.
Ruth Finnegan (1970:2) rightly observed that "Oral literature is by definition dependent
on. a performer who formulates it in words on a specific occasion". In this study the
researcher wishes to show that oracle-speech in the context of divination (ho hlo/a, or
go blote, tinhla and ukuh/o/a) is both dependent on a performer and the performer's
formulations. The latter provide situational definitions and shape the functional
.dimensions for many oral communities. Later on, this perspective will be verified as it
relates to ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean contexts.
Oral theory emerged from classical philology. This was the accomplishment of
Milman Parry and Albert Lord in the 1930's (cf. The Singer of Tales by Albert Lord in
90
1960). This feat meant a methodological shift from philology to other disciplines or
fields of study such as folklore studies, social anthropology, oral history and biblical
studies. In 1985, Oral Formulaic Theory and Research (John Miles Foley's
bibliography) and the journal entitled: Oral Tradition (dealing explicitly with matters
related to Oral Theory) were published. Following this, important scholarly literature
further developed on the basis of the seminal work of particularly Waiter Ong (The
Presence of the Word (1967), Interfaces of the Word: Studies in the evolution of
consciousness and Culture (1977), Orality and Literacy (1982» and Ruth Finnegan
(Oral Literature in Africa (1970), Literacy and Non-literacy (1970), and Oral Poetry: Its
nature: significance and social context (1977». Later, there was an attempt to view the
early Christian creeds and controversies about the Trinity from an oral-literacy
.perspective by scholars such as Thomas Farrel (Early Christian creeds and
controversies in the light of the oral-literacyhypothesis (1987).
As Finnegan (1970:2) argues,
"Oral literature is by definition dependent on a performer who formulates it in
words on a specific occasion - there is no other way in which it can be realised as
literary product".
Finnegan (1970:2) further adds that these 'art forms' are also actualised in and
through their performance in the broader 'context of oral culture. Oral literature, some
scholars argue, involves the following: full actualisation, symbolic associations of
words and phrases, the actual enactment, emotional situation and expression and the
total effectiveness of the performance (Finnegan 1970:3). It is characterised by
devices such as expressiveness of tone (it provides the structural element in literary
91
expression), gesture, facial expression, dignity, humour, and receptivity to the
reactions of the audience, etc. (Finnegan 1970:3 and Foley 1974:6). Similarly, Ong
(1982:6, 1967:1-9) maintains that
"Human beings communicate in countless ways, making use of their senses,
touch, taste, smell, and especially sight, as well as hearing".
In this case the recorder of oral words has to take into account these vital and essential
aspects of the actual performance. This is significant, because as Foley (1974:417)
concludes in his doctoral work: 'To perform is to ritualise".
6.1 Oral techniques - theories to be considered
This research works within the confinements of orality as opposed to "literacy". The
argument affirms the important role oracle plays in the foundation and development of
oral communities - hence, the focus on divination. For a better understanding of this
phenomenon, the researcher has concentrated on the theories of (or rather) oral
techniques as discussed byWaiter Ong.
Words, in their true sense, are not solely made up of letters but of their functional units
or phonemes. This fact challenges the current view of language as merely founded on
written rather than phonetic nuances. Language largely is and will continue to be an
oral phenomenon (Ong 1982:6).
Ong challenges the views (Finnegan 1970) which reduce oral art forms to literature.
This is his opinion (1982:12):
92
"Writing, moreover ... is a particularly pre-emptive and imperialist activity that
tends to assimilate other things to itself even without the aid of etymologies".
He reasons that oral art forms are texts, with the exception that they were not written
down but handed down orally. These written traditions or oral expressions have
continued to exit and still exist without any writing activity at all. Even so, one has to
note the phenomenon of neo-orality as it is sustained by telephone, radio, television
and other electronic devices (cf. The SABC, 1Y 2 production - Tholoene tsa Sethepu).
The obvious difference between the act of writing and oral art forms is that "writing
tyrannically locks them (words) into a visual field forever" (Ong 1982:12). Therefore,
Ong (1982: 12) rightly concludes that,
"it appears quite impossible to use the term 'literature' to include oral tradition
and performance without subtly but immediately reducing these somehow to
variants of writing".
Current scholarship is seriously challenged, to borrow from Ong's metaphor, to desist
from putting the cart before the horses. The cart comes only after the horse and not
the other way around.
The other area that needs earnest clarity is the current use of the term 'prellterate',
Ong (1982:13) cautions on the use of the term, because of the biases associated with
it. Therefore, for this thesis, a more acceptable term is that of the 'epos', originally
from Greek 'epos', and which literally means: 'to say' or 'word'. This is also present in
the Latin equivalent, 'vox, voice'. The term has come to mean 'epic, and therefo, re,.I
making for identifying 'oral literature' rather as 'oral epics' (Ong 1982:14). Plac~n~
93
emphasis on oral performance, the research will refer to these oral art forms as 'oral
voicings'.
Orality as a subject of study is not a recent phenomenon. It can be traced back
diachronically in the history of orality to the Old Testament tradition - it had oral
speech tendencies (cf. QoheJeth - i.e. with its 'assembly speaker'). It (tradition) was
definitely neither chirographically nor typographically perceived. Rather, it was oral.
Further, as far as the Homeric corpus is concerned, scholars (Parry 1971, Foley 1977
and Lord 1960) became aware of a distinction between the Iliad and Odyssey. Studies
concluded that both texts differed from each other regarding the ancient Greek poetry
(Ong 1982: 19). The centrality of the 'power of memory' (mnemonics) in orality was
the conclusion that Milman Parry drew.
Parry focused on the Odyssey and treated the text from the perspective of ancient
Greek hexametrical verse or poetry. His view was that "Homer stitched together
prefabricated parts" (Ong 1982:22). According to Ong (1982:23), in support of Parry:
"Written narrative and other written discourses use themes, too, of necessity, but
the themes are definitely more varied and less obtrusive".
Furthermore, Ong (1982: 14) maintains,
"formula and formulary and formulaic ... referring quite generically to more or
less exactly repeated set phrases or set expressions in verse or prose ... do have
a function in oral culture more crucial and persuasive than any they may have in
94
a writing or print or electronic culture" (Finnegan 1970 and 1977, Opland, Mbiti
1970).
It should be noted that the formulaic style referred to by Ong does not only mark
poetry alone, but it marks, more or less, all thought and expression in primary oral
voicings and culture (Ong 1982:26).
Marshall McLuhan (1967) introduced an interesting focus on what he called 'gnomic
sayings'. His methodical focus was basically eclectic. He focused on oracular
pronouncements and concluded that they (oracular pronouncements) were deeply
perceptive. It is the intention of this research study to look at the oracles from the
perspective of oral voicings and culture. For this reason, it is fitting to move to a
section that deals with theories or dynamics of orality. This is what this chapter mainly
focuses on.
6.2 Theories or dynamics of Orality
6.2.1 Sounding words and their dynamism
The Hebrew word dabar gives some idea with regard to the dynamism with which the
uttered word is considered in oral culture. It is literallytranslated as "word", but carries
the force of both 'word' and 'event' (Ong 1982:32). In most cases, words that are said
are not easily erased from the mind, hence the Sepedi expression: Lentsu ga Je bowe
go bowa monwana. This simply means that in the context of the agony between two
people - and oral and literate cultures for example - the said words are more
memorable than the actual actions that were used. The mnemonic patterns are
always around the 'said word' because of the power that words carry in any context of
95
comm unication (Malinowski 1923 :451, Ong 1982 :32). The oral utterance carries
much power because of its dynamism. A closer example found within an oral cultural
setting is the naming of children at birth. For example, Mmatebogo (Mother of
thanksgiving) is a word that is given to children to mark an important event that
occurred within the family or village. Oral cultural people have names that they give to
signify power over what they name (Ong 1982:33).
6.2.2 Mnemonic and formula patterns
Oral art forms make use of mnemonics and formulas to sustain thought and
expression. What is known, what a person living in an oral culture is able to recall,
stems from oral communication events.
The common technique used in such memorising and memory derives from the
mnemonic patterns shaped for ready oral recurrence in expression. This type of
device is characterised by heavy rhythmic, balanced patterns, repetitions or antithesis,
alliterations and assonances, in epithetic and other formulary expressions, in standard
thematic settings, in proverbs, or other structured formats and determined by other
mnemonic forms (Ong 1982:34). Mnemonic patterns determine the structure of
syntax in this regard. The benefit of making use of formulary expressions helps one to
implement rhythmic discourse and also act as mnemonic aid (Ong 1982:35), because
they form the substance or fibre of the thought itself in the context of an oral
discourse.
96
6.2.3 Thought and expression in oral discourse
Thought and expression in oral discourse is sustained in two ways, additively and
aggregatively (Ong 1982:37). The additive nature of thought and expression refers to
the use of conjunctions in the discourse, e.g. 'and'. The common Sepedi conjunctive
strategy in an oral telling set-up is expressed by 'ya ba' (and then) throughout the
discourse. Note the following excerpts from a typical Sepedi folktale told to the
diqotlene (children) ka meiure mo mollong (at the back of the main home around the
fire). It has to be kept in mind that the telling of tales had a specific aim. Children
were reared in this way to become prominent and useful members of the community.
The tale is usually told by mohlami le mmo/ela dinonwane (the composer and teller of
folktales).
"Sana baka theeletsang le se robale ge ke le botsa nonwane ye e latelago .
Tau le mmutla ba be ba kwana kudu ka matla ... ya ba mmutla 0 re go tau .
'a re age mosasana gore ge pula e ena re se tlo nelwa' ... ya ba tau 0 kwana le
taba ya mogweragwe mmutla ... ya ba ba thoma go nyaka dikota tsa go rulela
"
"Children listen and do not sleep when I tell you the following tale A lion and a
hare were real good friends ... and then a hare said to the lion 'let us built a
house to protect ourselves from heavy rains' ... and then the lion agreed to the
plan of the hare' ... and then they started looking for strong sticks for the roofing
of the intended or envisaged house ... "
97
It is evident that the 'and then' (ya ba) expression appears three times in the above
oral discourse. Oral art speakers make use of this technique to sustain and provide for
progress in the oral narrative. Its flow is partly facilitated by this technique and the
audience is kept in touch and has a flowing feel of the discourse content. The additive
technique 'ya ba' is submerged in a compound discourse and determines the flow and
progress of the narrative itself. It should be mentioned at this stage that the audience
'additively' participate in the discourse by saying: nke/enket/a (it is hard to translate).
This device ensures the full participation of the audience and it keeps them listening
with interest. Nkelenketle is said immediately after every brief pause by the mmo/efa
dinonwane. Further, the mmo/efa dinonwane is offered an opportunity to formulate his
or her narrative in the process of telling it to the audience. This is a pragmatic way in
dealing with communication in an oral context. This is also evident from the section
above dealing with African divination oracles, especially the siyavuma (we concur)
device.
Second is the aggregative technique. Memory is sustained by the use of epithets and
other formulary baggage (Ong 1982:39). The use of attributes in this case keeps the
aggregate intact (Ong 1982:39). Note the following oral poetry taken from the novel
by U N Shai-Ragoboya (36), entitled: 0 Se-Ke. Nta-malomela-kobong (p.36), where
the character sings praises to himself:
Nkwe se ile go hlabiwa.
Ke se /eswega la ga Mokwape,
98
Ke iJamabaJa go senywa
Ke serurubeJe sa ga Mpe;
SerurubeJe sehJoka Ietlelo,
Sehloka sapo le tiya
Leopard do not disapprove to be slaughtered.
It is the coward of Mokwape'
I am against scars of laughter
I am the butterfly of Mpe;
The butterfly that does not have a skin,
The one that does not have strong bone
The character (Nta-malomela-kobong) in this regard uses epithets or attributes in his
oral praise poetry. Logically, it is easier to remember one's oral praise poem when the
content contains expressions that are easily remembered. Note that the word 'coward'
(leswega) is juxtaposed with Mokwape in the second line of the oral praise poem.
6.2.4 Redundant propensity
As in the case of the 'additive' tendency in oral discourse, the discourse uses
redundancy to keep the thought and expression continuing (Ong 1982:39). Words are
repeated by the interlocutor to keep both the discourse and audience on track (Ong
1982:40). In this case, the mind framework is facilitated to slow down a bit within this
pattern and affords it the opportunity to interfere with and reorganise its more normal,
99
redundant processes. This is definitely fitting before a large audience for obvious
acoustical effects (Ong 1982:40). The repetition of words before a large audience
offers an opportunity for one to catch up with both the substance and momentum of
the oral discourse in a fluent, fullsome and volubious manner. Referring back to the
oral praise poetry by Nta-malomela-kobong in Shai-Ragoboya's novel, the praise
singer repeats: Ke nna (I am) (line 3 and 4). The repetition in this regard is powerful
and offers the audience a flow in the tune of the praise song itself.
6.2.5 Conservative?
The question mark after the word conservative is put rhetorically. Surely, the
redundance and additive character of oral discourse do not imply that there is an
absence of originality. Oral narrators do introduce new elements in the process of
their narration. Making use of old stories in the discourse is compounded with new
ideas, themes, expressions and thoughts in the process of the discourse (Ong
1982:42).
Mrs Stella Makatu fascinated me. She is a praise singer in one of the congregations
(Majaneng) lance served in the Northern province. Mrs Makatu is known for her
praises for the new confirmants in the Church (the Evangelical Lutheran Church in
Southern Africa). I was able to listen to her praises to the confirmants over a period of
four years. What fascinated one was the fact that she maintained the same structure
and to a larger extent the wording but kept on changing some words and reorganising
some based on the contexts. These minor variants through time made me realise the
100
creativity and originality of the praise singer. The creativity that comes into play with
apparent identical repetitions, yet, with its minor deviations or changes in pattern or
word distribution. The audience was competent enough to register these variations. It
should be noted that performance is in some way negotiation of meaning. The
performer would surely perform from the context of her Sitz im Leben. She is part and
parcel of their life and philosophy. She further shares meaning in their world-view. The
variation in performance is understood and accepted by the audience since both
audience are performers on a different level. In this case performance should not only
be confined to a 'conspicious' performer but instead broadened to include audience as
performers. For an example spectators at the FNB stadium are involved in the game.
Gerd Beuman's views (1992:98) of ritual as implication 'Others' is instructive. Bauman
looks at public rituals as being directed to an outsider by making statements about the
definition or redefinition of outsider and insider. When public rituals are performed, the
messages are transmitted to both the inner and outer groups (Bauman 1992:98). This
is because of the fact that even outsiders participate in the performed rituals visibly or
invisibly. Therefore, the presence of 'Others' during a public performance, to use
Beuman's theory, suffices to alter the intensions and meaning of a public
performance. Both the performers share in the negotiation of meaning and redefine
the performance contextually.
101
The following is the praise song she sang in a 1995 confirmation service at Majaneng:
Wa/awa/a/a! WaJawa/a!
Tshikwane thiba nt/o di maroba
Bana ba nwe/a ke pu/a
Wa/awa/a/a!
Be re: kgosi Kekene
Kekana wa Mmakola
Majaneng-a-Mmako/a
Walawalala! Walawala!
Tshikwane repair homes
Children are drenched
Walawalalal
They say: king Kekana
Kekana of Mmakola
Majaneng of Mmakola
The above praise poem and structure was used for the four-year period I spent at
Majaneng. The praise singer added new elements (minor variants) to determine the
uniqueness of every occasion.
102
6.2.6 Oral discourses are closer to the human lifeworld
The conceptualisation and verbalisation processes in the 'oral voicings' centre around
and are determined by the human lifeworld (Ong 1982:42). They are 'oral voicings', if
listened to closely, and within their given space, are about human life, for life, against
life, in life and on life. They converse within the context of the human lifeworld itself
and the knowledge thereof.
6.2.7 A terrain of 'fierce struggle'
Orality situates knowledge within a context of 'fierce struggle'. The Sepedi genre dithai
(riddles) is a good reference in this regard. Note for instance:
Thai. " sankgatha ka se gata: metsi
Thai pota ka mo ke pote ka mola, re tla kopana pele: lepanta
Thai ntlwana ya go hloka mojako: lee
Etc.
Thai I touch it and it touches me water
Thai go this way and Iwill go that way we meet belt
Thai a small house with no door an egg
The narrator in the above genre of oral discourse engages his or her audience in both
verbal and intellectual combat. He or she calls out, by making use of the thei
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expression (cf. calling for silence and attention as he or she is about to begin the
game). The audience has to reciprocate. Ong (1982:45) rightly mentions that the
violence or struggle of verbal and intellectual combat in oral art forms is also
connected to the structure of orality. In this case, the audience and narrator achieve
closeness and communal identification among themselves and the reality and
environment around them. The knower comes to terms with the known. As in the
case of proverbs, riddles have a multidimensional aspect; i.e., interactional, literal and
philosophical meanings. They help in the context of smoothing tension, stinging an
opponent and inflaming a constructive conflict. Riddles are by and large contextual
(penfield 1997: 166).
6.2.8 In search of 'harmony'
Ong (1982:47) notes that oral societies live very much in the present that keeps itself
in equilibrium. The meaning of each word is controlled by direct semantic ratification
or real life situations in which the word is used here and now. Efforts in the oral
discourse do not conform to 'definitions' but remain contextual. They are all about the
'now' and 'present' situation. The meaning of words encapsulate gestures, vocal
inflections, facial expression etc. (Ong 1982:47). The present in its contextual form
facilitates word meanings though one has to note that past meanings having shaped
the present meaning in many and varied ways (Ong 1982:47).
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6.2.9 The power of memory in oral voicings
Oral discourse makes use of standard formulas connected to standard themes (Ong
1982:60). These formulas and themes vary at times depending on how they were
stitched together. Their characterisation is both contextual and original. The oral
memorisation technique is kept intact by means of a brief 'postponement' technique
to allow the narrator to fix a verbatim oral narrative. Music that is sometimes in the
form of 'drum beating' acts (meropa) as a constraint to allow the fixing of a verbatim
oral narrative (Ong 1982:63).
Some of the Sepedi divination oracles are accompanied by instruments like ditshele
(dried corns in containers and stick handles beat rhythmically in the process of
divination). This allows the diviner or the about-to-become-a-diviner to voice formulas
and narrate themes. In this case, the interaction with the living audience can "actively
interfere with verbal stability and audience expectations can help fix themes and
formulas" (Ong 1982:67). Sherzer (quoted by Ong 1982:64) suggests that "we think of
a continuum between the 'fixed' and the 'flexible' use of formulaic elements". Taking
the cue from Sherzer, Ong (1982:64) maintains that:
"Sometimes, formulaic elements are managed in an effort to establish verbatim
sameness, sometimes they work to implement a certain adaptability or variation".
In ritual context, oral discourse is presented repeatedly not as verbatim, but with a
content, style, and formulaic structure which remain constant from performance to
performance. What has to be noted is the fact that narrators narrate what the
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audience calls for or will tolerate. In this case, oral performance to a certain extent is
subjected to direct social pressures (Ong 1982:67).
