Acta Theologica 2004: 1
REFLECTIONS ON THE ECCLESIASTICAL
INTERPRETATIONS OF 6TH APRIL 1652 AS A
SOUTH AFRICAN SYMBOLIC DATE1
R.M. Britz2
ABSTRACT
This article verifies the theological interpretation of the 6th April 1652 as a South
African symbolic date, which marked the beginning of the European and Christian
contribution to the history of Southern Africa. The exposition deals, in particular,
with 1752, 1852 and 1952 interpretations by leading ministers of the Dutch Re-
formed Church, the “oldest and original church of the land.” The three commemo-
rative addresses are scrutinized and presented in terms of the historical and ecclesi-
astical settings against which each was articulated. Obviously, the orators were sub-
jected to contemporary perceptions, sentiments and experiences. The interpretations
of the 6th April 1652 were deliberately theological, but they were however not based
on a comprehensive exposition of Scripture. Consequently, theological and cultural
inferences that played into the hands of an ideological understanding or appro-
priation of the past and its symbolic date, hampered a critical and responsible assess-
ment. This was illustrated at the 1952 celebrations. To many blacks the date com-
memorated inaugurated three centuries of wrong. They could not assess it as an event
caused by the determinant will of God. The article argues that this is the conse-
quence of a (church) historical interpretation which is not accompanied by a theo-
logical-critical reflection and confessional consideration in terms of the Church of
Christ with the Word of God as norm. This methodological preference presupposes
a fundamentally different way of coming to terms with history (and its perplexing
symbolic dates) to what happened in 1992 in Latin America. Instead of advancing
radical theology in order to rectify history, what happened should be appreciated in
view of Scripture.
1 This article was originally published in Palabres. Ecritures et Histoire en Afrique
du Sud. Art. Littérature. Philosophie. Vol. V, No. 1 - 2003. Sélom Komlan Gbanou
(Ed.). It is now published in Acta Theologica with permission of the editor of
Palabres.
2 Prof. R.M. Britz, Department of Ecclesiology, Faculty of Theology, University
of the Free State, Bloemfontein.
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Britz Ecclesiastical interpretations of 6th April 1652 
The missionaries did not bring Him …. He came with the Word
of God.
Unknown Basotho woman.
In the new democratic South Africa, the (re)interpretation of its past is a
critical and thorny issue. The symbolic date 6th April 1652, associated with
the establishment of a permanent European occupation as well as the intro-
duction of Christianity in the region, elicits divergent feelings. Should it be
celebrated as the coming of the Gospel and civilization to the country? Or,
should it rather be commemorated as the cause of all injustice? Should the
Latin American Council of Churches be followed when the Christian pre-
sence was commemorated in 1992 as “Martyrdom and Hope. Five hundred
years of resistance by the indigenous peoples?”3 These churches rejected any
type of celebration in the name of “discovery”, “encounter between cultures”
or “evangelization”.4 The commemoration led them to
remember the invasion, the subjugation and destruction of the na-
tive cultures, the negation of the indigenous religion and the oppo-
sition to the new religion.5
It was difficult to believe that “these atrocities were carried out in the
name of a God of love…”
This must educe the “rethinking of mission, evangelism, conversion, re-
conciliation, a missiologically grounded Biblical hermeneutics, etc.”6 This
article verifies the ecclesiastical interpretations of 6th April 1652 at the com-
memorations of 1752, 1852 and 1952. One is confronted with the same
problem that challenged the Latin American Churches. The question, how-
ever, is whether the same answer should be argued in South Africa?
1. “FOR HE HATH STRENGTHENED THE BARS OF THY
GATES…” 1752
The year 1752 marked the centenary of the proprietorship of the Cape of
Good Hope by the Dutch East India Company. This did not go unnoticed
at the Cape, which by now displayed the structure of a colony. The celebra-
3 See International Review of Mission LXXXII (325) January 1993,3.
4 A. Guzman: “Martyrdom and Hope. Five Hundred years of Christian presence
in Latin America and the Carribean.” In International Review of Mission LXXXII
(325) January 1993, 11.