The following are relevant examples taken from Shai-Ragoboya's novel: 0 Se-Ke, page
81. Rampulane (the character) arrives at a place called Makopyane. On his arrival, he
meets a woman (flat character in the context of the novel) named Malema-isago sitting
flat on the floor singing the following song:
"Mahodu bo Lesoke,
Owe, we-e-e-e-,
Ba utswa le dipitst,
Owe, we-e-e-e;
Beetse bo letsoka,
Owe, we-e-e-e-;
Mphehle le dipitsi.
Owe, we-e-e-e-;
MalobjSaMpulane,
Owe, we-e-e-e-;
Thabeng ya Letupi,
Owe, we-e-e-e-;
Mpsatlakgane le makgowa,
Owe, we-e-e-e-."
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"Thugs the Lesoka,
Owe, we-e-e-e-,
Stealing also the horses,
Owe, we-e-e-e-;
Just like the letsoka,
Owe, we-e-e-e-;
Malobisa Mpulane,
o we, we-e-e-e-;
At the mountain of Letupi,
Owe, we-e-e-e-;
Mpsatlakgane and the whites,
Owe, we-e-e-e-. "
l The above oral discourse indicates the repetitive use of '0 we, we-e-e-e-; The
f'
performer uses the device repeatedly to maintain verbal stability. It makes sense for
the narrator to sing it alone since the author introduces her alone in the opening of the
discourse. If it was in the presence of an audience, she was to be accompanied
throughout the discourse by the repeated singing and beating of drums and ditshela to
make the entire oral discourse comprehensive and meaningful. This device, again, is
present in the siyavuma interjection as well as in the verbo-motor device of merely
nodding while the narrator speaks out the divination oracle to the audience.
6.3. Key Considerations
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Thus far the chapter dealt with some key oral features from a theoretical perspective.
Most of the references are discussed by WaIter Ong. Drawing from the two types of
African divination oracles looked at in the preceding chapter there are some features
and patterns that need to be highlighted.
6.3.1. The first oracle in perspective
As already indicated this typology of genre depicts a typical oral poetry genre. IYgaka
Maamushi (ef. the oral performer in this case) employs some of his clan praises during
the divinatory process. He succeeds to involve his own Sitz im Leben during the
performance. The opening of his performance is powerful articulated. He begins by the
expression Yaal. This expression in turn demands a powerful interlocutation by the
audience present during the performance. One has to note the Sepedi proverb -
Lentsu ga le bowe go bowa monwana (said words are more memorable than actual
actions). Firstly, the opening has to be organised in a manner that powerfully
introduces both the performer (ef. diviner-healer) and the divinatory process. 'Yaa' is
translated as an exclamation of shock or masement. Further the expression' Yaa'
could also be a form of 'postponement' to allow the performer (ef. Ngaka Maamushi)
to organize his oral divination dicourse (Ong 1982:60). Secondly, the bizarre and
aggregative are noticeable in this case. The mind operates in a complex way. This
was observed in IYgaka Maamushi's use of the expression: Ke mogoIo ke kakatlela
dithaba (I am great, I hold the mountains). This could also relate to the aggregative
technique. IYgakaMaamushi uses the expression comprised of epithets to carry out his
clan praises comprehensively. Indeed, it is easier to remember one's oral praise poem
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when the content of the speech articulated contains expressions that are easily
remembered. Thirdly, the use of animal symbolism in the discourse featured well.
Note Thakadu and Tshukudu. As pointed earlier the conceptualisation and
verbalisation processes in the discourse centre around and are determined by the
human lifeworld (Ong 1982:42). Discourses are about human life, for life, against life,
in life and on life. They further converse within the context of the human lifeworld itself
and the knowledge thereof. Fourthly, the use of common proverbial expressions. This
is another important oral device that assists the performer in terms of noetic and
mnemonic techniques. Ngaka Maamushi, in lines 23 and 24, recites in the following
manner:
23 - Mola basadi e le dintsheba diya nokeng di boye dintsheba
24 - Ba re motho 0 sebelwa ke wagabo
On the whole the discourse runs through interesting rhythms of poetics and noetics.
The 'ntshebele' (secretly inform me) is encapsulated in the following Sepedi proverb:
Hlokwa la tsela ntshebele motho 0 sebelwa ke wa gabo (the route-informer informs
because one is rightly informed by his or her own people).
Ngaka Maamushi employs and refines this proverb to fit his oracle discourse. As
pointed elsewhere in this chapter, oral narrators do introduce new elements in the
process of their narration. Making use of old stories in the discourse is compounded
with new ideas, themes, expressions and thoughts in the process of the discourse
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(Ong 1982:42). Furthermore, the creativity of Ngaka Maamushi indicates how closely
he is connected to his life world. This gain brings the African metaphysics,
epistemology and ethics to life. The prominent features in this proverbial expressions
is their concern to give practical advice on how to view and handle problems of life
(penfield 1997: 168). At the heart of all this lies an African sapiential character. The
inner nature and reality of the Sepedi context is engaged and at the same time
questioned to offer answers and probabilities about life's fate.
6.3.2. The second oracle in perspective
The second type of the oracle consists of various formulas. The footnote commentary
indicated repetition and redundant expressions. The performer (d. Ngaka Nkosi) was
able to make use of these mnemonic and formula patterns to sustain thought and
expression within the oracle discourse. Note the following examples:
Ka mokgwa wo di bole/ago ka gona -lines: 2,7,10,13,15,18,25,27,29,34,42,45,49,55
and 60.
Ge ke eya ke sepela le taola tse gaga - line: 3
Ge ke eya ke kitime le ditsole tSagaga - lines: 19,30 and 61
Ge ke bolela /e ditsole tSagaga -lines: 5,8,11,14,23 and 56
110
The above oracle formulary patterns were able to both structure and contain the entire
oracle discourse. They were able to provide a mind framework and afforded the
performer the opportunity to interfere with and reorganise her discourse. Definitely,
fluency and volubiosness was possible within such as the oral discourse.
Thus far one is able to conclude without any hesitation that the two discourses
analysed fit well within the oral technique. Further the diviner-healers have been within
the scope of oral performance. They make use of oral techniques in the context of
their divinatory process. They are contextually located and are shaped, and also shape
the context within which they exist. Finally, the two oracles differ in terms of form and
structure. The one has a poetic form while the other uses a formulary patterned
format.
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CHAPTER SEVEN
7. Divination Theories
Against the background of the data provided above as well as the brief theoretical
overview of theoretical and conceptual perspectives on orality, the question now arises
as to how this relates to theories of divination. This chapter seeks to position these
theories with regard to the data and these theoretical perspectives on orality.
Divination is considered to be both a cultural and social practice (Devisch 1985:50,
Ngubane 1977 :30 and Peek 1991: 1). The institution of divination assumes a central
position in facilitating a better understanding of the cultures of people, in particular
African people. Most African communities continue to trust this institution as a way
and means of arriving at a decision, and as a basic source of important knowledge
(Peek 1991 :2). Peek (1991 :2) defines divination as a
"standardised process deriving from learned discipline based on an extensive
body of knowledge. This knowledge mayor may not be literallyexpressed during
the interpretation of the oracular message. The diviner may utilise a fixed
corpus".
It has to be noted that the processes of divination vary, but
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"follow set routines by which otherwise inaccessible information is obtained.
Some type of device usually is employed, forming a simple sliding object to the
myriad symbolic items shaken in diviners' baskets" (Peek 1991 :2).
In some cases, the diviner's body becomes the model of communication and network
through spirit possession (Peek 1991 :2). The process of divination is, as Peek
(1991 :2) rightly notes, "instances of arbitrary, idiosyncratic behavior by diviners".
The institution offers communities the voice and space to articulate their
epistemologies (Peek 1991 :2). The articulation of the epistemology of a community
based within the context of divination offers dynamic and determining systems of
knowledge aimed at the (re-)ordering of social action within a specific community
(Peek 1991 :2). There is no aspect of life that is not touched or affected by this
institution. This shows the centrality and criticality of the institution.
Against the background of the data, the elements central to the theorising of orality
and this brief introduction, the question now arises as to the most compatible theory
for the study of divination and oracle.
7.1 Positivist functionalist assumptions
The theory of positivism emerged in the late nineteenth century. It was characterised
by several prominent themes that included among others, evolutionism and
secularism (Peek 1991 :5). The period under question had far-reaching effects on
anthropological studies and research about communities outside Europe, more
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precisely, Nrican communities. The positivist science of Anthropology became
prominent, as it was based on the premise that "only verifiable observations" could be
accepted as "truths". As such, it automatically denied ideas of religious or aesthetic
causality any viability (Peek 1991 :5, Evans-Prichard 1966: 155-161, Ray 1976:2-7).
This theoretical perspective could hardly promote a sensitivity and a centrality to the
study of religions outside Europe (Peek 1991 :5). For instance, Taylor (1958: 119-133)
in his earlier publications lists countless divinatory methods that, in his opinion, only
happened by chance, rendering them not acceptable in the positivist paradigm.
Surely, Taylor used his supposedly presuppositionless European 'instruments' to
measure what was chance and what was not. Peek (1991 :5) cites other
anthropologists within the very same period of study like Frazer, Malinowski, and
Radcliffe-Brown, who failed to attempt any comprehensive study of divination.
Later, other scholars began to do research on divination but reflected upon it from the
point of view of ambivalence (Peek 1991:5). Henri Junod, cited by Peek (1991:5),
having done research on the Thonga concludes:
"I am convinced that, however high the degree of astuteness engendered by the
divinatory bones may be, they have been extremely detrimental to the intellectual
and moral welfare of the Natives".
Within evolutionist thinking, the story is much grimmer - because here, cultures
engaging divination were regarded as cultures at a much lesser stage of 'development'
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than the European. As a paradigm, this focus had its own excesses - not least that of
the racist discourses of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Distinct from these extremes, Durkheim and Mauss (1967:77), as early as 1903,
affirmatively considered divination as a core for research undertaking:
"There is nothing more natural, moreover, than the relation thus expressed
between divination and the classification of things. Every divinatory rite, however
simple it may be, rests on a pre-existing sympathy between things, and on a
traditionally admitted kinship between a certain sign and a certain future event.
Further, a divinatory rite is generally not isolated; it is part of an organised whole.
The science of the diviners, therefore, does not form isolated groups of things,
but binds these groups to each other. At the basis of a system of divination there
is thus, at least implicitly, a system of classification".
This view, offered by the French enthnologists, was a good one since as at that time,
they attempted to break with the positivist paradigm. The influence of Evans-Prichard
in this regard cannot be left unnoticed. His influential work entitled: Witchcraft,
Oracles and Magic among the Azande (1973) was his first and serious reflection on
divination. In this publication, Evans-Prichard concludes,
"lande religion is not only internally consistent and rational but "lande Man"
constantly makes self-interested utilitarian use of his oracles in order to respond
to witchcraft" (Peek 1991 :8).
115
Even so, one has to note that Evans-Prichard failed to
"appreciate that other peoples may not conform to the rigid European
dichotomization of science and religion and may utilize different modes of
thought, often in alternating fashion" (Peek 1991 :8).
While one notes the serious contribution made by this school of thought (d. Evans-
Prichard 1966) it can be showed, within their own way of thinking, that some of their
presuppositions are appeased entirely unreasonable. As Robin Horton, a British
anthropologist of Nigeria, rightly observed, there is
"a controversial claim among anthropologists, who were and are loath to accept
the neo-Frazerian view that religions of pre-Iiterate societies are an inferior form
of science" (Gellner 1999:29).
One has to start from the terms of the people themselves in order to avoid traps such
as 'superstition' (Gellner 1999:38).
7.2 The Structural functionalist approach
The structural and functional approaches were developed from Freudian analysis
(Devisch 1985:54). Similar to how the unconscious structures determine the ego -
and therefore consciousness - it was held that divination and its symbols derive from
the collective unconscious.
Victor Turner used multidimensional symbols to analyse the divinatory context
(1985:55). In his article entitled: Syntax of symbolism in a Ndembu Ritual (1971),
116
Turner uses three dimensions which are significant for his analysis of the Ndembu
ritual. These are the exegetic dimensions which deal with the
"whole corpus of explanations of a particular symbol's meaning offered by
indigenous informants, the operational dimension which equates meaning with
its use, and lastly the positional dimension which considers meaning as derived
form its relationship to other symbols in a specific cluster or gestalt of symbols
"(Turner 1971:125-129).
Turner fuses the sensory and ideational poles within the condensed symbols
(1985:55). For Turner, a divinatory process moves from the context of the fearsome
to the provision of emotional reassurance.
Alan Lomax and Joan Halifax (1971 :235) on the other hand, view folksongs for
example, to be diagnostic, having both the cultural complexities and representing a set
of cultural norms, which differentiate and sharply characterise cultures. These
folksongs are, according to them, yielding normative information readily based on
their redundancy propensities.
Devisch (1985:55) strongly disputes these views and maintains that such arguments
"could only be validated by anthropological methods, particularly by the study of
the symbolic practices in the divinatory process".
Further, for Devisch (1985:55), Turner's anxiety - reassurance argument is heavily
biased and depends on positivistic premises, rooted
117
"in a Western pragmatic and positivistic philosophy and comfort ideology which
presupposes that mastery over a desacralized ... environment is a compelling
goal for all societies".
Devisch (1985:56) concludes that,
"Traditional divination cannot be said to be scientific any more than any other
symbolic practice, nor can it be said to be contrary to a rational outlook: it is
qualitatively different".
Clearly, for Devisch, it becomes difficult to accept approaches which do not base their
, /
modalities on an internal investigation and which are not formulated according to the
co-ordinates and psychodynamics of the person in his or her ethnic and cultural Sitz
im Leben.
7.3 External Cognitive Approaches
The external cognitive approaches consider the expressive and explanatory function of
divination. The entire divinatory process is seen as a conceptual system, a system of
thought and furthermore a modality of knowing (Devisch 1985:62).
These approaches share "an organistic view of society with structural-functionalists",
since both
"presume that order, structure, regularity, safety, and especially its mental
complements such as intelligibility are basic needs or aims of the individual and
the group" (Devisch 1985:62).
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The prime focus of these approaches on divination is "as a form of acquiring
knowledge for establishing, controlling and predicting order". The cognitive approach
offers the "epistemological complement of the structural-functionalist interpretation of
divination" (Devisch 1985:62). Peek (1991: 193) looks closely at African divination
systems from the point of view of non-normal modes of cognition and defines
divination systems as temporarily shifting and facilitating "decision making into a
liminal realm by emphatically participating in opposing cognitive modes".
For Peek (1991:194),
"divination utilizes a non-normal mode of cognition which is synthesised by the
diviner and clients with everyday knowledge in order to allow the clients to make
plans of action".
In this case, Peek (1991: 198) maintains, divination creates a situation of dilectism to
accomplish the required synthesis to solve the problem brought to the attention of the
diviner. The diviner is said to use the divination apparate which at times incorporate
elements of creatures with special sensory abilities or are somehow extraordinarily
endowed. The non-normal mode of cognition referred to by Peek (1991: 199) is
established and maintained during the divination process. The primary senses used
in the divination process, "are vision and hearing, and their enhancement is manifest
throughout the divination process"( Peek 1991 :199).
In this regard, argues Devisch (198562), the phenomena of divination is taken at face
value. It is only the literal meaning of the consultor's and the meaning of the context
of oracles and divinatory oral tradition that are taken seriously (Devisch 1985:62). The
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approach is inspired by the positivistic and pragmatic theory of knowledge. In this
case, "order" (the deterministic order of things) becomes the central issue.
Objective knowledge and its philosophical principles govern this approach (Devisch
1985:62). The divinatory oracle is
"regarded as a non-rational way of investigating a moral domain or occult
matters and of reinforcing the related beliefs" (Devisch 1985:63).
For Devisch (1985:67),
"These external approaches to divination as a system of thought not only
evaluate according to positivistic scientific premises, but also appeal to
presuppositions proper to Western literate culture, implying its notions of matter,
causality, time, human nature, person or self, other, relationship".
The approach views divination as
"a superstitious, backward, inferior way of knowing which will evolve towards a
profane way of knowing, following processes, similar to those in Western history,
of individualization, disenchantment, secularisation, rationalization ... as
necessary concomitants of'urbanization and mechanization".
However, one has to note that not all cognitive studies are "defective for not all of
them evaluate divination through a self-corroborative belief system" (Devisch 1985:67,
Horton 1967 and Park 1967).
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7.4 Internal, semiotic (symbolic patterning) and semantic approaches to
divination
The semiotic and semantic approaches do not consider symbols as sheer
representations or as
"instruments of social reality, nor as a pre-scientific form of knowledge, but as a
reality in its own right" (Devisch 1985:68).
The focus in these approaches basically concentrate on the symbolic activity within the
divination oracle as fundamental communication and exchange,
"concentrated on the semiotic presentation in the oracle of social cultural ideas
and principles, through the articulation of divinatory vehicles according to some
inexorable cultural logic" (1985:68).
The other focus or line of thought in this regard is the performative production "of a
meaningful reality in trance and oracle" (1985:68). Even in this regard, the reality dealt
with is treated and reflected upon in its own right. In this case, the semiotic patterning
of communication is carefully and closely monitored and interpreted in the context of
divination. The diviner is said to establish a divinatory theme following the
standardised procedure and thereafter responds to the needs and affairs of the
c1ient(s). The said theme is skilfully patterned to run through a divination "repertoire or
by bringing together the code elements or the divinatory vehicles in significant
configurations". For Victor Turner (1975:219) these divinatory vehicles are referred to
as 'divinatory symbolic mnemonics' (Devisch 1985:68).
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These symbols store memories or refer to broad dimensions of a specific culture
(Devisch 1985:68). Ultimately, the diviner within the oracular discourse provides a
message relating to the affairs and needs of the consulting clients and thereby draws
"self-corroborative conclusions about events which are initially uncertain and
wished for or feared by the consultors" (Turner 1975:220 and Retel-Laurentin
1969).
The temporal underpinning has both a past and present reality for the client(s). The
oracular message is poly-vocal and touches firmly on the existential reality of the
client(s) (Devisch 1985:68). Interestingly, clients are involved in the dramaturgical
divination context and help the diviner in a collaborative manner to revise the
hermeneutics of the divination message and finallyoffer an alternative message. This
would surely be a shared and an all-agreed message (Devisch 1985:80).
The semantic and internal approach on the other hand involves basic underpinnings
as regards social-cultural reality (Devisch 1985:70). This view of social-cultural reality
and the practice of semantic anthropology, Devisch (1985:70) argues, are interrelated.
In this case, the anthropological semantic focuses on the socio-cultural reality, to use
Devisch's (1985:71) expression. It is a
"form of happening, a 'living theatre' in the process of being generated" and
articulated. To be precise, the focus is on the 'works' themselves and how
meaning stems from them by 'themselves'.
Devisch proposes three overlapping steps in this regard. First,
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"one concentrates by observation on the way in which a particular activity, such
as divinatory séance or the transition to divinership, is structured into a whole"
(1985:71).
Second, the practice, for example a ritual practice, gets
"its form by combining significant elements selected from different semantic
structures and classifications. All the different acts, objects and other phenomena
are compared with analogous phenomena in oral tradition, in other rituals or in
daily life" (1985:71).
Lastly, the third step consists
"in trying to find out how a meaningful reality is brought about, i.e. in focusing on
its dynamic, its quasi-intentionality" (1985:72).
David Parkin (1991), in dealing with the simultaneity and sequencing in the oracular
speech of Kenyan diviners, argues that
"diviners of all kinds use the idea of moving from a boundless to a bounded
realm of existence in their diagnoses".
For him (Parkin), such archetypal usage seems unaffected by difference of rank and
status among most diviners. For Parkin, the diviner converts one metaphor into
another during the divination process. The usage of metaphors in this regard is
inconsistent, at least according to Parkin (1991: 177). For Parkin, there is a serious
linkage or network between home and the outside world. The linkage activity is done
simultaneously in the process of divination between the diviner and the consultor.
Further, for Parkin (1991:179), the linkage, which is preceded by a sharp shift, is from
conceptual simultaneity to sequencing. The diviner in this case operates within and
123
with the process of "semantic disentanglement and clarification" which runs in a
parallel manner with the idiom of movement from a "wilderness to a set place and
time" (Parkin 1991: 183). The entire activity, argues Parkin, does not render the
patient or consultor passive and "only figuratively carried along the paths from
wilderness to settlement", but he or she,
"is also a point of reference and guidance along the way. That is to say, by his
nods, cues, and statements of agreement, the patient helps the diviner,
encouraging him to proceed from one possibility to another. So, while we may
think of the patient as being led to a cure by the diviner, the patient also guides
the diviner in this attempt to reach satisfactory diagnoses, converting an
unmanageably large number of interpretations into a more limited number"
(Parkin 1991:183).
There is a mutual dependency in the divinatory process. The roles reciprocate and
share meaning interchangeably in this process. To use Parkin's expression, they may
be seen as mirror of each other (1991: 184). In this regard, the diviner and patient
allow each other into their spiritual worlds and thereby share meaning from these
worlds in order to reach a locus of settlement. Hence, it provides movement from the
wilderness to the point of settlement (Peek 1991 :202). This affirms, maintains Parkin,
the fact that divination offers opportunities for dramatic and semantic creativity. Its
solves the practical problem of a mental nature as well as physical distress -
presumably of both the diviner and the patient ( Peek 1991:185). In this process,
Parkin notes two parallel patterns which are revealed in the divinatory process:
Language and the narrative theme.
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For Parkin (1991: 185), the language used in the divinatory process starts from a
jumbled context and the jumbled language used. The jumbled language is said to be
inconsistent and mixed with metaphors, false syllogism,
"some reversals, and an apparent lack of path control straying from one concept
to another and back again inconsequentiality".
This is then rectified or clarified in the process of the divination. The narrative theme
on the other hand
"starts with the idea of aimless wandering in an unspecified way and we may
assume a empty area, which is alien and remote" (Parkin 1991:185).
It is within the divinatory process that the theme runs by means of motifs from a point
of criss-cross confusion and aimless wandering and leads to a purposeful direction
(1991: 185). The logic governing this analysis, Parkin points out in structuralist fashion,
lies in the contrast between deep structure and surface semantic. For Parkin
(1991: 186), the initial speech of diviners operate more freely at the level closer to the
order-less of deep-structure semantics and that a shift from deep-structure to surface
(sentence) semantics analytically parallels the shift in the diviner's speech style and
narrative theme.
The deep-structure is considered by Parkin (1991: 186) as a most creative, artistic,
poetic and schizophrenic thought while surface semantics offer a place for
classification and taxonomy (bricolage). Parkin (1991: 187) concludes that the diviner-
client relation
125
"create a range of possible interpretations of cause and effect and then [allows
for the client tol choose from within that range ... to articulate new ideas in the
society which have not yet come to general currency".
This means that both the diviner and client are inspired to disentangle a puzzle.
On the whole, the patterning of signification in these approaches is internally
transformative and is further objectified in the performative drama itself. Participants
guide and determine the transformational process by themselves (Parkin 1985:76).
The performative drama is fundamentally characterised and fermented by interaction,
rhetoric, emotional manifestations, play, song, colours, even smell and smoke,
organisation of space, temporal co-ordinates, and the multi-referential semiotics of the
divinatory vehicles (Parkin 1985:76). The divinatory séance itself consists of
"a dialectical alternation of phases so as to give form to the elementary
paradoxes of multiplicityversus unity, disorder versus order"
with the prime intention of re-establishing qualitative differentiations and to bring
awareness to the participants to choose or to render order at other levels (Parkin
1985:76).
7.5 The praxeological approach
.The praxeological approach attempts to integrate all the positive elements identified
and appreciated by scholars above. This means that it focuses on the acceptable
aspects of the above-indicated approaches. It is characterised by a poly-ethnic
contextual divinatory outlook, meaning that divination is a cross-cultural phenomenon.
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It is however mostly ignored by so-called positivistic or scientific scholars in their own
cultures and even their own behaviours.
The context of divination has both a social and cultural side to it. The integrative
nature of this approach selects from the above-indicated or discussed approaches in
terms to typology and aspect (Devisch 1985:77). For Devisch (1985:77), the
approach is subject-centred, the
"subject being the diviner, or the supportive congregation and decision-making
group constituting itself in the course of the divinatory process, or the institution
of divination".
It is in this case that the de-psychologization process of comprehension and
communication takes place (Devisch 1985:77). The praxis of divinatory process
becomes the premise of the analysis. As Devisch (1985:77) rightly points out,
"The oracle or the diviner brings out what is problematic by giving it metaphoric
form, through rhetoric or dramatic bridging of physiological, sensitive, cognitive,
social, historical and cosmological domains. In this giving of a form, a meaning
is constituted which by inventive manipulation shows itself relevant to the actual
situation so as to achieve individual and collective goals or functions
sim ultaneously".
This approach is the one most suitable to the aims of this thesis. It not only
appreciates divination as a cross-cultural phenomenon but also allows for the more
particular study of African divinatory processes in comparison to prophecy in Near
Eastern and Mediterranean contexts. It brings about insights, mastery of cognitive
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intricacies, subtleties and the social conditions of divination based within a particular
group. Since it is both an integrated approach and appreciates the insider perspective,
it allows for the appreciation of the relevance of divination for people. It has the
potential of becoming a comprehensive and inclusive theory for the study of culture in
general. As such, not only the theory of praxeology but also divination itself, may
prove to provide analytic perspectives on both cultural and social practices (Devisch
1985:50).
7.6. Summary
Having browsed through a number of divinatory approaches one is able to make the
following observations:
First, research study pushes for a .comprehenslve approach. Comprehensivity in this
case refers to the oracles already analysed. The researcher notes that oracles
themselves require an understanding of both a non-verbal and verbal a view. All of
this form what the researcher call 'African divination process'. To focus on certain
word expressions only (i.e linguistics alone) would not just be self-perilous, but it
would also defy the entire purpose of understanding the African divination
(w)holistically. An example of this is the sight of an diviner-healer. The sight itself
provides or rather epitomises the divinatory process itself. Hence, this research study is
more in line with the praxeological approach because of its comprehensitivity and
internally-based.
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Chapter Eight
8. Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean divination and oracles
8.1 The phenomenon in question
Max Weber in his article entitled: The Prophet (1987), wrestles with the concept
'prophecy' from a sociological perspective. Interestingly, for Weber, the concept
!. comes to mean a
"purely individual bearer of charisma, who by virtue of his mission proclaims a
religious doctrine or divine commandment" (Weber 1987 :99).
Weber's theory on the prophetic perspective draws, or rather juxtaposes the 'preacher'
of older revelation and a founder of a completely 'new religion'. For him (Weber) it is
important to seriously consider the personal call in order to distinguish the prophet
from the priest (Weber 1987:99). The variation, argues Weber, lies in the fact that the
priest lays claim to authority by virtue of his service in a sacred tradlticn, while the
"prophet's claim is based on personal revelation and charisma" (Weber 1987:99).
Weber's thoughts opened a whole new debate on prophecy in and around Israel. This
scholarly intervention provides the appropriate background against which the topic of
this chapter is to be addressed, namely the more universal encyclopaedic
understanding of divination and oracle.
8.2 Mesopotamian perspectives on prophecy and divination
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Ivan Starr's (1983) publication, Bibliotheca Mesopotamica: The Rituals of the Diviner,
is seminal with regard to understanding prophecy and divination in Mesopotamia. In
principle, Starr focuses on Mesopotamian divination. He draws on various sources,
amongst others, sources on ancient Roman divination, but also more recent ones
such as the disciplina Etruscan, which came late in the Roman period (Starr 1983:2).
In the process, he refers to writers such as Pliny, Seneca, Varro and Cicero (De
Divinatione).
He then takes a quick glance at Graeco-Rornan divination, citing sources dating back
to Homer, Aeschylus, Lucan, Livy and Plutarch. For Starr (1983:2),
"Classical divination may also have derived certain principles of prognostication from
Mesopotamia". He (Starr 1983:3) then asserts that
"the accounts scattered in classical literature reveal a picture similar to that found
in the Mesopotamian sources concerning the diversity of divinatory practices in
vogue and the common belief in their efficacy".
Looking closely at divination in Mesopotamian context, Starr emphasises the centrality
divination played. Divination was central (Farber ~991;1895) in this ancient culture in
that it even functioned within the political set-up of the time (Starr 1983:3). For the
Mesopotamian
"divination did not represent a superstition, but a major intellectual endeavor,
embodying in it ... no less than a philosophy of history, one which is grounded
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on the belief that history repeats itself. History in this regard was seen as a
succession of meaningful happenings with ominous significance" (Starr 1983:3).
The ordinary was not considered ordinary, but valued because it conveyed a divine
message. As Farber (1995: 1895) rightly observes,
"Mesopotamian religious beliefs are not easy to understand for people of our
times, steeped in Western culture and imbued with what we call
"enlightenment". We are used to thinking in categories of opposites".
It was necessary, in that context, for a human being to attempt to understand its
language and be able to interpret it (Starr 1983:3 and Borghouts 1995: 1782). He
points out,
"ominous significance of reality did not lie in the normally functioning universe,
but in the deviations from it: in the abnormalities on the excreta of a sacrificial
animal; in freak birth amongst humans and animals" (Starr 1983:3).
Further, Starr (1983:4) points out that extistipicy constituted a major branch of
divination within the Mesopotamian context. Existipicy, according to Starr
"refers to the practice in its broadest sense, ... the examination of the entire
entrails, the excreta, and embraces, in conventional usage, also the more limited
hepatoscopy" .
Existipicy was constituted by a
"variety of divine messages received by various other means, such as dreams,
visions, prophecies, or even by means of the observation of celestial
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phenomenon, [and] were often considered inconclusive until confirmed by
means of more reliable means, such as existiplcy" (1983:4).
For Farber (1995:1904)
"extlspicy involved at least the cost of one animal per query, private citizens
are likely to have resorted to this technique only under extraordinary
circumstances"
Further, in Mesopotamia there were different functionaries as regards divination
and healing (von Soden 1985:184 and Farber 1995:1906). The prophets were
called mahhum (ecstatic prophet) and apilum (the answerer). Both delivered
prophecies ranging from ecstatic experiences, visions, dreams ete (von Soden
1985:185). On the other hand there were the priesthood category which narrowly
connected to divination. The baru -priest studied the liver of a sacrificial goat or
sheep, oil on water, position of celestial bodies/ constalations. The asipu and
masmassu-priest delivered oracles in the usual context of divination. The afflicted
persons or patients came to these priest and they (priests) would in turn examine
them and thereafter deliver incantations of healing (cf. von Sod en - Interpreters
Dictionary of the Bible; 'Divination', 185-192). The diviner-healer in Babylon or
Assyria is not a 'prophet' in the technical sense of the word, but diviner-healers
were a professional group of people usually attached to specific cult centers (van
Soden - Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible; 'Divination', 185-192).
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8.3 The Semitic World in Perspective
The Semitic world outside Israel had a serious impact on its prophetic dimensions
(Lindblom 1973:29). There is literary work that supports and gives evidence of the
existence of the ecstatic prophets in different parts of the ancient Near Eastern and
Mediterranean contexts (Lindblom 1973:29, von Soden 1985: 184, Oppenheim
1977 :206-221». One typical example is the story of Wen-Amon's journey to Phoenicia
around 1100 B.C. The actual journey closely related to the famous Golenischeff
papyrus contains information concerning the existence of prophetic phenomenon in
ancient Phoenicia (Lindblom 1973:29, von Soden 1985:185-191). The story
introduces Wen-Arnon, an official at the temple of the deity named Arnon, sent by the
Egyptian King, at the time, to the place called Byblos, to procure "timber for the
ceremonial barge of Arnon-Re" (Lindblom 1973:30).
The journey was not a successful one since he was not well received by the prince of
Byblos. The story relates that, while the prince was offering to his deities, subsequent
to Wen-Arnon's brief visitation, the "god seized one of his youths and made him
possessed" (Lindblom 1973:30, von Soden 1985:184). Another good example is the
story of the Dagan deity. It is overtly mentioned.
uA prophet transported by Dagan in an ecstasy utters an oracle ordering that
sacrifices must be offered ... the king's dead father" (Lindblom 1973:20).
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Other regions which could be referred to in this case include the Hittites in Ugarit, in
Hamath, etc. In such regions,
"the ecstatic communication of oracles may well have been practised as well as
the observation of omens, incubation, and sacrificial and other methods of
divination" (Lindblom 1973:31).
David Aune (1989:23), looking at the Graeco-Roman prophecy, rightly points to the
importance of prophecy and divination in the daily routine of most Romans and
Greeks in antiquity. Prophecy and divination were held in high esteem - i.e. as the
science that determined the "will of the gods on almost every conceivable issue" (Aune
1989:23).
Divination was regarded as the "art or science of interpreting symbolic messages from
the gods" (Aune 1989:23, Oppenheim 1977:206). It was central to determine fate and
the future. Oracles were used as potent messages from the deities communicating in
human language to respond to questions, doubts and fears as it impacted on and
determined the lives and well-being of kings, nations and individuals. Oracles were
dynamic means of communication.
Apart from oracles there was a serious use of a number of divination practices which
included the following: the casting of lots (kleromancJ1, the flight and behavior of birds
(orthimancJ1, the condition and behavior of sacrificial animals, or their vital organs,
before and after the sacrifice (hepatoscopy, hieromancy, pyromancJ1, the various
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omens or sounds (cJedonomancj), dreams (oneiromancj) (Aune 1989:23,
Oppenheim 1977:209).
A frequent term used by ancient Greeks for the practitioner of divination was mantis,
to be translated as 'diviner', 'soothsayer', or 'seer' and 'prophet'(Aune 1989:23, von
Soden 1985: 186). The mantis had to be skilled and be able to use the acquired art to
interpret the complex symbolism of the encoded "divine messages" (Aune 1989:23).
It should be noted at this stage that Ancient Greeks and Romans distinguished
between "technical divination" and "natural divination". Technical divination depended
on the
"knowledge, training, and skill of the mantis in observing and correctly
interpreting signs, sacrifices, dreams, omens, prodigies, and the like"
while natural divination is
"the direct inspiration of the mantis through trance, ecstasy, or vision" (Aune
1989:24).
Aune (1989:24) strongly argues that oracular divination should be placed somewhat in
the latter category of divination based on its intuitive character and essence. He
further points out that oracular divination used a number of methods for establishing
oracular responses from the deities based on various issues about which the suppliant
or inquirer wished to receive divine advice or admonition (Aune 1989:24). Three
major types of oracular technique can be noted: (i) the lot oracle, (ii) the dream or
incubation oracle (which basically involved healing), and (iii) the inspired oracle.
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So far, one is able to note that the phenomena of prophecy are not unique to
particular races, people, countries, or religions (Lindblor:n 1973:32, von Sod en
1985:191). The phenomena may, be expected to, vary from context to context.
However, the process of assimilation and influence could, Lindblom suggests, be in
terms of behaviour, forms, words, and the external manifestations thereof (Lindblom
1973:32). This is backed up by the emphasis on the supernormal world, as we shall
see in the next section in terms of ancient Israelite prophecy - l.e.
"by which they have been subjected to influences from that world, not
vouchsafed to other men" (Lindblom 1973:33).
8.4 Ancient Graeco-Roman perspectives
A miracle, from a modern perspective, is usually perceived to be a breach in the
regularity of the functioning of the world (cf. Devisch 1985, Victor Turner 1969 and
Mary Douglas 1966). Yet, it is more than a breach planned to over-rule something
known or unknown - or even the scientific principle. A miraculous healing is
scientifically unaccountable, yet, it is not merely random, but has a purposeful focus.
It is often attributed to the work of some supernatural force (Setiloane 1998:65,
Kudadjie and Osei 1998:35, Mbiti 1969:41). The general propensity is in the use of
the term rather than coincidence with something that does not violate the laws of
nature.
The Graeco-Roman perspectives on prophetic activity have serious points of relevance .
for healing. A good example is Asklepios, the healing deity among the Greeks. His cult
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lasted for roughly a thousand years. The earliest reference to Asklepios is actually in
Homer. In Loeb Homeric text, Aesklepios is referred to as a hero and further
described as a peerless healer (Loeb 11.518). His sons are Machaon and Podaleirios
who led a contingent from Tricca to the Trojan war. Later, they too became
physicians, like their father. In this account, there is no reference to his birth or to any
divine ancestor in the family. Only later sources do throw some light on the
background of this well-known physician of the ancient Graeco-Roman world.
There are several accounts of his birth recorded in different sources, but one of the
earliest is that given by Pindar in his Third Pythian Ode. According to this account,
Asklepios was the son of Apollo and Koronis, the daughter of Phlegyas (from other
sources we know that Phlegyas was king of Tricca in Northern Greece). Koronis, while
pregnant with Apollo's child, married Ischys. Apollo, all-knowing, was aware of this
and sent his sister, Artemis to destroy Koronis with her golden arrows. As she was
being cremated, Apollo rescued his son from his mother's dead body and took him to
the centaur, Chiron, to be nursed and educated. Even so, Pindar does not make
mention of it in this particular poem, or rather he does not provide vivid information
about this account. This is rather unfortunate.
The account informs us on the fact that Apollo was the god of plague, but also of
healing. Chiron (the centaur), instructed and comprehensively trained by Apollo, was
also skilled in healing, music, hunting and prophecy. The centaur served as the tutor
of other Greek heroes like Jason and Achilles. The centaur taught him to heal human
sicknesses, wounds or diseases. The implications of this are that the methods utilised
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varied from incantations and potions to surgery. The clients or patients, as the
account points out, were delivered or brought to Chiron by Apollo himself. Finally,
some of the interesting accounts point to the glory that was bestowed on him. He was
able to raise a man from the dead and was struck down by Zeus. From this early
account it appears that Askleplos was at first thought of as a hero and later as a
mortal.