5 Ibid.
6 Ibid., 3.
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Acta Theologica 2004: 1
tions must have impressed the famous French astronomer, De la Caille
(1713-1762), at the time a respected and well-received visitor.7 In his
Journal Historique8 he comments on the festive day. Noontime was announ-
ced, he wrote, by the firing of an artillery salute. The festivities culminated
in an excellent banquet at which the Governor, he added, hosted eminent
Cape residents and senior officers of French, Danish, British and Dutch
ships calling at the Cape. A special service was conducted in the local re-
formed church — an item on the programme not mentioned by the Roman
Catholic scientist. However, this was an important part of the proceedings
at the Cape. The Political Council ruled that religious devotions should be
performed publicly in the five existing congregations of the reformed church
— four of which were scattered on the outskirts of the settlement.9 This
arrangement was obvious, as the Company was ecclesiastically involved in
the Cape of Good Hope from the outset. Thus a Christian dispensation was
created, providing only for the recognized reformed church. This inspired a
situation which was maintained and protected by both the Political Council
and the Governor.10
The inhabitants of the principal town at Table Bay gathered in the
church building to commemorate the date “that bestows upon our whole
7 De La Caille sojourned at the Cape from the 19th April 1750 to the 8th March
1753, fabricating a new astronomical map to replace that of Halley (1677). See
R. Raven-Hart (Ed.): Travels at the Cape 1751-53; an annotated translation of
the Journal Historique du voyage au Cap de Bonne Espérance into which have been
interpolated relevant messages from Memoirs de L’Acadè De La Caille, Nicolas
Louis. Van Riebeeck Society: Cape Town, Rotterdam, 1976, 1-3.
8 It was published in 1763 in Paris.
9 P.J. van der Spuy: Dank-Altaar, Gode ter eere opgericht; of eene plechtige Redenvoer-
ing, ter gelegentheid van ’s Ed. Comps. Hondert Jaarige Possessie des Goevernements van
Cabo de Goede Hoop, in eene Verklaaring, en Toepassing van Ps. CXLVII. Vers 12,
13, en 14. Uitgesproken den 8. April des Jaars 1752. Door Petrus van der Spuy Be-
dienaar des H. Euangelium aan Cabo de Goede Hoop. G.T. van Paddenburg & A.
van Paddenburg: Utrecht, 1753, 2, (4).
10 Cf. in this regard J.W. Hofmeyr & G.J. Pillay (Eds.): A history of Christianity in
South Africa Vol. I. H.A.U.M. Tertiary: Pretoria, 1994, 2 ff., 11 ff.; J.N.
Gerstner: “A Christian monopoly: the Reformed Church and colonial Society
under Dutch rule.” In R. Elphick & R. Davenport (Eds.): Christianity in South
Africa. A political, social & cultural history. James Currey: Oxford, 1997, 16 ff.;
A. Moorrees: Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk in Suid-Afrika 1652-1873. S.A.
Bybelvereniging: Kaapstad, 1937, 9 ff.
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Britz Ecclesiastical interpretations of 6th April 1652 
land a new birth.”11 The reverend P.J. van der Spuy, born at the Cape in
1722 and minister of the congregation since 1746 was in the pulpit.12 For
that occasion he chose Psalm 147:12-14 as his text:
(12) Praise the Lord, o Jerusalem; praise the God, o Zion. (13) For
he hath strengthened the bars of thy gates; he hath blessed thy chil-
dren within thee. (14) He maketh peace in thy borders, and filleth
thee with the finest of wheat.13
Words, he commented, worthy of
our scrupulous consideration particularly at a moment like this when
we are gathered together to celebrate the jubilee of the Honorable
Company’s centennial possessing this remote corner.14
The young minister was requested to publish his address.15 A year later
it was released in Utrecht as a brochure entitled Altar of Gratitude, set up to
the glory of God, or a solemn address on the occasion of the Company’s centennial pos-
session of this Government. Performed on the 8th April in the year 1752 in an expli-
cation and application of Psalm 147 verses 12, 13 and 14.16 Van der Spuy dedi-
cated the brochure to Governor Tulbach17 and the Political Council, vindi-
11 Van der Spuy: op. cit., 2.
12 For biographical details, see S.P. Engelbrecht: Die Kaapse Predikante van die
sewentiende en agtiende eeu. H.A.U.M. – J.H. de Bussy: Kaapstad-Pretoria, 1952,
64 ff. See also Kwartmillenium Gedenkboek van die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Ge-
meente, Paarl. N.G. Kerkraad: Paarl, 1941, 51-59 and S.A.B.W. II (South Afri-
can Biographical Dictionary). Raad vir Geesteswetenskaplike Navorsing: Pre-
toria, 1986, 800. He studied at the Theological Faculties of the Universities of
Groningen and Leiden, before he returned to the Cape of Good Hope.
13 Van der Spuy used the well-known States General Dutch translation (1637) of
the Bible. For the purposes of this article, the Authorized King James Version
of the Bible is used.
14 Van der Spuy: op. cit., (4).
15 Ibid., 5.
16 E. Brown accepts this commemoration brochure as the commencement of the
South African church historiography. See his Gemeentegeskiedskrywing van die
Afrikaanse kerke van gereformeerde belydenis - ’n kompilasie en kerkhistoriese oorsig.
Drakensberg-Uitgewers: Durban, 1972, 82, 197. For a critical assessment, see
R.M. Britz: “Die kerklike eeufeesgedenkrede van 1752. ’n Kritiese waarde-
ring.” In Acta Academica 24(1) March 1992, 110-126. 
17 Cf. J.J.F. Joubert: Die Kaapkolonie onder Ryk Tulbach. Unpublished M.A.-disser-
tation, University of Stellenbosch, 1942. See also C.F.J. Muller (Red.): Vyfhon-
derd Jaar Suid-Afrikaanse Geskiedenis. Academica: Pretoria, 1981, 65 ff.
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Acta Theologica 2004: 1
cating the accepted tradition and image of a Christian dispensation in pre-
tentious language.18
In the exegetical exposition19 of the verses in question, Van der Spuy ex-
plained that God granted the four mentioned blessings to Israel upon their
return from exile. These constituted the fundamental well-being of the
post-exilic community. The minister points out that this state of affairs
served as equitable grounds for God to demand praise and worship from his
restored people.20 In the second part of the sermon Van der Spuy continued
with the practical application21 of the explained verses. He argued that the
issues that formed the foundation of the Israelite community also served as
the basis of the Cape society.22 According to him, not only the present situ-
ation, but also a century’s history provides proof of this. Van der Spuy there-
fore recalled the history of the Cape. In a short and inaccurate account, he
disclosed how Van Riebeeck, “as head of the first settlement”23 occupied the
Cape of Good Hope in 1652 on behalf of the Dutch East India Company.
That event signified that the Cape, known in Europe for over 160 years, now
became a fixed asset, which had since progressed and expanded. “In this
way,” Van der Spuy concluded,
we may say that God has up to now strengthened the bars of our
gates and enclosed it with his surpassing care and love.24
He drove the point home by referring to the fact that in recent times an
enemy was miraculously prevented from occupying the Cape. “In all this
the hand of God was with us and against our enemy.”25 The merciful Pro-
vidence of God thus commanded his view of the history of the Cape.
The restoration of Israel provided the Altar of Gratitude with a Biblical
framework, which Van der Spuy utilised in order to interpret the Cape his-
tory and state of affairs in terms of a theological association and reference.
18 See Van der Spuy: op. cit., (2) ff., and also (25)-(27).
19 Ibid., (5) ff.
20 Ibid., (8), (10) ff.
21 Ibid., (14) ff.
22 Ibid., (19) ff.
23 Ibid., (20).
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid., (21). In this regard he alluded to the Austrian Succession War between
1741 and 1747. A British fleet secured the Cape of Good Hope for the Nether-
lands. See M. Boucher: The Cape of Good Hope and foreign contacts. UNISA: Pre-
toria, 1985, 120 ff., 134 ff.
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Britz Ecclesiastical interpretations of 6th April 1652 
This is evident in the motivation for the commemoration. He stated in the
Preface:
This day is noted in order that our thoughts can be filled with
amazement, our hearts with cheerfulness and our mouths with
thanksgiving. Since here we see all the wonders of God’s patience,
and illustrious proofs of his undeserving loving-kindness; because
this day, which we observe owing to God’s Providence, closes a cen-
tury and presents a new birthday to our whole land.26
The day of commemoration, he emphasized, contains a good message
and must therefore be celebrated in thanksgiving to God.
God has taken his merciful residence here, we are called to his Name,
He is our God, we are his people and property, He our King, we his sub-
jects. We observe the doors of God’s sanctuary still opened before us, the
true doctrine of the Gospel triumphant over the Anti-Christendom.