In another tradition, Asklepios is made the daughter of Arsinoe, daughter of a
Messenian king (Hesiodic Catalogues 50), although in other respects the story was
similar. A later version of the story retains Coronis as the mother, but makes
Epidauros the birthplace of Asklepios. This version is the one related by the
Epidaurians (Pausanias 11.26.3 - 5). This story provides an explanation for why the
dog was a sacred animal associated with Asklepios and also why no goats were
allowed to be sacrificed at Epidauros.
From originally being a man who practised as a physician, Asklepios was probably,
after his death, honoured as a hero. Eventually, he came to be worshipped as a god of
healing. There were sanctuaries to Asklepios in those cities that claimed to be his
birthplace _ at Tricca (archaeologists have not unearthed this shrine as yet, but there
are some literary references to it (Loeb Classical Library, vol. II, by W. H. S. Jones,
9.5.17, 437), in Messenia and, of course, at Epidauros. A few other cities also laid
claim to be the birthplace of this popular god in whose honour sanctuaries were
subsequently erected in many parts of the world. Two of the other most important
shrines to Asklepios were at Cos and Pergamum.
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It should be noted that ancient Greek gods and goddesses fall into three categories.
Olympian or sky deities, chthonian or earth deities and heroes. Heroes came as the
result of unions between gods and mortals, and the worship of a hero often focused
on his tomb where various sacrifices and rites took place. Some heroes were only of
local importance while others were more widely revered. After his deification,
Asklepios was probably more closely associated with the chthonian deities. The snake,
a chthonic animal, is perhaps an indication of this. The snake had a long association
with fertility and healing gods and with the spirits of the underworld (they come up
from the ground). The snake was also a symbol of eternal rebirth (it sheds its skin).
Earlier, it was mentioned that Asklepios had two sons. He also had five daughters, one
of whom, Hygieia, was especially prominent in his cult. Others were Panakeia, Aceso,
laso and Aglaea.
Asklepios was not only a healing god, but also the patron god of physicians. This
implies that one must not separate too rigidly the different approaches to healing in
the ancient world. Many doctors may well have encouraged their patients to visit one
of Asklepios' sanctuaries. The question remains: What happened at these sanctuaries?
The sanctuary near Epidauros is one of those about which there is enough
information. Originally, there was a cult of Apollo at this site. A sanctuary and an altar
dating back to the seventh century B.C. have been excavated and under this site
archaeologists have found a Mycenaean altar. From the sixth century, dedications
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were made to Asklepios as well as to his father Apollo, but by the fourth century
Asklepios was the dominant presence at the sanctuary.
Some inscriptions have been discovered that give details of the construction of some
of the buildings. The temple was built in about 370 B.C. and took 4 years 8 1/2 months
to construct. lts architect was a man by the name of Theodotes and the sculptural
work on the temple was done under the supervision of Timotheos. Inside the temple
was a gold and ivory statue of Asklepios, seated on a throne and holding a staff in one
hand (a staff was usually carried by Greek men walking out of doors). His other hand
was over the head of a serpent and a dog lay at his feet.
On the side of the temple was a great altar and nearby a round building or thotos.
known as the thyme/e. Its function is unknown (Luck 1985:3-60). Other suggestions
include that it enshrined a sacred spring or that it contained a pit for the sacred snakes
(it has some concentric underground passages) or that it was a place where the priest-
doctors made their special offerings (Ferguson 1989:89).
The abaton where the patients slept in the hope of being cured by the god, was a long
building (70 meters) to the north of the temple. It contained benches, on which the
suppliants slept and dreamed, and it was here that the tablets that recorded successful
cures were on display to encourage those who came for healing. The sanctuary
became known as Asklepieion. Boundary stones marked out the sanctuary and no
one was allowed to die or give birth within this area because miasma (pollution) was
believed to result from giving birth or from death.
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The entrance to the Asklepieion was via the propylon which like many of the buildings
at the site had ramps which would have given easier access to the disabled than would
have been the case if the buildings had the normal steps. The Sacred Road from
Epidauros (7 km. away) led up to this grand entrance. Other buildings on the site
include a stoa where the suppliants could rest and consult the priests; there were
baths, fountains, a hostel, a banqueting hall and also temples to other divinities.
Perhaps, the most famous structure is the theatre 'where dramatic and musical
performances took place in honour of Asklepios. The remains of a stadium have also
been found. These buildings date to various periods. They were not all constructed at
the same time.
Asklepios was worshipped both publicly and privately. There were regular sacrifices
and offerings made by the priests on behalf of the local community but there were also
festivals which were on a much larger scale. Every fourth year an. especially special
lavish festival was celebrated at Epidauros. It was called the Asklepieia, involving the
purification of the participants, sacrifices and athletic and musical competitions in
honour of the god. However, it is the more private side of the god's cult that most
concerns this study.
Individuals who came on matters to do with their physical well being, first performed a
cleansing rite, then, after offering a sacrifice, had a ritual bath which resulted in their
purification. This was important because they were about to enter a very holy building
in what was already a holy sanctuary. They then entered the temple where they spent
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the night and sometimes part of the day. This ritual sleep in a sanctuary is known as
incubation. The aim was to get the god to appear to them in a dream; he either
healed them or gave them instructions which, when carried out by the suppliant,
resulted in healing.
Underlying the process of incubation was obviously a belief that dreams opened the
way to contact those powers greater than human. A dream resulted in contact with
the god or gods. It was in fact a meeting with the god or gods, as the suppliants
strongly believed. This was another reason why the suppliants purified themselves.
Aristophanes has a humorous description of a visit to the Athenian sanctuary of
Asklepios, but much of what he mentions was also applicable to what happened at
Epidauros.
Here follows a summary of his description: Wealth bathes in the sea to purify himself,
enters the sacred precinct and offers cakes and incense at the altar and then goes to
lie down along with the other patients. The lights were put out and they waited for the
god to appear. When he did (attended by laso and Panacaea) he looked carefully at all
the patients (who had a variety of diseases) and then a boy placed a pestle, a mortar
and a medicine chest at the god's side. He made up a mixture of garlic, fig juice, sea
onions and vinegar and used them on an unpopular politician's eyes to make his
complaint worse. Wealth, however, regained his sight when Asklepios wiped his
eyelids with a clean cloth; Panacaea covered his face with a red cloth and Asklepios
then summoned the sacred snakes that licked Wealth's eyes, in this way curing him.
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All the other patients congratulated Wealth and were awake until daybreak. Nothing is
said about whether they were cured. Asklepios in the two instances, describes the use
of a variety of treatments - one involving medicine, another the sacred snakes. The
cures from Epidauros reveal something similar.
8.4.1 The inscription from Epidauros
Before actually looking at the contents of the inscription I would like to make a few
preliminary comments. First of all, the miracles took place in a sanctuary that was
supported by the authorities at Epidauros and by the authorities of other Greek states
(many Greek cities contributed towards funds for various buildings). It was a
recognised part of the religious apparatus of the state and the cult obviously played a
very important role in the lives of many individuals.
However, the shrines were open to both rich and poor. Greek society was a society
that saw the gods at work in almost every sphere of life, and it was therefore natural to
look for the gods to intervene in this realm as well. Illness is a crisis situation and
people often turn to their god or gods in a time of crisis. Some of the cures may sound
incredible. These inscriptions existed to encourage suppliants, presumably by the
priests who must have felt that they would be incredible to many to the sanctuary.
This particular group of inscriptions dates from about 300 B.C. The fourth century was
a period in which many collections of miracle stories associated with various deities
appeared. They are partisan documents, but one must be careful not to dismiss all
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their claims as fraudulent. The cult of Aesklepios lasted for a very long time. Some
people saw dream visions and woke up cured.
On the other hand comparison with a shrine like Lourdes, indicates that not many
.healings are required to keep people coming. By 980 A.D the Medical Bureau at
Lourdes had recorded over 5000 cures of which the Catholic Church had
acknowledged as miracles only 64. In 1858, Bernadette had experienced the
apparitions at Lourdes. 143 years had elapsed by 2001. At Lourdes medical doctors
and scientists are called on to corroborate healings. Obviously, this would not have
happened at Epidauros, but if there had been no apparently genuine healings, the cult
of Asklepios would not have lasted for as long as it did.
There have been various attempts to explain the cures. Some, while accepting the
reality of the miracles, have argued that they were deeds of the Devil. Other scholars
argue that the priests made use of medical techniques along with the incubations (the
inscription does not hint at this happening at Epidauros at this stage). Another theory
is that the break in routine and perhaps a change in climate and diet may have
produced healing. Others accuse the priests at the shrine of being charlatans and of
deceiving the people. Others have pointed to the power of the mind over the body
and that healing occurred through hypnosis or autosuggestion or, they refer to the
power of religious experience. Even so, the people came, expecting to have dreams in
which the god appeared to them and this is just what happened: they were familiar
with the kind of work done by the doctors of the time and dreamed that Asklepios
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used similar, albeit sometimes more spectacular, medical techniques or,' they dreamed
that healing was brought about in some other way.
Most of these suggestions try to explain away the possibility of miracles and this of
course has always been a heated topic of debate. The attitude of the Protestant
Churches is less uniform. In some quarters, the miracles of Jesus are an
embarrassment to be explained away and the question of whether miracles still occur
is not a real option. Various objections to miracles have been raised over the
centuries, but the discussion of miracles by David Hume in the eighteenth century is
one of the classic ones.
I am not going to debate the question of the reality of the healings at Epidauros. It is
interesting that the inscription testifies to contemporary sceptics, showing that there
was not universal acceptance of the validityof the cures. Forty-three miracles occur in
the source material. In eleven cases the suppliants are women. In the others, they are
men or boys. They came with a whole range of problems, some of them not even to
do with healing (a broken goblet and a missing child). The problems were things like
prolonged pregnancy (2 cases) and infertility (4 cases), paralysis (4 cases) and
lameness (4 cases), blindness, aphasia, facial marks (2 cases), stones (2 cases), war
wounds (4 cases), malignant sores, baldness, parasites (leeches, lice, tapeworm and 2
other cases of worms), a growth on the neck, an abdominal abscess, dropsy,
headaches, consumption and gout.
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The stories reveal a common format: the complaint is always listed and usually they
include the name of the suppliant. The place from which the suppliant comes is often
mentioned (Pellene, Athens, Thessaly, Epidauros (2), Torone, Lampsakos, Halieis(3),
Mytilene, Hermione, Sparta,Thasos, Troizen(2), Pherai,· Aigina, Thebes, Heraclea,
Epeiros, Knidos, Argos Cirrha, Ceos, Caphyiae, Messene, Cios).
In six instances both the name and place are missing, in five instances the place name
has been lost (I am assuming that Echedorus comes from Thessaly) and in one other
case the place name is there but the person's name is missing. Other gaps are the
result of damage to the inscription. The place names show that suppliants came from
many parts of the Greek world, testifying to the popularity of the shrine.
The stories themselves can perhaps also be classified by the various means used to
effect healing:
1. The god simply converses or gives advice or instructions - 2, 8,15, 34
2. The god performs some action, not of a medical or strictly medical nature
3,6,7,18,28,29,31,35,37,38.
3. The god performs some medical procedure - either surgery (12,13, 21 -
healing by proxy, 23, 25 - where the surgery takes place after Sostrata had left
Epidauros, 27, 30,32) or the use of medicine (9,19, 40, 41 - also massage) or
both (4).
4. Idiosyncratic cures -14, 16, 43
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5. Cures involving the snakes or dog - 17, 20, 26, 33 (like 25, a delayed cure), 39,
42.
6. In some instances we are given only a few details - 1, 5,10,11, 22, 36.
Most healings occur by night, but in some, the god appeared during the day (25).
Asklepios seems to have been willingto appear on most nights - there were no special
.nights set aside for his epiphanies. He appeared in various guises but was not a
frightening figure. In accounts of Christian miracles it is often stated that witnesses
were amazed or afraid (cf. Mark 5:20).
Cure 3 tells of a man who scoffed at the inscriptions recording cures, but was
converted when his paralysed fingers were cured. Like this anonymous man,
Ambrosia (4) came as a suppliant and yet laughed at the cures as incredible - despite
her scepticism, she was healed. Reference is made to her ignorance. Some of those
in the Temple laughed at a blind man's silliness who came for healing though he had
no eyeball left in one of his eyes (9). The slave with the broken goblet also had to
endure the scoffing of a passer-by (10). Cephisias was another who laughed at the
cures only to be punished by Asklepios and forced to beg him for healing (36).
Some supplicants seem to have lacked faith to do what the god commanded in the
vision - they are described as lacking in courage and as being cowards (35, 36).
Asklepios first reacts with anger to the man from Epidauros (35), but later laughs at
him. Like Cleimenes, he later dares to do what the god required and was healed.
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Other cures record the faith of the suppliants - Cleo (1) describes Asklepios as
"admirable" .
In numbers 1, 4-8, 15, 22 and 26, offerings are mentioned, sometimes with no
indication of what the offering was to be. In some instances the offerings must have
been fairly costly - an inscribed stone (1), a silver pig (4). Money is mentioned on one
occasion (when Echedorus embezzled Pandarus' offering - 7). Echedorus himself
promised a painted image (7). Other offerings were a headband containing the marks
from which Pandarus had been cured (6) - although as we learn, this was to be
followed up with cash offering to Athena. Another offering that was a testimony was a
large stone that a previously paralysed man was instructed to carry to the Abaton (15).
Asklepios laughed when a young boy offers 10 dice (8). The goblet that was mended
was dedicated to the god (10).
There are therefore indications that rich and poor came to the sanctuary -
Andromache (31) was perhaps the wife of the Spartan king, Arybbas. Thersandros
drove a wagon (33) and Hagestratos won the pankretion at the Nemean Games - an
indication of his status and wealth. A servant or slave features in cure 10.
Mention has already been made of how Cephisias was punished for his insolence. He
laughed at the cures of Asklepios (36). Other reasons for punishment include failing to
hand over a thank-offering (7) or to bring a thank-offering (22). A peeping Tom called
Aeschines who tried to see into the Abaton was punished by being made blind but was
also healed (11). These can perhaps be grouped as punishment miracles.
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8.4.2 Disease, disability and healing: Hippocratic writings
This corpus contains about 60 treatises on a wide range of subjects and is written in a
variety of styles. Most date from between 430 - 330 B.C., although some are later.
Reference to the "Sacred Disease" probably dates to the late fifth or early fourth
century (Lloyd 1986: 15).
The collection of Hippocratic writings was compiled by scholars from the Museum and
Library in Alexandria in about 200 B.C. - some texts were written by doctors, others by
teachers. Although the collection became linked to the name of the most famous
doctor in antiquity (known to us mainly through references in Plato, Aristotle and
Meno), it is not possible to assign any of these texts with certainty to Hippokrates
himself. He came from the island of Cos where he was born in c. 460 B.C. He was
associated with the Asklepion and was famous as a doctor, charging a fee for teaching
other doctors. He was credited by Celsus with the establishment of rational medicine -
we are not sure of the truth of this but he was certainly an exponent of rational
medicine whose views were until fairly recently accepted as authoritative in Western
medicine.
The Greeks created rational medicine but before the advent of rational medicine they,
like societies in most of the rest of the world, relied on folk medicine to treat injuries
and diseases. They continued to use folk medicine and to resort to magic even after
rational medicine appeared on the scene. Folk medicine is based on the knowledge of
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herbs and plant remedies. Many of our modern drugs have resulted from folk
remedies. For sure, drug companies often start with plants used in folk remedies and
try to isolate the active ingredients. It would be possible to test all plants, but this
would be very time consuming and it is much more economical in terms of time and
money to start with something which may well be effective. Various communities are
at the moment trying to reach an agreement with drug companies who are benefiting
from their traditional knowledge (Sowetan article featuring Credo Mutwa and recently,
views on the HW/Aidsdebate). They hope to be recompensed so that the community
as a whole can derive some advantage from their heritage. Midwives, gymnastic
trainers, herbalists, drug-sellers and practitioners of magic existed alongside
practitioners of rational medicine, as did those working in the various healing
sanctuaries.
At the outset (in the sixth-century) there was no clear-cut distinction between Greek
philosophy and science, of which medicine was one branch. Early philosophers set
out to examine the causes of things. Thales of Miletus suggested that there was the
basic substance from which everything was made. Empedocles of Acragas (c. 493 -
433) was a philosopher who argued that earth, water, air and fire were elements of life
and that two opposing forces, Love and Strife, worked on these elements to produce
everything else. These four elements were sometimes analysed in terms of dry, wet,
cold, and hot and linked up with the four seasons. Anaxagoras of Clazomenae (c. 500
- 428) believed that the original substance was comprised of pairs of opposites
(wet/dry, cold/hot, dark/light etc.).
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These philosophers tried to explain natural phenomena in natural, not supernatural,
terms. They worked out options related to the fact that natural phenomena were not
random, but that laws governing cause and effect operated in the world. For instance,
the cosmologists tried to explain earthquakes in natural terms and not as the work of
the god, Poseidon. The philosophers put forward various theories and they engaged in
rational criticism and debate about each other's theories. These were based not on
scientific experiment but mainly on argument and reflection.
Most medical writers were influenced by the nature philosophers and like the author of
The Sacred Disease later also looked for natural explanations of disease.
In the fifth century B.C .E , medicine separated itself from philosophy as a discipline in
its own right. The concerns were different from those of the philosophers in that their
goals were not speculation but practical. The doctors wished to cure the sick and
injured. They laid a great deal of emphasis on prognosis and the ability to describe the
course of an illness and its likelyoutcome.
This was a means to establishing one's credibility, although the doctor was often
powerless to alter the course of the disease. It was important for the doctor to take
into account a whole range of factors, for instance, age, sex, habits, climate,
environment, physical symptoms. Some of the medical writings include fairly detailed
case histories of patients. Epidemics I & III are examples of such works which would
help other doctors in their prognosis. Acute diseases had critical days that would help
in diagnosis. The case histories show that the doctors used to examine their patients
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carefully noting all sorts of details about the patient, his lifestyle, environment and
symptoms, but it is clear that there was often little treatment that they could offer
them.
In other texts, one reads of some of the methods of treatment used by doctors. These
include surgery, cautery, blood letting, purgative drugs and control of regimen (diet and
exercise). This last form of treatment was particularly important. For example, the
wrong diet and exercise could cause disease, while the right regimen could maintain or
restore health.
These texts (e.g. Epidemics Li) also show the interest that Greek doctors had in
climate, seasons and weather as factors causing or influencing the course of a disease.
Data on air, water, and places were in fact written down to help doctors establish what
kinds of diseases were likelyto occur under various conditions (cf. chapters 1-3). The
importance of air to the body was clear from observation. Some medical writers
argued that too much or too little air or the wrong kind of air could result in disease.