“And does,” he asked, “such mercy not deserve our astonishment to all
eternity?”27
The favourable lapse of a century — as Van der Spuy pictured it with
reference to God’s Providence — provided the moral grounds to highlight
the unavoidable consequences. It is God’s prerogative to demand (as in the
case of ancient Israel!) praise, thanksgiving and worship from the Cape soci-
ety. Abstention from a life of gratitude, he continued, empties itself in un-
righteousness and injustices. A similar fate as that of the Jews so destruc-
tively in later times, the clergymen warned in terms of his interpretation of
Scripture, may also hit the Cape society.28 “We must not think that the pre-
sent tranquility and peace are our security against future judgements.”29 To
evade the scare of God’s judgements, and to keep “this land” and its inhabi-
tants intact, God must be honoured and praised.30 Therefore, the day of re-
membrance was an opportunity for introspection and confession of guilt.
Van der Spuy assured his flock:
Then God will always embrace us with his favours, and He will
constantly bless this land and its inhabitants for the sake of his
Name and He will make it a scene of his wonders! He will preserve
his fire and hearth-fire amongst us and finally grant us the peace
that He has prepared for us and our descendants in eternity.31
26 Van der Spuy: op. cit., (1).
27 Ibid., (23).
28 Ibid., (14).
29 Ibid., (18).
30 Ibid., (23).
31 Ibid., (24).
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Commemorating the landing of Van Riebeeck for the first time in a
Cape publication, the sermon offered the prospect of interpreting the his-
tory of the Cape on the basis of theological reference and association, and to
use it in terms of a relevant religious message.
2. “ETHIOPIA SHALL SOON STRETCH OUT HER HANDS UNTO
GOD…” 1852
Approximately 100 years later, on Tuesday the 6th April 1852, the Dutch
Reformed congregation of Cape Town again gathered in its now enlarged
and renovated building to remember the events that took place 200 years
earlier on the shores of Table Bay. The South African born Abraham Faure
(1795-1875),32 minister to the congregation since 1822, delivered the ser-
mon, which was published by popular demand. The Cape Town publishers
Van de Sandt, De Villiers & Tier, printed it as an Address at the Bicentenary
Festival, in commemoration of the establishment of the Christian Church in South
Africa…33 The text of the sermon was taken from the Book of Psalms —
Psalm 68:31b: “Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God.”34 In a
Supplement for Clarification35 Faure appended over 100 references, based on
source material — an obvious proof of historical research.36 The event was
32 For him, see S.A.B.W. II, 233-237; H.A. Heyns: “Die kerklike werksaamhede
van Abraham Faure.” In Argief Jaarboek vir S.A. Geskiedenis. Staatsdrukker: Pre-
toria, 1941.
33 A. Faure: Redenvoering bij het tweede eeuw-feest, ter herinnering aan de vestiging der
Christelijke kerk, in Zuid-Afrika, gehouden in de Groote Kerk, in de Kaapstad op
Dinsdag den 6 April, 1852, door Abraham Faure. Uitgegeven op eenparig verzoek en
voor rekening der gezamentlijke leden van den Eerwaarde Kerkeraad der Gereformeerde
Kerk, Kaapstad. Van de Sandt De Villiers & Tier: Kaapstad, 1852.
34 In the States General translation, which Faure used, verse 32b reads: “Mooren-
land zal zich haasten zijne handen tot God uit te strekken.”
35 Faure: op. cit., 37-91.
36 As early as 1906 C. Spoelstra referred to the Address of Faure as a “true gold-mine
of historical material.” See his: Bouwstoffen voor de Geschiedenis der Nederduitsch-
Gereformeerde Kerken in Zuid-Afrika. Deel I. H.A.U.M.: Amsterdam-Kaapstad,
1906, XLV. Pont saw it as the starting-point of the Afrikaans church histori-
ography. A.D. Pont: “Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaanse kerke in die Suid-
Afrikaanse historiografie.” In G. Cronjé (Red.): Aspekte van die Suid-Afrikaanse
historiografie. Van Schaik: Pretoria, 1967, 44. In 1983 Brown detected an un-
derlying historical consciousness. See E. Brown: “Geskiedskrywing by die N.G.
Kerk. ’n Oorsigtelike tipering.” In Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae IX, 1983, 63.