There were many other theories about the causes of disease, but most doctors
accepted a version of the humoral theory as an important explanation of disease,
although there was debate about the particular details. Disease resulted from an
imbalance in the humours or fluids of the body that could be caused by a number of
factors. This theory had its origins in the work of Empedocles and Alernaeon of
Croton (late sixth-century) who argued that for a person to be healthy, it was important
that there be a balance of opposing forces in the body. The four most commonly
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accepted constituent humours in the human body were blood, phlegm (from nose),
black bile (excreted or vomited blood from an internal haemorrhage) and yellow bile.
Yellow bile was associated with diseases that occurred in summer; black bile was
earthy and linked with autumn diseases; phlegm was watery and was seen in the
diseases of winter. Blood was linked with air and spring. Blood was hot and wet;
phlegm was cold and wet; black bile was dry and cold and yellow bile was dry and hot.
These humours determined one's constitution, health and particular character traits
(phlegmatic, sanguine, melancholic, and choleric). When these humours were out of
balance, problems arose and the doctor would resort to blood letting, purging, emetics
and various dietary measures. Certain foods were considered to be appropriate to
certain conditions (cf. The Sacred Disease 2). Plants and herbal remedies were also
seen as having humours, elements and qualities and those believed to be opposite to
the disease were prescribed to restore balance.
The statements made about the humours were obviously dogmatic statements which
the authors had no means of verifying. Some writers were therefore critical of this
approach and advocated an empiricist position whereby scientific theories could be
tested. This ideal was, however, unattainable and when the authors of these treatises
put forward their own ideas about the origins of disease and about the constituents of
the body, they were also unverifiable (On Andent Medidne 1 & 14; The l'Iature of
Man).
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There were no legally recognised qualifications for doctors, who probably learned their
skills by apprenticing themselves to practising doctors. These were often, no doubt,
their fathers. By the late sixth-century B.C.E there were a number of city-states which
had a reputation for producing competent doctors namely Croton, Cyrene, Cos and
Cnidus. Doctors often travelled from place to place having to establish a reputation
and build up a new practice in each of the centres where they settled. Occasionally,
one hears of a city employing a doctor for a period of time, but it is not clear what this
entailed.
Lloyd (1970:52) suggests that it meant that the doctor had merely to reside and
'practise in the city for the length of his contract.
Some doctors became very wealthy, although Precept 6 warns the doctor against
greed and suggests that the patient's financial status should be taken into account; on
some occasions the doctor should be prepared to forego his fee.
8.4.3 The sacred disease
The author (cf. The Loeb Classical Library, translation by Chadwick and Mann 1986,
The Loeb Classical Library 1916, vol 11, 2-321, translation by Arthur Hort) of this
treatise seeks to debunk the idea that this disease is "any more divine or sacred than
any other disease". He argues that the sacred disease has specific characteristics and a
definite cause.
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On a personal level, the author doubts their integrity. In the opinion of the author the
first people to describe epilepsy as a sacred disease were witch doctors (magoi),
purifiers (katharta), quacks (agurta,) and charlatans (alazones). The author argues that
their motives were to screen their own failure to give suitable treatment and their own
ignorance. They are trying to make a living and so are prepared to deceive those who
are ill. They wish to create the impression that they have knowledge when they do not.
They also treat the condition in such a way as to avoid any risk of being blamed in the
event of the patient's death.
He questions their piety on the basis of the other things that such people claimed to
be able to do, like drawing down the moon, causing eclipses of the sun etc. The
writer argues that if they did perform these magic acts, this would prove their impiety
and the fact that they did not believe the gods to exist or to have power. The reason
he gives is that such acts would be hateful to the gods. If they genuinely did do any of
those amazing acts, the author would not call it divine but human because human will
had overcome divine power. However, what they profess is not true. They are trying to
make a living and invent stories about this disease and others, making a different god
responsible for each disease. It is clear that such practitioners do not use the state-
approved religious structures like the temples in their attempts to treat epilepsy, and
the author disapproves of this.
He also seems to question their whole way of thinking, and that their treatment is
eclectic and illogical if they really believe that a god causes this disease. They resort to
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conventional medical diets, magic and superstition in a mixture of muddled thinking
suggesting a range of possible yet conflicting causes - diet, impurity, magic.
If eating goat's meat can cause and exacerbate the disease, as they suggest, then one
need not look to the gods as a cause. Likewise, if purifications (periketbeiroriï or
magic (mageuon) can cure the disease, they must presumably also be able to bring on
the disease. By talking of gods and demons these men are merely seeking to deceive.
The author acknowledges the unique character of the disease and the ignorance and
astonishment that people display when confronted by it, but he questions why this
particular disease is singled out when there are other equally likely candidates
(including madness, delirium and fevers) .
. Their theology is suspect, the author acknowledges. They treat the sufferers by
purification with blood and similar things,
"as if the sufferers were ritually unclean, the victims of divine vengeance or of
human magic or had done something sacrilegious".
The author's response to this is a statement of faith. He points out that,
"Personally I believe that human bodies cannot be polluted by a god.
Even if the sufferers had done something sacrilegious, their methods were wrong.
They should use the well-established temple- based rites of sacrifice, prayer and
supplication to cleanse them and not resort to magic. The author obviously has a
strong antipathy towards magicians and exponents of similar practices. Even if their
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magic were to work, it would be because "the divine power had been overcome and
forced into subjection by the human will".
The author proceeds to give his own explanation for the disease, arguing that it has the
same nature as other diseases and a similar cause. His affinities are with the scientists
and philosophers of the time who were trying to find a basic principle to explain
nature's principles. The explanations he suggests are rational. One explanation is
heredity, because the seed comes from all parts of the body, including diseased seed
from diseased parts and because certain constitutions are prone to it (phlegmatic)
while others are not (bilious). If a god were responsible, all types would be prone to
the disease.
The brain is the part of the body that is responsible for epilepsy. Problems occur in
uterus when the brain is not cleansed properly and the fetus develops a phlegmatic
constitution (8). Some people are purged of this phlegm later when they are children
and they do not suffer from epilepsy, others who are not purged in the womb or later
are attacked by this phlegm - the phlegm might make its way to the heart or chest,
causing asthma, or it might affect the stomach, resulting in diarrhoea. If the discharge
reaches the blood vessels the patient suffers an epileptic fit.
Each of the symptoms is explained in terms of this theory - air is unable to flow
through the blood vessels because they are blocked by phlegm. The severity of the
attack depends on how much cold phlegm is discharged into the warm blood (10).
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Other relevant factors include the weather especially the wind and time of year (11, 13
-14, 16) and age (it is not fatal for adults - 12); if children's heads are warmed and
then suddenly cooled, they may experience an attack (13); shock may also induce an
attack (13). Chronic epilepsy is very hard to cure as it results in changes in the brain.
This, the author points out, is confirmed by the study of animal brains, especially the
brains of goats (14).
However, it is obvious that in other instances statements are made about the structure
of the body that could easily be refuted by dissection. One should closely note his
account of respiration (7) and his description of the veins (6). At this stage, it was
exceptional to think in terms of a post-mortem and it would have been considered to
be a desecration of the body. It is not surprising that scientists seldom used these
means. Another investigative tool is analogy, the effect of the wind on other things is
used to explain the effect of the wind on the human body and the consequences that
this has for epileptics. However, early Greek medicine was not fully scientific. While
there might be empirical research, there was also a heavy reliance on "armchair"
research - sitting and reflecting on various subjects.
A number of contemporary medical theories are reflected in this treatise. The impact
of climate (paragraphs 7 and 10); it is "seen as the source of consciousness in
thought, perception and sensation" (Jackson 1988 :22), the humorous theory and of
course the idea of balance (too much phlegm! bile and too much of what is moist! dry
-17).
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This is very clearly stated in chapter 21. It is not that the writer excludes the divine
dimension at all. The factors that do cause disease like the cold and the sun and the
winds are divine and so all diseases could be described as divine; no single disease is
more so than another.
At the same time all diseases are human with their own character and nature. There is
definitely a rational explanation for every disease. It can be understood and treated,
although some diseases pose more of a challenge than others. Regimen is what
would be required, not magic spells and purifications. The right knowledge can result
in a cure. As Lloyd points out, the author rejects the idea of not only epilepsy, being
the result of divine intervention but also every other disease. What is divine does not
appear to contradict what is natural. The author also explains the conduct of epileptics
who sense an impending attack. They try to go home or to a lonely spot, not out of
fear of a demon but out of embarrassment. In this area, too, he is concerned to give a
rational explanation.
8.5 Occurrence in Israel
The Old Testament writings and their scholars frequently used the term 'neblisrn' in
denoting the concept and practice of prophecy in antiquity. Lindblom cautions that
since prophecy later, in the course of time, is also referred to as 'nebiisrn', it "is
unfitting to use the term 'nebilsrn' for a special form of prophecy" (Lindblom 1973:47).
There, the appropriate designation, Lindblom argues, would be the use of 'ecstasy'.
This, he maintains, "is often said [to bel the distinctive feature of the older prophecy"
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(Lindblom 1973:47). In this regard, the frequency and character of ecstasy becomes a
determinant.
The first reference to it in Israel is in 1 Sam. 10:5ff. This presents what
Lindblom(l973:48) calls 'the orgiastic type'. The discourse indicates Saul who was on
his way to Gibeah and that he met a band of prophets of whom "it is said that they
were in prophetic ecstasy" (Lindblom 1973:48, Ndiokwere 1981 :20). Saul, as the
discourse indicates, coming across them, fell into ecstasy (verse 10).
Another example of ecstasy, a collective one for that matter, is offered by 1 Kings 22,
indicating four hundred prophets whom, on "the eve of the attack against Ramoth-
Gilead, were assembled before the kings of Israel and .Judah". It is said that "they
raged in ecstasy before the kings" (verse 10). Generally, it is maintained that
"biblical prophets have been understood as unique figures whose sudden
appearance in ancient Israel had a profound impact on the development of
Judaism and Christianity" (Wilson 1987:14).
On the surface, the view of prophecy is the gift of foretelling. This can be traced as far
back as the ancient Greek word 'pro-phernl' literally meaning 'to speak before/ in
advance'.
Another observation is that prophecy has 'public propensities', and that is how we
came to know about it. It was not meant to be a private skill or trait but had a serious
underpinning for the community. Lindblom (1973:1) holds a strong view that
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prophets uttered their oracles in a poetic form. Does this assertion reduce prophets to
mere poets with their poetic performances? Wilson strongly suggests that prophets as
"specialists form a highly diverse group that includes various types of mediums,
diviners, priests, and shamans, but like biblical prophets they all see themselves
as intermediaries between the human and divine worlds" (Wilson 1987:15).
Another observation that should be made is that a prophet had a divine duty coupled
.with accountability. One does not make himself or herself a prophet but is called for a
specific duty (Lindblom 1973:1 and Wilson 1987:15). This connects with the
prophet's public responsibility. The prophet has a public responsibility with a public
voice. Wilson (1987:14) acutely supports this as he indicates that
"scholars have portrayed the prophets variously as creators of a highly intellectual
form of ethical monotheism, as eesteties scarcely in control of their own actions,
as religious officials with regular duties in the Israelite cult, as shrewd political
advisers, as isolated mystics, and as guardians of Israel's religious traditions".
(
In this case, Wilson proposes the use of extrabiblical evidence to
"supplement the narrative about prophetic activity and the words of the prophets
that have been preserved in the Bible" (1987: 14).
The believe is that he or she is always accompanied by the divine power to inform him
or her as to what should be said (Lindblom 1973:2). Prophets differed from religious
teachers who methodically instructed pupils (Lindblom 1973:2, Ndiokwere 1981 :7).
Prophets are believed to be under the guidance of the anima (spirit).
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8.6 Primitive Prophecy
The first group to be traced are the shamans among the Arctic and Ural-A1taicpeople.
Investigators managed to accurately trace the origins of shamans. Shamans are said
to be mediators between the spiritual and the livingworlds. A special communication
is maintained to be in both worlds. This implies a movement between two worlds.
The ability to travel between these two worlds empowers shamans to be able to cure
sicknesses and reveal mysteries from the divine world to the living, perform extra-
ordinary functions and decipher oracular messages (Lindblom 1973:7, Ndiokwere
1981 :3). Ecstatic experiences are fundamental in revealing and communicating
oracular messages. They communicate with anima and are given sensational authority
over the living. They have their special dressing code and their preferred locus
operandiis darkness (Lindblom 1973:7).
The other prophetic genre that resembles Shamans is kahins and dervishes found in
the Arabic context. A kahin is a 'seer' or 'soothsayer' whose duty is to proclaim
oracles and perform divinations (Lindblom 1973:8). Oracles, in this case, are
performed while being in a state of ecstasy. This state of mind (cf. ecstasy) was
I
recognised as a divine form of reality, hence, utterances were considered to be divine
in their origin (Lindblom 1973:8).
The inspiration was assigned to jinn, the indeterminate impersonal spirit. Their
message was presented in artistic forms characterised by phrases formulated in a kind
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of rhymed prose. They were consulted on spheres of life affecting communities
(Lindblom 1973:8). Rulers had their special kehins as advisors to sort out matters of
political and social concern. They also played key roles in expediting missions against
hostile tribes. Some of the ketuns were consulted from distances afar to reveal issues
pertaining to theft, interpret dreams and other related matters. Due to their
sacredness, they had to perform sacrifices to the gods and acted as sacrificial priests
(1973:8).
On the other hand, the dervishes' tasks included, among others, a thorough religious
training. At the end of a religious exercise they are regarded as ecstatic. To evoke a
sense of ecstatic-ness, the dervish used detailed methods and ceremonies which
include the Moslem creed, prayers and the reading of the Qur'an. The methodical
movement of the body forms an integral part of the ritual.
The important characteristic of this organisation is the pivotal role played by spiritual
guide called shaik or mukaddam (Lindblom 1973:8). A sheik was guide or leader in
the takiyyah (convent where dervishes gather either for meals or other communal
activities). The prime task of this sheik is to conduct and direct religious exercises and
to maintain discipline which leads to ecstatic raptures (1973:9). The role of this sheik
is not only confined within the convent but extends to the public or life outside the
convent. The outsiders or non-dervish communities have the latitude to consult and
ask for advice from sheik or mukaddam.
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Next are the primitive prophets known as the alios musi!. They are well-known
orientalists and explorers from Czechoslovakia, better known as the rwala bedouin
(wanderers). Among these bedouins exist a class of male and female seers known as
ahi as sirr (owners of secrets). These bedouins claim to have special protection from
the supernatural power and it enables them to cure diseases, disclose hidden
mysteries, interpret dreams and foretell the future and its implications (1973: 10).
Rwala bedouins believe in spirits, 'jlnri, and the spiritual world. Their special gift is
assigned to the celestial spirit called malakwho is regarded as the messenger of Allah.
As Allah's mouthpiece, malak is named munabi who appears in the shape of a rider
seated on a white mare proclaiming to the seer what to proclaim in Allah's name
(Lindblom 1973:11).
8.7 Mohammed
Mohammed claimed his title from his organisation. It is believed that the angel jinn
sent by Allah accompanied him on his way to the kahins. It is not confirmed whether
Mohammed experienced ecstaticism since he was known as the proclaim er of inspired
messages. In this regard, the title prophet is used accordingly. His call was preceded
by meditations at Mount Hira where he had ecstatic visions. The heavenly messenger
that came to Mohammed imparted to him a communiqué that implied a mission to be
a prophet and Allah's prophet (Lindblom 1973: 12). His call accorded him the
consciousness of having been chosen to be the messenger of Allah. His preaching of
an imminent judgement and repentance made him one of the greatest prophet
(Lindblom 1973:13).
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8.8 St. Bridget of Sweden
The Swedish preacher of the 14th century known as Birgetta is, among the Swedish
people, regarded as greater than Finish preachers. She was of noble birth and lived in
permanent contact with learned persons.
Bishops, noblemen and other key leaders in the community had to listen to her words
which were very uncompromising (Lindblom 1973:19). Birgitta was born in 1303 and
died in Rome in 1373. Her revelations amounted to 700 in number, written in both
Latin and Swedish languages. These revelations constitute the first and most
prominent source of study of her personal piety and her prophetic activities.
In her revelations, one is also informed of her communiqué with Jesus Christ. She
presents herself as a bride and Jesus Christ as the bridegroom. The following
expression is contained in the writings, "Your heart will be in my heart and will be
inflamed with my love" (Lindblom 1973: 19). In Birgetta's prophetic career, obedience
is encouraged. She calls upon every inspiration and then receives revelation. She had
a gift of supernatural nature and remarkable ability to see through human beings'
secrets (Lindblom 1973:24).
So far, it becomes evident that prophetic phenomena are not only confined to a
particular community but can be traced in a number of communities. The
characteristics of these prophetic patterns vary from one community to another. As
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observed, some claim to have the inspiration of a supernatural power while others are
coupled with religious (professional) training. Key and common to all is the
accountability and representative role of prophets. They command respect based on
their divine connection and continual communiqué.
8.9 Ecstasy and other extra-ordinary phenomena
Ecstatic prophecy has foundations also within the Old Testament tradition. The oldest
traditions are preserved in, for example, Samuel and Kings. Scholars commonly make
use of the term nebi'irn to denote the earliest stage and form of prophecy in Israel.
The ecstatic prophets appeared for the first time in Israel at the selection of Saul as
king (Lindblom 1973:47).
Further, the problem is coupled with cross-fertilisation process in terms of Israel's
contact with other communities surrounding it. The first reference made about
prophecy in Israel is in 1 Samuel 10:5ff that presents an orgiestic tapestry of prophecy.
In the text, Saul is introduced in the discourse travelling to Gibeah and meets a band
of prophets in ecstasy (mitnabbe im) (Lindblom 1973: 48). Having come across this
band of prophets, Saul himself experiences ecstasy (SamuellO: 10). This is well
captured in Samuel 26:22-24 - i.e. he stripped off his clothes and fell flat on the
ground.
Ecstasy in this regard involves a behavior which is unconventional and can be located
outside the parameters or boundaries of societal activities (1 Kings 28:46). The
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supernatural power or element is fundamental in this case, hence expressions like, "the
hand of Yahweh came upon Elijah" (Lindblom 1973:48, Ndiokwere 1981 :20).
There were instances of passive (lethargic) trances that had less or completely no
ecstatic significance at all. A typical example is found in 1 Kings 24: 11-13 (Lindblom
1973:49).
Another significant prophetic action is the sign or token (mopet,of). In some cases the
angel or 'maJ'ai< appeared as an intermediary between the prophet and the
supernatural power (1 Kings 13:18): "I too am a prophet as you are, and an angel
spoke to me by the word of God". Unfortunately, the Old Testament traditions do not
contain a detailed description of the concept of vision as it relates to prophecy
(Lindblom 1973:56, Hayes 1971: 140). To evoke the ecstatic experience and
determine its intensity, one had to use extra external means depending on the cultural
and religious background of a particular prophet. Music was a fundamental extra
external means to evoke ecstasy among the early prophets. This is observed in the
Saul discourse on Mount Gibeah mentioned earlier in the course of the chapter
(Lindblom 1973:59).