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Britz Ecclesiastical interpretations of 6th April 1652 
also commemorated in most of the 50 congregations of the Dutch Reformed
Church,37 now combined in a presbyterian-synodical structure.38
In January 1852 the Synodical Commission appealed to all congregations
in a circular letter, written by its clerk Faure, to declare the 6th April a day
of religious festivity to commemorate “the establishment of Christendom
in South Africa.”39 The letter was also published in the February 21st-issue
of De Gereformeerde Kerk-Bode (“The Reformed Church Messenger”), an influen-
tial Cape ecclesiastical journal. De Gereformeerde Kerk-Bode was first published
in 1849, with Faure as its editor.40 All in South Africa, the letter stated, be-
nefited much from “that salutary event 200 years ago.”41 Conclusive proof
of this, according to the Commission, is the surprising expansion of the
gospel of grace in these regions. The prayer of Van Riebeeck — “the founder
of this settlement” — in which he pleaded that the true reformed Christian
doctrine may in the future be planted and spread among “these wild and
brutal savages,” the clerk pointed out, was indeed answered.42 Thus God,
whose Spirit spoke “Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God,”
must be beseeched, the letter concluded, to fulfil his pledge that the whole
of the earth will ultimately be filled with the knowledge of the Lord.43 The
circular therefore bears witness to a significant theological interpretation of
the landing of Van Riebeeck. The landing introduced Christianity to South
Africa and what has subsequently occurred must be understood as God’s
reply to Van Riebeeck’s prayer. This is linked to a missiological motive —
the fulfilment of Scriptural promises that ultimately the whole of the earth
(including the heathen nations) will have knowledge of the gospel.
37 See De Gereformeerde Kerk-Bode IV(8) 17 April 1852, 127-128; De Gereformeerde
Kerk-Bode IV(9) 1 May 1852, 141 ff.
38 For the development of this structure, see R.M. Britz: “Oor die kerkbegrip en
die ordening van die kerklike lewe by die N.G. Kerk.” N.G.T.T. XXVI(3)
September 1985, 432 ff. For its history, see Moorrees: op. cit., 537 ff.; P.B. van
der Watt: Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk 1824-1905. N.G. Kerkboekhandel:
Pretoria, 1980. See also D.A. Kuyler: Die ontwikkeling van die Sinode en sinodale
dienswerk van die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk in Suid-Afrika gedurende die 19de
eeu. ’n Ekklesiologiese studie. Unpublished D.Th.-dissertation, University of Stel-
lenbosch, 1998.
39 De Gereformeerde Kerk-Bode IV(2) 24 January 1852, 32.
40 For the history of this journal, see A. Olivier: Bode op die spoor van die Woord.
150 jaar met Die Kerkbode. Lux Verbi.B.M.: Kaapstad, 1999. 
41 De Gereformeerde Kerk-Bode VI(4) 21 February 1852, 64.
42 Ibid.
43 Ibid.
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Acta Theologica 2004: 1
Compared to the 1752 interpretation, the significance of what hap-
pened 200 years previously, is clearly sought along different lines. A missi-
ological consideration articulates the importance of the event. The contours
of the 1852-interpretation were expressed for the first time in a leading ar-
ticle of the Almanac for the Dutch Reformed Church of South Africa for the bis-
sextile 1852.44 On the 6th of April, 200 years ago, compiler Faure explained,
a small Dutch settlement under Van Riebeeck was founded at the Cape.
“That day signified the introduction of the Christian religion to the south-
ernmost part of the Old World.”45 From the negligible beginning, he added,
the church and Christian religion matured to the present day. Amidst other
churches and more than 150 Christian congregations among the heathen,
Faure wrote, the Reformed church “as oldest church of the land,” currently
recognises the task of accomplishing a missionary enterprise of its own, as
well as the establishment of a Theological Seminary at the Cape.46
By now the Cape was no longer an asset of the Dutch East India Com-
pany, which disappeared with the first British occupation in 1795. Nineteen
years later the Cape officially became a British colony. A new dispensation
was bestowed upon the land. These political transformations complicated
the cultural-historical situation at the Cape.47 From 1800 onwards the ad-
mittance and recognition of churches of British origin and tradition resulted
in the formation of several churches and an increasing number of mission-
ary societies.48 The British colonial authority preserved the Christian order.
The Dutch Reformed Church, however, became one among many as it no
longer enjoyed a monopoly. It was the “oldest church of the land,” in terms
of its Dutch and Cape tradition, that observed the “notable year 1852.”49 A
historical date was identified and had to be commemorated by all.