It would be useful in this case to make mention of dancing as another extra external
means of evoking ecstatic experiences (Lindblom 1973:59, Ndiokwere 1981 :4). The
ecstatic and gifted prophet was known as the 'man of God' ('is 'elohim). The rationale
behind it is that the 'is 'elohim has divine or special qualities which have been
bestowed on him by a supernatural power. The Hebrew expression 'is 'elohim
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corresponds with the Mesopotamian term 'amel - Ill, In this case, the prophet! 'is
'elohim has special traits and integrity in community (Lindblom 1973:60, Ndiokwere
1981 :4) and brings salom (peace) or berakah (blessings) with him - he is expected to
have the ability of seeing through people.
They were also sacrosanct as men of God, implying that it was not allowed for them to
be offended (Kings 20:35ff). They lived under strict divine rules, characterised by
regulations to be observed obediently (Lindblom 1973:62, Westermann 1991 :99).
Their lives were governed by a divine call - a special prophetic call. The earlier
generation of prophets was in a form of guilds or associations of prophets. They had
to dwell in common houses and have meals together. Members were called 'benê
hennebi' jm' (literally = sons of the prophets). The aim of such guilds was in the
interests of mutual support (Lindblom 1973:69). Their prime duty was to deliver and
decipher oracles. A special relationship with the supernatural power was their
common characteristic (Lindblom 1973:71, Hayes 1971: 148, Ndiokwere 1981:30).
Their prophetic role was not only confined to religious activities but extended to areas
such as politics, social transformation, moral life of the community(ies) and inter-
national relations issues of concern and dispute.
8.10 Classical prophets and primitive prophecy
Classical prophecy refers to canonical prophets in Israel from the 8th century up to the
last period of the inspirational prophecy. The first in this category is the prophet
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Amos, the sheep-breeder from Tekoa and the last is Malachi. This category of
prophecy had a common mission, i.e. to deconstruct and then reconstruct Israel
(Lindblom 1973: 105, Ndiokwere 1981: 18).
8.11 Revelations
Classical prophets are said to have received revelations from God (Yahweh). Their
visionary skill is characterised as refigiosi homines. The term 'revelation' in this regard
is used to denote a message shown or seen in a 'visionary' manner (Lindblom
1973:108, Ndiokwere 1981:20). The message conveyed, carries the command and
the respect of God. The common formula, 'Thus says the Lord/ Yahweh" attests to
this whole idea of God speaking through his messengers (Lindblom 1973: 108, Gunkei
1968:23, Westermann 1991:100). Their (prophets) acceptance in community had to
be ratified through the sod (council) and consisted of other prophets. Surely, the
council was meant to standardise and control th~ institution. 'True' prophets were
able to appear differently from the bogus ones in terms of their practice (Lindblom
1973:108, Hayes 1971:148).
The relation between Yahweh as the formulator of the prophetic message and the
prophet (the spokesperson) is clearly illustrated by the relation between Moses and
Aaron. Moses was commanded by God to speak to Aaron and it is said that God
would put his words in his mouth.
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God, on the other hand, duly informed Aaron that he shall speak for Moses to the
people and shall serve as his mouth-piece. In this case, the kol Yahweh (the voice of
Yahweh) is articulated through the mouth of another agent (prophet).
Prophets were often persecuted, since they often proclaimed a message of doom and
judgement. Amos and Jeremiah are classical examples as regards the persecution
experiences.
Further, the dramatic character of a vision is also observed in the inaugural vision of
Isaiah. Isaiah the prophet experienced it whilst he was in one of the temple courts in
Jerusalem. Yahweh appeared as a kingly God of the heavens, sitting on his heavenly
throne.
Another dramatic vision is present in John's vision about the downfall of Babylon in
the New Testament.
8.12 Prophetic Oracles and sermons
Kings in the Old Testament tradition had to receive oracles from oracle-givers
(prophets). It is mentioned that when king Zedekiah sent two of his trusted men to
prophet Jeremiah to require and inquire about an oracle, he (king Zedekiah) wanted to
know if God would come to their rescue/ help. The response came loud and clear, "I
myself fight against you". The response came through the uttering or report of the
prophet Zedekiah (Lindblom 1973:149, Ndiokwere 1981:7).
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Some revelations where proclaimed by prophets in a public forum in a form of a
sermon or speech. In this case, the prophet appeared in a place where many people
assembled and delivered the revelations (Jeremiah 11:6). Public fora included places
like city gates, royal palaces or courts etc. The aim of public speeches was partly to
address the societal problems. This brings to the fore the point made earlier, that
prophets had a societal context situating them among others. Haggai made a public
speech exhorting his interlocutors to act responsibly in the community (Lindblom
1973:153, Ndiokwere 1981:3).
8.13 Ecstatic visions and auditions
The classical prophets, like their predecessors, were endowed with the gift of receiving
revelation from the divine world. These revelations were conveyed in the form of
perceptions. Thoughts and ideas are then expressed in words. The prophetic
revelations have a unique common factor in that they are apprehended in a state of
inspiration that may vary in degrees. To other prophets, revelations are experienced in
a static form. In yet others, they are passively experienced in (lethargic) form
(Lindblom 1973:122, Hayes 1971:154).
The contents of these revelations differ widely. These revelations are found in
sermons, admonitory address, announcement of doom and punishment, lyric poems
and short articles, etc. Two of the prophets' revelations are of a great psychological
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interest: the vision (= perceived through visual perception) and auditions (= revelation
through auditory perception).
By 'vision' we mean the revelation received through a visual perception and 'auditions'
are those perceived through auditory perceptions in both revelations. There is no
external object that causes any revelation but these arise within the soul of a prophet
(Lindblom 1973:122). The prophet claims that what he sees is from his "inward eye"
or what he hears, by his "inward ears". It is not the external world but the invisible,
divine world that informs the prophet. And, it is an exclusive experience and not open
to everybody. It is only those who possess or have contact with the super natural who
can have this experience (Lindblom 1973:123).
There are general characterisations of ecstatic visions. In them, there is something
irrational and ineffable; something which transcends the normal and everyday
experience. What the visionary sees may be described vividly and in detail. There is a
looseness and lack of structural connection. Time and space seem not to matter and
the scenes change rapidly as in dreams (Hayes 1971: 158, Lindblom 1973: 124).
Among the ecstatic visions, another two groups of visions are distinguished: "pictoral"
visions and "drarnatical" visions. The pietoral visions include the objects or figure that
appear in a vision. Dramatical vision is characterised by persons or figures who appear
in a vision undertaking or doing something as in a play.
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A typical example of a pietoral vision is found in the inaugural vision of Ezekiel whereby
many objects and figures are vividly and vaguely described. This vision made it
impossible for a visionary to explain the vision.
Significant for the prophets is that they used comparison more generally than direct
statements in their statements or pronouncements deriving from their visions. To
render it in human words, in their missionary and pronouncing experience, the
prophets rationalised, they interpreted circumstances and gave allegorical explanations
to some features of their visions in order for the listener to have impressions of
Yahweh's omnipotence, omnipresence or all-seeing eye (Lindblom 1973: 125,
Clements 1996: 1). Much of the pietoral visions are found in the book of Amos, for
example, in the scene where the locusts consumes the grass of the land, where
Yahweh stands upon the wall, etc. In the ancient visions, dialogues between the
visionary and God is observed.
The dramatic character of a vision is also observed in the inaugural vision of Isaiah.
The prophet experienced this vision whilst in one of the temple courts in Jerusalem.
Yahweh appeared as a kingly God of the Heavens, sitting on his heavenly throne.
Another dramatic vision is present in the vision of the downfall of Babylon. The
visionary in this vision hears the noise - the noise like a whirlwind that sweeps through
the Negeb from the Syrian Desert beyond which Babylon is situated. He sees with his
inward eyes the work of plunder and devastation and hears the cries of people in
distress. "Now I will bring all the groaning to the end". This vision is straightforward
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and it makes it easier for the prophet to interpret the vision for the people (Lindblom
1973:129).
From the preceding items of information, one is able to argue for a very close
connection between prophecy and healing. Prophecy has an important function in
healing. What one foretells connects with the circumstances that one experiences,
and wishes or does not wish to experience. The ancient Greek reality, in terms of
healing, employed a strong prophetic format. Patients slept for days in the temple in
order to be informed about their fate in life. The Delphic oracular context (Fonterose
1978: 196), by and large connects both prophetic and healing propensities. Surely one
can argue that oracles employ both prophetic and healing functionaries. The next
chapter attempts to look closely at prophetic oracles. That exercise would assist one
in the comparative section that follows thereafter.
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CHAPTER NINE
9. The Oral Structure of Prophecy
9.1 General Remarks
GunkeI (1987) in his article titled: The prophets as writers and poets, explores the
prophetic genre in writing. He asserts that this nuance of writing causes difficulties for
contemporary decipherment (1987 :22). Obviously, as GunkeI (1987 :22) admits,
prophets, who are referred to as authors, "made use of certain genres that had
developed before they came along". The phenomenon of prophetic oracle has both a
background and a firm foundation in the characteristics of the intellectual life of the
~ ancient cultural contexts (1987 :22). Prophets were like poets or should be rather
called poets of their own times. They used their own 'style' to convey their messages -
ingrained and relevant in both their particular 'long tradition' but also contemporary
circumstances (1987 :22). As GunkeI points out
"they were more bound to the style than to the thought. Even when they were
able to think and utter something new, they were still bound to the traditional
forms of expressing it" (1987:23).
The following is a typical prophetic context with surrounding audience, as depicted by
GunkeI (1987 :23):
"... the individual came to the fore. Powerful personalities arose, grasped by the
storms of the age, trembling with passion, who, touched by the divinity in secret
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hours, attained the sublime courage to proclaim thoughts that they, they
completely alone, perceived within themselves".
Gunkei (1987:23) also cautions that:
"Anyone investigating an author without knowing the genre he uses is building a
house without the roof'.
This is a serious warning for any person in pursuit of prophetic genres and their style.
Thus far, it should be evident that prophets were not necessarily the original writers but
speakers, or to be precise, performers in their own right. A typical example is the
expression:
Hear!
This is a definite prophetic utterance presupposing an audience around, a particular
Sitz jm Leben (the context of the life of Israel in which they were first spoken). In this
case, one has to imagine a prophet standing in the forecourt of the temple, or in front
of a crowd of villagers in the Northern Kingdom (cf. prophet Amos from Tekoa moving
to the North) with an audience surrounding, curious and amazed about his appearance
and/ or about what he says. Others marvel at this "strange figure" (Gunkei 1987 :24).
9.2 Prophets and their oral communication patterns
How did prophets speak? Typical of ecstatic activities, some shouted wild threats
against the people or kings; others uttered oracles in strange stammerings - gibberish
for many - yet others beat their breasts, clap their hands, wobble like drunk people, or
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stood naked or with a yoke around their neck. Another may madly swing a sword in
the hand (Gunkei 1987:25).
Commonly, the opening of the prophet's speech had the opening formula: So Yahweh
spoke to me. A small critique by Gunkei on the Israelite literature is its very little
evidence of organisation, or none at all (Gunkei 1987 :27). This shows that the type of
conventional argument of raised by GunkeI. He is definitely looking at the matter from
the point of view of a scholar raised in written material and applies its rules. Written
sources have rules that apply and the same could be said about oral literature. The
un-orderly part of the oral voice forms its organisational patterns.
Gunkei advises that the analyst of prophetic oracles should pay close attention to
certain beginnings and endings. The common beginnings or openings include words
such as:
"Thus says Yahweh" and "Hear!", while typical examples of endings include: "so says
Yahweh", "thus spoke the mouth of Yahweh", "IYahweh have spoken it" and "And they
shall know that I am Yahweh" (GunkeI1987:29). Further, as Gunkei states (1987:29),
"the oldest units of prophetic style are the briefest; they are the puzzling words
and collections of words that echo the odd cries of the ancient nebiim. The
prophets of a higher sort adopted such a way of speaking in order to give their
thoughts a sharp and impressive expression. Such words are then publicly
displayed by these men on something like a sign or are given as names to their
children" (Hosea 1; Isa. 7:3; 8:3).
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9.3 Various Prophetic Oracles
9.3.1 Brief statements with more clarity, made up of two, three, or a few
more lines
9.3.1.1 Isaiah 1: 2-3
2. Hear, 0 Heavens, and give ear, 0 earth: for the Lord has spoken, I have nourished
and brought up children, and they have rebelled against me.
3. The ox knows his owner, and the ass his master's crib: but Israel does not know, my
people do not consider me.
9.3.1.2 Amos 1:2
And he said, "The Lord will roar from Zion, and utter his voice from Jerusalem; and
the habitations of the shepherds shall mourn, and the top Carmel shall whither.
9.3.1.3 Jeremiah 2: 1-3
Moreover, the word of the Lord came to me, saying,
Go and cry in the ears of Jerusalem, saying, "Thus says the Lord; I remember you, the
kindness of your youth, the love of your espousals, when you went after me in the
wilderness, in a land that was not sown.
Israel was holiness to you the Lord, and the first fruits of his increase: all that devour
him shall offend; evil shall come upon them, says the Lord.
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The above stated oracles were taken randomly by the researcher to indicate some of
the short oracles that were uttered by prophets in ancient Israel. Surely, they had a
particular intention for the audience they were directed to. They are short because the
message was intended to be brief and to the point and, finally, have an impact on the
interlocutors. In this case, the listener needed to hear the brief statement and that was
adequate for the message to strike home.
All three selected oracles have impressive openings. The intention of the prophet was
to have his point heard and remembered. Itwas important for him to make it brief but
still acutely so. The shortness of the structure of the oracle is per se part and parcel of
. the oral technique. Short utterances are used to convey the message effectively.
9.3.2 Long statements / utterances
The second oracle technique can be called long statements. As Gunkei notes
(1987 :30), they are
"more or less loosely piled up one after another. The prophet turns from one
thing to another, according to whatever his eye lights upon, and he stops when
he thinks he has exhausted the subject" .
. One can easily deduce an oral set-up with the paraphernalia of orality. It is located
within the deeper context of the story-telling technique. The piling up of loose
statements allude to an oral context.
It is a context of less restrictions and conventionalities. The performer has the liberty
to deliver the utterance, as he feels free and how his intuitive moods demand. It surely
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piles up and builds up a momentum and finally reaches the climax. Such a piece-meal
.style naturally opens the door for subsequent additions. In this case the story never
comes to an end but instead continues endlessly with the unfolding of new plots,
characters, themes, sub-themes, and contexts emerging and enriching the discourse
in the process of telling the oracle.
The longitudinal process is due to the fact that smaller units collate into larger units to
form a long and impressive discourse. It is important for the reader to critically note
the Gattung of each and every unit and be able to locate its precise nuance. It will be
interesting for one to critically assess the specific digressions or rhymes that do occur
in the process of this discourse. This will show the skill and art of the story-teller (in
this case the prophet and his oracular devices).
A notable example is Isaiah 13. This discourse deals with the city of Babylon. The
narrator skilfully introduces a discourse that comes from the time of the exile,
"one that is composed of many more or less strongly differentiated fragments.
Yet, when taken as whole" (GunkeI1987:30),
it forms a larger unit.
The discourse itself has the following structure: the introduction has a summons, the
middle has the battle, while the end concludes with the destruction.
The manner, in which the narrator starts, introduces the reader to the context of total
confusion and darkness. This is later clarified in the conclusion of the very same
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darkness. Surely, this is a oral telling skill and art; and should be located within the
Sitz im Leben of the narrator and his interlocutors.
9.3.3 Lyric poetry with refrains
Lyric poems and refrains are present in Amos 1:3-2: 16 and the seven woes of Isaiah
5:8-23. The refrain, 'I will not turn away the punishment, because they have ... ", runs
through the entire discourse like a motif. It keeps the momentum of the text and sets
the metrical pace of the poem. For Gunkei (1987:30):
"The most artistic are those prophetic units in which fragments of different
genres are brought together in the form of a "liturgy".
Thus Gunkei (1987 :31) concludes that, in the hermeneutical process of the prophetic
books, one should use the criterion of 'context' only with serious caution.
9.3.4 Prose
The prose oracle is described as a rational reflection - prophetic speech which was
originally in the form of poetry (Gunkei 1987 :31). Indeed, there should be a difference
between Greek feeling and style as compared to that of the Israelites. The latter did
not treat speech and poetry as mutually exclusive. They saw it as part and parcel of the
same package. Usually, the prophetic oracle (the prose Gattung) is in verse form -
sowing a poetic form and nature (Gunkei 1987:31). Two sub-genres can be
distinguished in the metric form of poetic prophecy:
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9.3.4.1 The strict style
The basic characteristic of this sub-genre is that the same verse dominates the entire
poem and that it belongs to poetry which was sung (Gunkei 1987 :31). The following
texts give a portrayal of what this sub-theme is all about: Isa. 1:10-17, Jer. 2: 1-3 and
Isa.2:2-4.
9.3.4.2 The freer style
The basic characteristic of this sub-genre is that the expressed content in different
verses is according to the ebb and flow of the sentiment. This largely could be located
within the spoken poetry category. Examples are Isa. 1:2-3; 29: 1-7.
Gunkei (1987 :32), using aesthetic standards, concludes,
"many of the prophetic speeches are beyond comparison and they are among
the most powerful passages of the Old Testament, which is so rich in powerful
words. Hardly anywhere in the entire world is there religious poetry that is
comparable in force and power to these prophetic writings".
The key question remains: What could be the metrical organisation of these prophetic
poems? Are they in the iambic or metrical form? This is another field of research to be
taken up later. It demands that the critical reader of these prophetic oracles wrestle
with questions of metric nuances since they indicate the emphasis in verbal utterance.
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9.3.5 Vision and audition oracles
Visions are classified into two variables: First, the brief and simple, and second, the
longer and detailed. A typical example of brief and simple visions are the visionary
experiences of Amos (8:1) who sees a fruit basket and Jeremiah (1:11) and the
discourse of the branch of an almond tree (GunkeI1987:33).
The longer and more detailed visions come from both Zechariah and Ezekiel (Gunkei
1987:33). As Gunkei (1987:33) rightly notices,
" ... faraway things the prophet cannot see by his own powers: before the eyes of
the 'lookout' appears the Persian army, approaching two by two, as it traverses
the pass".
In this case the prophet's eyes travel into the invisible world (Isaiah 6: 1-7). It should be
noted that the prophetic vision is confined within his own Sitz im Leben. Note Ezekiel
who "sees the miraculous throne borne by the cherubim on which God travels".
Tile Sitz im Leben does go beyond the Isrealite context to account for outside
influences. In this case, some of the mythological elements of the surrounding
communities are indicated. This shows the influence of the Near Eastern and
Mediterranean contexts on Israel. This further raises an interesting research study on
the extend of- influences of the outside contexts of Israelite prophecy. Indeed, Israelite
prophecy was not independent of influences outside its parameters.
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The style of visions varied considerably. There were narrative discourses where the
prophet described or rather reported at length on what he saw. This would surely be
in a prose format. Gunkei notes the following characteristics of vision presentations:
9.3.6 Coded form
In this case, the divine reality is covertly conveyed with less description. A typical
example is the Ezekiel discourse where the prophet makes use of comparisons (1 :26).
9.3.7 Visions connected with verbal revelations
In this case, the message of the prophetic oracle supersedes the visionary experience
itself (Isaiah 6: 1-8).
In this regard Gunkei (1987:35) concludes,
"prophets put all emphasis on the thoughts that they contained [and] not on the
miraculous way in which they came" (1987:35).
9.4 Classification forms of prophetic oracles
Gunkei notes the following classification forms of prophetic oracles:
Promises and threats
Descriptions of sins
Disputes
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Songs of all sorts
Religious forms and parodies of profane poems
Lament and songs of joy
Short poetical passages and entire liturgies
Parables
Allegories
He further cautions that most of the above-mentioned genres should not be seen as
only originating within the Israelite context, but that Israel have adopted foreign genres
in the course of their development (Gunkei 1987 :38).
9.5 Style and syntax
The Old Testament prophets favour particular sentence constructions. Firstly, the
Hebrew narrative is used in some of the constructions: "and then" or "then" (Gunkei
1987:48).
Secondly, the use of the perfect tense expresses acts completed in the past (Gunkei
1987 :48). In this case, the prophet does not see the expected event in the 'front' as
ordinary people do, but 'behind' in their eyes as it has already occurred (Gunkei
1987:48).
Thirdly, they couch their address in the second person: It is linked to the vocation of
the prophet (1987 :49).
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Fourthly, they favour imperatives at the beginning of speeches. This in turn becomes
a powerful introduction (JoeI4:9, Zeph 2:1).
Lastly, they often make use of questions. Questions in this case play a major role in
relating visions (Zeph 1:9) and at times they also begin or interrupt the prophetic word
(Micah 4:9).
9.6 Claus Westermenn's theories on forms of prophetic speech
In addition to Gunkel's research, that of Claus Westermann is important for this study.
Westermenn's work reflects an approach to the basic forms of prophecy in Israel. His
work attempts to do a critical survey of the works of several scholars who came before
him (1991: 13-81). Some of these scholars include the work of Gunkei referred to
above.
Westermann notes three major 'kinds of prophetic speech, namely, accounts,
prophetic speeches and utterances. The accounts are referred to as accounts uttered
by prophets. The prophetic speeches on the other hand are said to be words of "God
which are delivered by a messenger of God" (1991 :90). Lastly, the utterances are
directed from prophets to God.
Westermann cites the book of prophet Amos as one of the books that contain three
components referred to earlier (Amos 7:1-17).
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The book of Ezekiel is said to be a mixture of priestly and prophetic speech forms
(1991 :92). In connection with prophetic speech, Westermann deals with three basic
questions: who speaks? To whom does the prophet speak? And, what takes place in
this speaking?
According to Westermann (1991 :96), the function of prophetic speech is that
"... the person to whom the speech was addressed was considered by those who
collected and passed down the prophetic speeches to be an important criterion
for determining the types of speeches".
The tempus of the institution of prophecy in Israel is placed within the context of the
loss of statehood that faced Israel at the time. The function at the time was to guide
the nation in ways "willed, initiated, and directed by God [and which] were not
disputed" (1991 :99).
Westermann then identifies five theological phases of prophecy in Israel:
1) the patriarchal stories were God spoke directly to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob; 2) the
primeval history of Adam and Eve; 3) the Mosaic tradition of Moses and Aaron; 4) the
Joseph period which introduced the concept of dreams; and, lastly, the time of the
judges where judges became messengers of God (maf yak yhwh). The definition of
prophecy, according to Westermann, should be defined as
"a transitional stage in which the speech of the messenger is the form designated
for the indirect revelation of God".
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9.6.1 Westermann's Prophetic Genres
9.6.1.1 The Messenger formula
According to Westermann (1991:100), the messenger formula, "Thus says the Lord",
emerged in the pre-writing epoch. This genre contains oral repetitive formulary
patterns. He identifies the followingstructure that contains the messenger formula:
Instruction of the messenger
Messenger formula
Messenger speech
Westermann refers to the Genesis Patriarchal story (Genesis 32:3-5) as an example in
this case.
Instruction of the messenger - "Thus you shall say to my lord Esau"
Messenger formula - "Thus says your servant Jacob"
Messenger speech - "I have sojourned with Laban, and stayed until now; and I have
oxen, asses, flocks, menservants, and maidservants."
The duty of a prophet was to "bridge this distance with each of their speeches", hence
the common expression 'Go and say' (Kohier 1923). In particular, Widengren (ef.
Westermann 1991:104) comments that
"It is thus presupposed that the letter is only the literary fixation of an oral
message which is brought to the addressee by a messenger. The formula shows
that there is a close connection between the oral message and the written letter".
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One can refer to the example contained in IIKings 18:28,
Hear the word of the great king, the king of Assyria!
Thus says the king: 'Do not let Hezekiah deceive you, for he will not be able to
deliver you out of my hand'.
According to Westermann (1991:104),
"That is important for the use of the message style in prophecy insofar as it is the
oral transmission alone which is possible here. Hearing belongs to the character
of the reception of the message as well as to the repetition of the speech".
9.6.2 The proclamation formula
l This genre (proclamation formula) introduces
"royal decrees, ordinances, and commands in as much as these convey
irrevocable authoritative words of the king".
This genre differs from the message formula indicated earlier on because it (the
message formula)
"... introduces the message consisting of a perfect and an imperative part, which
still offers a decision to the addressee" (Westermann 1991: 111).
9.6.3 The Prophetic judgement-speech on individuals
This genre contains the following structure:
Summons to hear
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Accusation
Introduction to the announcement by the message formula (with 'therefore')
Announcement of judgement (in personal address)
1 Kings 21: 18-19 offers an impressive example of this type of genre. One could add
the popularly known Nathan story in this regard:
Accusation
Development of the Accusation
The announcement of Judgement
It becomes clear that the Israelite prophetic speech, regardless of its intention and
context, is usually ratified by the messenger formula to authenticate it. Prophets at the
time had to rely on the messenger formula in order to impress their message on their
interlocutors. This has to be seen as an authenticating device used by prophets to gain
respect, and, further, to have the necessary attention they deserved.
As we have seen in the case of the Nrican divination oracles, the use of the 'siyavuma'
was used to authenticate the message of the diviner. The client is not at all compelled
. to call out the expression 'siyavuma' but is free to utter it during the divination process.
This is regardless of the fact that the client is accused for his or her acts as he or she
came through the divination process.
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CHAPTER TEN
10. Reflections
10.1 Concluding Reflections
Thus far, a number of areas concerning divination and oracle have been explored. At
times, each is disjuncted and based on its unique perspective. It has to be understood
by the reader that the researcher attempted to provide a broad overview of divination
and to do so from a number of perspectives. The first perspective presented a personal
reflection on divination in the context of African divination. That was followed by an
interview with Mrs Annah Mokgethi who is a trained and 'called' diviner in the field of
divination - healing. Her perspective opened up new dimensions on divination and its
related practices. She provided insights into the perceptions of a practising diviner-
healer with regard to her own understanding of her calling and training - from the
inside, so to speak.
The third perspective dealt with African healing and the proper side of 'prophecy'. This
connected very well with the two first perspectives. Though the researcher admits that
the section was not comprehensive, it is informative. The main rationale for the third
perspective was to provide a broader overview of the field of divination. The researcher
concedes that much work has been done in the field (Setiloane, Ngubane, Mbiti,
Berglund, Van Binsbergen). The third perspective used local voices to back up its
framework.
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The fourth perspective dealt with some of the African divination oracles. This
perspective dealt with the main thrust of the thesis, namely the dimensions of oracle-
speech. This perspective relates directly to other perspectives that represent the oral
dimensions of oracles. It was necessary for the researcher to provide an overview of
the orality arguments to help the reader to see the 'placement' of African divination
oracles in the context of orality. African diviner-healers are performers. Again, African
life and philosophy have an artistic form and nature. Life, for an African person,
reveals itself in contrast more in art forms than in 'literature' forms.
The researcher was taught orally to memorise his ancestral greetings: imithokosizo, for
both aBanguni ancestry and aBandawu ancestry. Intellectual and educated I may be.
Even so, I was taken aback by the force of the oral world - its noetics and mnemonics.
I had to listen and master rhythms of aBandawu,
Ndizo dzekamedza Gogo mukoruta
Nzlmo rakwakwa Nweuri
Mutambo wa kwakwa Chimurenga
Ndo phundzuka musapa
Ndo garagasega
Ndola ndosura
(I great my grandmother
My (ndawu name) is Mwauri
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Mwauri Chumurenga
I come from the seas
I come with gladness
I am fine with ancestral medicine)
One has to note that the ancestral is also trained to recite these oracles - "Badimo ba
a rutwa" in order to grow and begin to divine effectively.
The perspectives provided in the thesis dealt with theories of divination. It is important
to note that some work has been attempted in this broad field of research. It became
clear that the researcher noted that each theory has its own strength and defaults.
Hence, the researcher appealed strongly for a combination of approaches in order to
come up with a comprehensive and inclusive approach.
Devisch's praxeological approach approximates what the researcher regards as a
comprehensive approach. This means, among other things, that investigation into
divination and the oracle need to be done from within African culture. The researcher
needs to start from within and begin to wrestle with internal intricacies. Van
Binsbergen (1991) in his article - On becoming a Sangoma, argues for a non-
reductionistic approach to African divination. Recent theological trends (Bediako
1995) with the exception of Setiloane (2000) are challenged to seriously consider
taking up this perspective.
193
The sections that analysed the Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern perception of
divination and prophecy introduced a number of practices of Ancient Greek,
Mesopotamian and Ancient Israelite prohecy and healing. It has to be noted that the
attempt was to briefly flesh out this phenomenon in the light of African divination and
healing.
The ninth chapter directly connects with the eight preceding perspectives and
highlighted some oral divination oracles - especially as it derives from the work of
Gunkei and Westermann.
Against the background of the research, there are number of issues which need to be
highlighted.
10.1.1 Ecstasy
The concept of ecstasy is common throughout the perspectives. An African diviner-
healer depends much on ecstasy. It is an experience that is considered important
throughout the world of divination. The concept, as we have seen in the context of the
Ancient Israelites, is considered of central importance. The qualities of diviner (African
context) and that of a prophet rely on the ecstatic experience. It is a linking point of
the natural and the spiritual worlds. Oracles are easily formulated and delivered
through the means of the ecstatic experience. Pythia at Delphi is said to be have been
the god's medium through her possession experiences. This is how she is depicted:
194
Spumea tum primum rabies vaesana per ora eff/uit et gemitus
Et anhe/o clere meatu murmura, tum maetus vastis ululates in
Antris extremaeque sonant dominta jam virgine voces.
(BC 5.190-193)
Translated:
Then mad frenzy flows through her foaming lips, groans and load panting cries,
and then, when the maiden was at last subdued, a dismal wail and final words
sounded in the vast caves
Ecstasy is prominent in every divination context.
10.1.2 The connection between the supernatural world and the
natural world
The connection between the supernatural world and natural world is what divination is
all about. Oracles, whether from either context, helps to link or rather closes the gap
that exists between these two contexts. Prophets and diviner-healers form a linking
point between the two worlds. Daily life has to be seen and interpreted from the
supernatural perspective. The example of a young man who bought a new BMW 5
series already demonstrated this point. The young man wanted the participation of the
supernatural world in the context of his daily life.
195
10.1.3 Supernatural world determining the natural world
The macro-level structure influences the natural world. The Delphic oracles were
meant to provide answers to daily activities. Rules and leading people in the
community at the time contacted Pythia about their daily life. The same applies to
Israelite prophecy. Kings and other rulers were given answers, hence the messenger
formula: "Thus says the Lord." In this case of African divination, divine-healers too,
provide answers about life and its intricacies: Ditaola tse gaga dire or Badimo ba re
ngwanaka. This symbolic social universe that introduces the sacred canopy on life,
about life, on life and in life cannot be avoided.
Regardless of globalised thinking and activity, most people in Africa, regardless of their
status level in the community, regard divinatory life to be central to their lives. A
number of examples in the introduction pointed to the importance of this fact. Life
philosophy hinges on the supernatural dimension. The stability and close connection
between these two dimensions offers relief: Badimo ba go roballe. In the case of a
clash between these dimensions, then, the individual person perceived that the context
of community would have no life and peace at all. Globalisation and its challenges will
and cannot wipe out this perception at all.
10.1.4 The importance of symbolism
The number of perspectives looked at indicated how symbolism works. The ancient
Mediterranean and Near Eastern contexts contain a number of symbols. Prophets in
196
the Old Testament used symbols to express and communicate with' people in the
empirical world. Amos is a good example. He used 'ordinary' symbols that contained
complex meanings for his interlocutors. The African divination perspective on
symbols, as we have seen, uses divination tablets, which are interpreted to discover
meaning for the empirical world.
10.1.5 The importance of dreams
Dreams are not common experiences. Very few people are able to remember what
they dreamt about the previous night. Others are able to recall bits and pieces of their
dreams. The diviner-healers are supposed to recall every moment of their dreams.
The same applies to prophets. Sometimes, this experience is accompanied by visions.
There is still some work to be done in this regard. Does a dream equate a vision? If
not, what is the difference between these two concepts?
The Aesclepios and Epidauros stories contain a number of instances where patients
had to sleep in the temple in order to receive their healing through the means of
dreams. As was indicated, the healer, who connected with the god Apollo, would
come in a dream, and the next morning the patient is said to have been completely
healed through this dreaming experience.
197
10.1.6 The concept of 'Space' and 'Time'
Space and time are crucial in divination. Where and how a particular act is performed
is crucial. This became clear from Turner's views on 'classification'. This also applies
to the ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern context. The function of temples
featured prominently in this regard. Patients had to wait in certain sections of the
temple in order for their healing to be effected. The African divination context
indicated the importance of Sangoma lodges that are referred to elsewhere in the
research as 'ridombd - a special name for a divination lodge. This is also clearly
indicated by the photos appended for the purpose of this research. 'Space' and 'Time'
are crucial for divination and the divination process.
10.1.7 Divination oracles and orality
The orality section indicated a number of oral art forms and characteristics of oral
culture - the psychodynamics of orality. The most important features introduced in
this research were memorisation and oral formulary patterns. The researcher argues
strongly that both diviner-healers and prophets are oral performers. They use a
number of devices to transmit their oral epics. This became clearer in the case of
ancient Israelite prophecy - with reference to the works of Gunkei and Westermann.
The messenger formula features predominantly throughout the number of examples
cited in this research.
198
The messenger formula helps the prophet and oral performer to introduce his
prophetic utterances and further to authenticate his message. This should be seen in
the context of communication between the empirical and spiritual worlds. The device
resonates with the siyavuma interjection in one of the oracles looked at earlier on in
the research. Prophets and diviner-healers are ordinary and are ordinarily located.
They had to utilise devices which are commonly based and at the same time
demanded attention or interlocutions from their audience.
It was important for them to be locally based and again different. The two dimensions
had to be kept in tact. Locally, in a sense that they were communicating with the
audiences, the latter in most cases knew who they were. They were different in the
sense that what they were transmitting was not well received, hence some of them
ended up being beaten or verbally insulted (Jeremiah). Keeping the two worlds
together was not that easy, but it had to be done for the sake of the role the oral
performers had to play in performing their divination.
In the case of African divination oracles, a number of formulary patterns were
described. It should be noted that in this case, the use of divination tablets
complement the divination process. The diviner-healer has to use both devices in
order to carry out divination procedures. It was noticed that in the context of the
second sample of African divination oracles, the diviner-healer used a number of
formulary patterns in the opening, in the middle and at the end of the .dlvlnatlon
oracle.
199
The diviner-healer employed these devices. She was interjected throughout the
divination process by the 'siyavuma' oral interjection. The interjections helped her to
recover and articulate further her divination oracles.
Clearly, the Old Testament prophets did not operate in a world much different from
that of Africans. Orality has an important place in our current situation. The new
branch of 'Prophets' and diviner-healers still continue with their divination processes.
This introduces a linked world, a world of oral art forms which has operated for some
time, the real world of experience and the world of the ancestors. This is central to the
way that African people understand the universe. It is with the existence of oral art
forms and how they help to reorganise life and thought patterns that we manage to live
our lives. It is part and parcel of the meaning system in which we live, and on closer
inspection, may prove to be not very different from other so-called modern (or
Western) meaning systems. Modern life is not a basis determining whether divination
is part of it or not.
10.2 Specific Reflections
Thus far the research managed to brood through a number of theories in the light of
the divination data collected and analysed. A number of key issues emerged in the
process of this analysis. For a fact the research study opened up an interesting
academic 'conversation' in the fields of African Religious Studies, Oral Studies and
Social Anthropology. The basic task of undertaking this research as stated in the
introduction of this research work was merely to include the 'divinetio vox' in the
200
centre of scholarship among voces that are marginalinased. The researcher used this
particular discourse to begin a process of conversation with 'established' centres of
learning to begin to understand other voces. The following specific observation
deserve to be mentioned:
10.2.1 The science of dreams
Dreams are very central in the African divination process. Ancestrology centres
predominantly around dreams. The personal narrative discourse indicated specifics on
how the researcher experienced dreams and their effects on his personal life. Oiviner-
healers who divined or intervened through the means of divination revealed intricacies
about his life patterns. The process was strictly channelled by dream patterns. In this
case dreams formed a cardinal point of departure for the divination process. The
researcher was able to find "his feet" in his life orientation having clearly understood
what dreams and dreaming experience implied for his life destiny. Dreams, in this
regard, offer a channel through which effective communication takes place.
10.2.2 Animal slaughtering (sacrificial ritual)
Sacrificial rituals form another important component through which ancestry is
maintained and further communicated. The chapter on the personal discourse of the
researcher introduced various theories around sacrificial ritual. Blood, as it was stated
above, is important in any divinatory context. It consists of the symbolic and
201
metaphorical meanings offering the suppliants and the ancestry a common route of
corn m unication.
10.2.3 The training of ancestors
This arises when one takes note of the fact that the initiation of a diviner-healer into
divination is definitely directed to the ancestors and not the diviner-healer (Go thwasa
bedimo - it is ancestors that are initiated). The logic behind this practice is that
ancestors are re-activated from one diviner-healer to another - note the diachronic
dimension of this view. The cycle keeps on repeating itself. What becomes central is
the fact that ancestors are initiated and further trained to be good diviner-healers. This
makes sense given the fact that common expressions like: motho a sot/wa ke badlino
(a person is troubled by ancestors) (cf. the situation of both the researcher and Mrs
Annah Mokgethi).