By the time the synodical circular reached the congregations, Faure had
requested the Governor on behalf of the Dutch Reformed Church to declare
the 6th of April a public holiday of remembrance and festivity. The histori-
44 Almanak voor de Nederduitsch-Gereformeerde Kerk van Zuid-Afrika voor het Schrik-
keljaar 1852. N.H. Marais: Kaapstad, 1852.
45 Ibid., 17.
46 Ibid., 18.
47 See Muller: op. cit., 104 ff., 120 ff., 185; T. Cameron & S.B. Spies: Nuwe Suid-
Afrikaanse Geskiedenis in woord en beeld. Human & Rousseau: Kaapstad/Pretoria,
1986, 75 ff., 94 ff., 161 ff.
48 See Hofmeyr & Pillay (Eds.): op. cit., 36 ff. See also P. Hinchliff: The church in
South Africa. S.P.C.K.: London, 1968, 13 ff.
49 Almanak … op. cit., 18.
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Britz Ecclesiastical interpretations of 6th April 1652 
cal date, he motivated the position of the Church, bears reference to all in-
habitants of the colony. Faure informed the Governor:
In memory of all the blessings imparted unto the whole population
by the Most High and the chastisements with which He visited them
since the Europeans took possession of this land, and the variety of
privileges we enjoy, all must be united to foster with combined power
the welfare and civilization of the neighbouring peoples through
spreading the blessings of the Christian religion.50
The public commemoration of the introduction of the Christian reli-
gion would serve the cause. To the disappointment of the Dutch Reformed
Church, the Governor did not see his way clear to meeting the request.51
Obviously, the colonial government and the churches of British origin did
not value the historical significance of the 6th April. The “oldest church of
the land” had to observe the commemorations locally. On that occasion, it
collected offerings for the founding of a Theological Seminary, which opened
its doors 7 years later in Stellenbosch.
When the Cape-Dutch and reformed congregation gathered in the
“Groote Kerk” on Tuesday 6th April to commemorate the “introduction of
the Christian church in this territory,”52 the peculiar interpretation of the
occurrence and its theological implications had already been voiced. As in-
dicated above, Abraham Faure was its main exponent. Not surprisingly, on
the day of remembrance Psalm 68:31b served in his address as a fixed Bi-
blical point of reference. In his exposition he used it for the purpose of the
festive day, in terms of his previous interpretation. Hence he explicitly as-
sured his audience that this very verse, a solemn promise, is being fulfilled.
“The southern regions of Africa, the remotest parts of which we are inhab-
iting, are implied here.” The south of Africa, he continued, — “inhabited
by the Chamites” — would just like Abraham’s descendants, partake in the
same dividends and enjoy the equivalent spiritual blessings.53 The fulfil-
ment of this prophecy thus gives the ultimate reason to commemorate the
events of 6th April 1652.
To emphasize the consequences of this theological-historical under-
standing and association, Faure, referring to Romans 1:26-32, compared
the lamentable state in which salvation and knowledge of Christ are lacking,
with the prosperity of regions in which it was introduced and accepted.54 It
50 See De Gereformeerde Kerk-Bode IV(7) 3 April 1852, 112.
51 Ibid.
52 Faure: op. cit., 3.
53 Ibid., 5.
54 Ibid., 6 ff.
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could be assumed that, according to Faure, this is true of South Africa.
Prior to the introduction of the Christian religion the land suffered from
deplorable circumstances. The establishment of the Christian religion in
this region, must therefore “be seen as a blessing.”55 Faure concluded:
God has planted the church here and we are called to remember to-
day how and when it occurred and in which ways the church
expanded.56
The remarkable expansion of the church, especially since 1800, forms
an important theme in his presentation of the history.57 He finally con-
cludes that, given the outcome of the history and its exceptional beginning,
the day of commemoration emphasises the development and extension of
the church as an obligation of thanksgiving.58
3. “YEA, I HAVE A GOODLY HERITAGE…” 1952
Another 100 years have passed. On Sunday 6th April 1952, the “Groote Kerk”
in Cape Town was yet again the venue for a festive oration. The preacher
was the local minister, dr. A.J. van der Merwe (1897-1978), at the time a
well-known and leading clergyman of the Dutch Reformed Church.59 The
Scripture reading was taken from the Book of Psalms — Psalm 16:6: “The
lines are fallen unto me in pleasant places; yea, I have a goodly heritage.”60
The last part of the verse introduces the theme of the sermon: Our great her-
itage. As was the case on the previous occasions (1752 and 1852), the address
was also published.61 A comparison of the three pamphlets clearly reveals
the difference, or rather evolvement, of the interpretation of the 1652 event.