10.2.4 The distinction between African Herbalists and Diviner-
Healers
The researcher noted the difference between African herbalists as opposed to African
diviner-healers. The distinction was marked in terms of the functionary roles existing
within the two categories. African herbalists are said not to diagnose or venture into
any divination strategy, while on the other hand diviner-healers are able to diagnose or
divine, and to prescribe further specific treatment. This distinction is interesting in
comparison with the Near Eastern and Mediterranean realities.
202
10.2.5 Calling and training of African Diviner-Healers
Calling and training into African divination was discussed extensively in chapters 2,3
and 5. Dreams formed an important part and an effective vehicle of communication
between both the natural and supernatural contexts. Added to dreams was the
mentioning of 'strange' sickenesses and calamities which befall a prospective diviner-
healer before the process of divination could assume.
10.2.6 Significant Others in the process of divination training
Prospective initiands are usually directed to 'senior' diviner-healers to become their
mentors in the process of their initiation into divination. Dreams at times help one
to identify potential mentors. Rules and regulations are put in place for both their
mentors and themselves during this process. Interestingly, the gender
characterisation sounds strange - the mentor is either ntate (father) or koka
(granny) while the initiand acquires status of a child (ngwana). The gender
typification of ngwana is not specified. It is merely used generically, and
passionately so - note ke ngwanaka (it is my child). Gender and Feminist studies in
c
this regard would surely find this interesting. This typification balances both the
feminine (koka) and the masculine (tate) designations. A father begets a child while
a child looks up to his or her granny who has begotten his or her father into the
divinatory world. This is intriguing - the granny-father-child relationship. One could
thus look into the en-gendered aspect of African divination realities.
203
10.2.7 The concept of fear in divination
One should reiterate the fact that fear (phobos) occupies a prominent place in the
divination context. The researcher, earlier on, pointed out two pronged philosophies
undergirding fear in the context of divination. The first perspective locates fear within a
general context. In this case it is fear that almost any adherent of the African
philosophy and life experiences. The second typified fear is more complex. It is the
divinatory-context-fear-type. It concerns the initiand and his or her ancestors. This
kind of fear is coupled with 'respect'. This latter fear type raises questions of
'significant others'. One cannot claim to master his or her fate and destiny within this
context, but instead - fear of ancestry arrests everything and manages human fate and
destiny. Life operations and philosophies are governed within this dimension of fear-
respect in the context of divination. Formulations and questions in this regard are
posed in terms of the laguage category used in this context. This ties and introduces
one to African Ethics and Morality.
10.2.8 African Divination Oracles
The two typified oracles dealt with in this research bring one to sodo-linguistics and
African orality. It further enabled one to see through the 'window glass' some kind of
the divinatory language full of rich symbols and symbolic interaction. Language is a
vehicle of any symbolic action. The same should apply to the divinatory context.
204
10.2.9 Postponement during the narration
I'IgakaMaamushi in line 1 (cf. the opening of his oral narration or performance) begins
his narration by the expression: Yaal The opening acts as a 'constraint' to offer the
narrator the 'space' and 'time' of fixing his discourse (Ong 1982:60). The narrator
needed this 'space' and 'time' to stitch together prefabricated discourse (Ong
1982:22).
10.2.10 Noetic role of heroic 'heavy' figures - bizarre -ism
The performer (l'Igaka Maamushi) in the oracle employs noetic role of heroic 'heavy'
figures that are 'bizarre'. Note the expression - Ke nna mogoIo ke kakatlela dithaba.
This is an oral memory technique to effect the structure of communication. The
evanescence of this expression by f'lgaka Maamushi relates once more to 'space' and
'time' by identifying and locating himself within the oral praise divination oracle.
10.2.11 Formulary patterns and expressions
The evidence of formulary patterns and expressions shapes the form of the second
oracle.
Let's recapitulate the following common expressions:
205
Ge ke eya ke bolela le taola tsa gaga
Ka mokgwa wo ditaola di bolelago ka gona
Ge ke eya ke kitima le ditaola tse gago
This shows the importance of studying African divination from a plethora of ways.
Again one has to note the importance of divination as a 'linking zone' between the
supernatural and natural realities. Oracles function to bridge this gap - the natural
versus the supernatural!
10.2.12 Divination, Prophecy and Healing - African and Near
Eastern, Mediterranean Contexts
The researcher introduced the Near Eastern, Mediterranean material in the research
for comparative purposes. It should be noted at this stage that the researcher sees a
big difference between prophecy and divination. Both concepts are different
phenomena, but yet close to each other. First prophecy connects to divination in the
sense that both traits require some special calling. The Semitic material introduced
God (YHWH) as the 'Caller' who calls prophets to deliver special messages. The African
diviner performs the role of a messenger but he or she goes beyond the 'messenger'
role in that he or she operates and manipulates the supernatural reality. This is a
special training and calling that the African diviner is invested in him or her. However, it
should be noted that both the Babylonian and Assyrian conception of healing and
divination did not entirely encapsulate the idea of prophecy - but instead diviner-
healers were a professional group of people usually attached to specific cult centres.
,
206
The question remains to be stated: Did the Semitic views on prophecy have any
inclination towards divination and healing? Clearly not! Prophecy was all about the
deliverance of the message (cf. messenger formula). Again, what is the difference
between a diviner-healer and a prophet? The question is a difficult one, especially for
South Africa that faces a number of aJv1apostola (prophets with Zionist inclination) and
dingaka (diviner-healers). For Kiernan (1992:231-241) there exists a vast difference
between the two institutions. Kiernan (1992:231) differs with Sundkler. For Sundkler
(1977 :242) there is no difference at all between these two institutions. One can at
least note that prophecy within the Semitic context was contextual and precisely
specific-context-focus. Various prophets emerged at different time spans within
different situations. This applies also to African divination whith diviner-healers who
are specific context focussed.
What about healing? The ancient Greek material engaged in this research study
revealed interesting affinities with African divination and healing. The closest affinity in
this case is the concept of 'space' and 'time'. The ancient Greek material, in particular
the Aesklepian healing mentioned the importance of temples and the sleeping patients
in the temples waiting for the God to reveal himself with a healing mechanism for
them. Space (temples) indicate the sacredness of healing and divination. This also
applies to the African divination reality, note the ndomba (cuitic lodges). Further there
is a link between the natural and supernatural realities in both cases. Clients or
patients have a close link with the supernatural powers. In ths case case of the
Asklepian healing, patients are advised to remain and sleep in the temple with the aim
of dreaming and having visions and direct contact with the deity-healer. This interests
207
one to see how directly patients communicate with the powers above. Indeed, motho
ke Modimo (a person is divine) (Setiloane 1998:66 ). This points to the fact that
humanity in a natural sense comprises of both realities - divine and human realities.
One does not need to wait for a particular time and place to discover his or her own
divine nature. This can be surely experienced in this reality, here and now. What about
the prophetic oracles in this regard? As Westermann maintained, the genre of
prophetic speech contains oral repetitive formulary patterns. This structure resonates
with the second type of African divination oracle that was looked at in this research
study. Again the prophetic speech is contextualized for a specific context and time.
This connects with the African divination oracles uttered or announced for specific
context and audience.
10.3. Then what?
One might wonder about the sense in carrying out this research study. It is a fact that
the intricacies around divination invoke a comprehensive research activity. Firstly,
healing and divination are part and parcel of African reality. African indigenous reality
will always continue to pose questions about 'unsual happenings' around people. This
is despite the fact that modernisation and globalisation encroach. Culture will always
undergird every reasoning that encounters humanity. The study attempted to help the
reader to come to terms with how humanity interrogates reality. An unquestioned
reality is a dead reality. Divination in this case forms an aspect among many that
questions and engages reality. Secondly, language and culture are closely linked.
Language should be viewed as a vehicle of culture. It (language) is embedded within
208
culture. And further more language imbibes culture. Divination language is culture-
context-based activity. It is within this context of divination-cum-culture that one has to
t.
understand its intricacies based within its rightful cultural context. The
misappropriation in the study of African Anthropology came as a result of studying
African realities non-comprehensively - with the exception of some new insightful
approaches (Braun 2000:31 and McCutcheon 2000). The interrogation and
engagement of a specific context would surely bear much fruit. Not only will
researchers understand the language, but also how that language was conceptualised
within its specific context. Thirdly, the diviner-healers are performers. This is another
challenge for African folklorists. Fourthly, the seriousness of divination in the raging
Aids/HIV debate remains to be highlighted. This is so instructive in the challenge of
African oriented techniques versus Western oriented techniques. African oriented
techniques emphasises healing and not curing. This is one way of looking for African
local solutions in the context of the Aids/HIV debate. This observation does not imply
that Africa lacks in terms of Materia Medica. Instead the researcher strongly argues
that every medical system has its own drugs and other pharmacopoea, hence the
necessity to study Materia Medica. These Materia Medica would be invaluable
documentation of the cultural and traditional treatments among African communites
and in different geographical locations of the country. Another argument is that the
protection of African herbs and drugs from powerful European pharmacutical
companies is necessary, and a prerogative. In this whole debate of Aids/HIV specific
cultural language become pertinent. Finally, the methodology of studying religions in
Africa has to be re-investigated. The re-casting of these methods has to look at
209
possibilities of exploring the methodological conversion approach amongst other
methods.
The study has attempted, though in a limited way, to point out the importance of
divination. It has done so by broadly following a praxeological approach. It re\rains
for African life and philosophy to develop it further and place it within the 'central pan'.
The institution of divination has now become a commercialised area and some
funding institutions like the National Research Foundation have allocated millions of
rands for the development of research in this area of study. Researchers in this field
have to acknowledge the importance of 'internal investigation' theories in order to
further this research.
Diviner-healers are important for the African Renaissance Movement and research. It
is not enough to argue for the reclamation of this wealth of knowledge and practices
without a serious look at the institution of African divination. It remains to be seen
whether the South African Government will promulgate a bill in parliament in order to
promote this branch of African life and philosophy. This wealth of knowledge has to
be researched from a number of perspectives in order to aim for a comprehensive
understanding. Diviner-healers should be at the forefront of this research initiative. It
is important to see this research on Nrican divination occupying a central position in
higher institutions of learning. A reductionistic approach, as already stated, will not
help to investigate and research comprehensively this area of study.
210
Universities in Africa and elsewhere have to take up this research priority and regard it
in a serious light. The researcher admits that he only looked at the literature and
formal aspects of this phenomenon. There are still other branches like medicines and
botany that still need to be looked' at comprehensively. Even in this case, an internal
investigation is recommended. It does not help a researcher to look at certain plants
without understanding the language used when applying it. African Medicine and
divination takes language to be central. Plants are named certain names and
command certain symbols for the African social symbolic system.
On another level, there should be a programme at tertiary institutions that deals
specifically with African medicine and divination. This would surely close a gap
between the 'outsider' and the 'insider' perspective. Collaboration is necessary. This
collaboration has to take into account power relations. The current tendency is to
regard diviner-healers as mere objects to be placed on the 'bandwagon'. Who is
driving the bandwagon and who decides about its destination? The future of Africa
and the understanding of African culture has its own destiny, and that will be minus
opportunistic approaches and ideologies.
211
In conclusion, the study should not be viewed as exhaustive but an entry point into this
exciting area of research, which has for some time been overshadowed and belittled.
It is time that this field is explored appropriately, also taking into account the
intellectual property and patency rights of the people that the current scholarship are
engaged with.
212
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:
RESEARCH
kt\PPENDICES
APPENDIX A
Ngaka Maarnushi's divine-healing shrine
Figure 1
(a) First entrance from the East. ·It is actually the main entry point inot healing and divination
(b) The second entrance, assuming that the suppliant or inquirer has now been welcomed.
Usually, at this point the enwuirer or suppliant has shouted "Thobela, re a le rcrniso"
before entering "kgoro". The re a le tamLSadoes not only refer to the "living dwellers of
the cultic lodge" but also implies, covertly so, the existence and awareness of the b?~o.
(c) The first hut contained the paraphernalia that are used by Ngaka Maarnusi. The
"medicinal line" within this first hut is well recorded and numbered. Every bottlë had its
own name. It is at this point that the person entering should take off shoes to indicate /
convey submission. This bodily submission is necessary and may be coupled with
prostration, kneeling and clapping. Only the diviner has the right or permission to enter
in to the second hut.
(d) The second hut is used for divination and healing. It is within this hut that a grass mat is
put on the floor unrolled and business of casting tablets is done. This is not only the
divination-healing hut, but a counselling hut. Many marriages and seriously troubled
relations are saved in this hut. No secret is supposed to go out of this hut.
(e) F100r (an open space) - with mud substance is open and can be used for divination
depending on the weather condition. Noting the hot weather conditions in the northern
part of the country, Ngaka Maamushi used this open place for consultation and advice to
his "interlocutors".
(f) Back housing structure - used by members of Ngaka Maamushi's family for daily routine
house activities.
224
APPENDIXB
Figure 2
Tshelete/Lehurno/Mahlogonolo - indicating luck and success of the client.
2r_::l
ABANDAWU
Figure 3
_:. j.
.:-
Abandawu - the ancestors - the "water ancestry"
226
Abanguni
Figure 4
Abanguni - the ancestors - a different class.
"Land ancestry"
227
Badimo
Figure 5
Badimo - a tablet for ancestry.
228
Ga go byalo
Figure 6
Ga go byalo - it usually negates (it is not like that)
229
Hamba ku fuma
Figure 7
Hamba ku fuma - a wealthy/rich man
230
Koloi
Figure 8
Koloi goba senamelwa - number four indicates a car - either the client will get a car or that
his/her will be in danger.
231
Mahlo a mabedi
Figure 9
Mahlo a mabedi (two eyes) - the client is warned about something that might come hiS/her
way
._.,.'".)'7_
Mahlogonolo
Figure 10
Mahlogonolo, go a phadima - all is well - there will be success
Masebo
Figure Il
Masêbo - indicating that the male person or male client is well/stable
234
Masêbo
Figure l2
Masêbo - indicating the condition of a female client
Manna
Figure 13
Monna - a male person who is well and happy
236
Monna
Figure 14
Monna - a male person who is in trouble
237
Mosadi
Figure 15
Mosadi - a female person who is happy or in love.
238
Mosadi
Figure Jó
Mosadi - a female person who is in trouble.
239
Mosernanyana
Figure 17
Mosernanyana - a boy - unmarried - from puberty until to the time of marriage
240
Ndomba
Figure 18
Ndomba or a huge house - (Sangoma lodge)
At times it indicates - pregnancy or that the client will die - "o tsholwa ke lewatle" - "the sea
vomits him or her".
241
Ngwanenyana
Figure 19
Ngwanenyana - a girl- from puberty until she is about to get married. She is definitely nat
having a child.
242
Tshelete
Figure 20
:',
:",
TShelete/Lehumo/Mahlogonolo - indicating luck and success of the client.
243
Sehlare
Figure 21
Sehlare - Medicine
244
Tsela
Figure 22
Tsela - Number 3 - the road is clear or that someone is about to leave.
245
Tsórnbe
Figure 23
Tsómbe - indicates a male person. Usually a married male person.
246
Mohlologadi
Figure 24
.Mohlologadi - a widow
247
APPENDIXC
Photo 1
Photo 1
Ngaka Maamushi from Makgane (Jane Furse) - depicted divining bones on the floor =with a
snuff in his hands. He wears an animal hat that is part of the divination parapherphenalia
248
Photo 2
Photo 2
Photo: MA Masoga
Ngaka Maarnushi with his legs crossed while sitting on the floor during the divination process.
249
Photo 3
Photo 3
Photo: MA Masoga
Ngaka Maamushi reciting his divination oracles.
250
Photo 4
Photo 4
Photo: MA Masoga
The entrance through to Ngaka Maarnushi's divination healing place. The hut on the right is
used to keep medicine.
151
Photo 5
Photo 5
Photo: M A Masoga
Divining bones of Ngaka Maamushi on the floor.
252
Photo 6
Photo 6
Photo: M A Masoga
Ngaka Maamushi and the recorder (Rev ENKolobe) sitting on the floor is a standard practice
throughout most divination processes.
Photo 7
. " ~.
~:.: ..."
Photo 7
Photo: MA Masoga
The entrance through Ngaka Maamushi's divination - Healing place. From the pichive one
can see one entrance through the entire place.
254
Photo 8
Photo 8
Photo: M A Masoga
The location of Ngaka Maarnushi's divination - healing place. Muddy walls surround houses
which are roofed by indigenous grass.
255
Photo 9
Photo 9
Photo: MA Masoga
Ngaka Maamushi - depicting the sepedi divination bones.
256
Photo 10
Photo 10
Photo: MA Masoga .
An experienced diviner - healer about to stan with her divination process.
257
Photo Il
....~.
Photo Il
Photo: MA Masoga
.An experienced diviner - healer throwing bones on the floor from the bag which keeps the
bones"
258
Photo 12
Photo 12
'Photo: M A Masoga
A divination process at Suurman.
259
Photo 13
Photo 13 '
Photo: M A Masoga
Ngaka Maluleke showing her 'Medicine sanctuary' Medicines are carefully marked and
arranged. On the left are drums(meropa) for dancing badins.
260
Photo 14
Photo 14
Photo: MA Masoga
Mr Masobela during the divination process.
261
Photo 15
.:: .'
, .'
Photo 15
.Photo: MA Masoga
Mr Masobela during the divination session (Suurrnan Village). He was divined by two diviner
_ healers - Ngaka Maluleleke & Ngaka Ngubeni. Ngaka Maluleleke has an 'njeti' cloth is
associated with the 'water ancestry'.
262
Photo 6
Photo 16
Photo: MA Masoga
A young diviner - healer at Ga - Maphopha displaying his bones and medicine.
Photo'17
.":":
263
Photo 17
Photo: M. Masoga
A young diviner healer displaying his divining bones
264
Photo 8
I· .
Photo 18
Photo: MA Masoga
Ngaka Salaminah Khumalo with her three novices in training (Marokolong village). She uses a
short and tiny stick to carry the client through the divination process.
265
Photo 19
. ,",'
Photo 19
Photo: MA Masoga
Ngaka Salminah Maluleke with her three novices.
.. ...:!
266
Photo 20
· .;
Photo 20
Photo: M A Masoga
gaka Nkosi reciting her divination oracles.
267
Photo 21
Photo 21
Photo: MA Masoga
Ngaka (Mme) Nkosi divining Mr Masobela (Suurman).
268
Photo 22
Photo 22
Photo: MA Masoga
Toe researcher CM A Masoga) during the divination process at Majaneng.
269
Photo 23
I!.·;.: ..:.
I
1
I
~.
I..
\
Photo 23
Photo: M A Masoga
A Mundawu diviner clapping hands imploring ancestors to reveal the oracle. She draped her
body with a 'Tau' cloth. Red is mostly associated with Bandawu ancestry