This is expressed in the significantly divergent titles of the festival pam-
phlets. Van der Spuy had an Altar of Gratitude erected to mark the cente-
55 Ibid., 8.
56 Ibid., 9.
57 Ibid., 10 ff.
58 Ibid., 27 ff.
59 See a biographical outline in S.A.B.W. V, 843-844. 
60 Van der Merwe read from the Afrikaans translation of the Bible completed in
1933. It replaced the old States General Version.
61 As Ons groot erfenis. Feesrede ter herdenking van die 300 jarige bestaan van ons volks-
planting. Gelewer deur dr. A.J. van der Merwe in die Groote Kerk, Kaapstad, op Sondag
6 April 1952. Nasionale Handelsdrukkery: Elsiesrivier. Sonder datum. (“Our
great Heritage. Festival oration to commemorate the 300 years’ existence of the planting
of our people. Delivered by dr. A.J. van der Merwe in the Groote Kerk, Cape Town, on
Sunday 6th April 1952.”) 
11
Britz Ecclesiastical interpretations of 6th April 1652 
nary of the Company’s government and possession of “this remote corner.”
Faure delivered an Address in memory of the introduction or establishment
of the Christian Church “in South-Africa.” Van der Merwe entitled his ora-
tion Our great heritage, in terms of which he commemorated the tercentenary
“existence of the planting of our people.”
In the context of his discourse, Van der Merwe uses the term “people”
in its nationalist sense as denoting the Afrikaner, a white group within the
South African set-up that not only historically identified, but also socially
distinguished itself deliberately in the 20th century.62 The most wonderful
outcome of the landing of Van Riebeeck, Van der Merwe explained in this
regard,
was the birth of a people, with a soul of its own, an own character,
an own way of living and mental attitude, and an own destination,
determined by God.63
This provides a deep and rich “significance to our past and has an inspi-
ring impact on our future strivings,”64 the reverend emphasised. This is
“our” great and spiritual heritage.65 Our grateful retrospection, Van der
Merwe insisted, must be accompanied by dedication 
to what should be holy for everyone of us, so that the generation
that will gather in 100 years’ time, God willing, to commemorate,
will have reason to restate, in view of what they have received from
us: Yea, I have a goodly heritage.66
Unlike the sermons delivered in 1752 and 1852, Our great heritage was
not preached exclusively to the local congregation. It took place on the oc-
casion of the spiritual and ecclesiastical culmination of a comprehensive and
grandiose national commemorative festival. The government organised and
62 An almost incalculable number of publications and convictions concerning the
Afrikaner people, its nationalism and its origins, exist. Cf. in this regard F.A.
van Jaarsveld: Wie en wat is die Afrikaner? Tafelberg-Uitgewers, Kaapstad,
1981, 1-72; F.A. van Jaarsveld: Omsingelde Afrikanerdom. H.A.U.M.-Uitgewery:
Pretoria, 1978, 1-150; F.A. van Jaarsveld: Afrikaner quo vadis? Voortrekker-
pers: Johannesburg, 1971. See also Muller (Ed.): op. cit., 445 ff.; and Hermann
Gilliomee: The Afrikaners. Biography of a people. Tafelberg: Cape Town, 2003.
63 Van der Merwe: Our great heritage … op. cit., 4.
64 Ibid., 4-5.
65 Ibid., 6.
66 Ibid., 10.
12
 
Acta Theologica 2004: 1
funded the festivity events.67 The Dutch Reformed Church welcomed this.68
A central Van Riebeeck Festivity Committee, chaired by the distinguished
dr. A.J. van der Merwe, was set up to co-ordinate the commemorations.
WE BUILD A NATION was the theme officially chosen for the celebra-
tions. The landing of Van Riebeeck was commemorated throughout South
Africa. From all corners of the Union of South Africa, an appraised mem-
ber of the British Commonwealth, ceremonial coaches took to the main
roads en route to Cape Town. During March and in the first week of April
1952, the “mother city” staged the ultimate culmination of the festivities.
Exhibitions, displays, cultural festivals and two great pageants portrayed the
development of South Africa as a nation. On the 5th April approximately
100 000 people saw the spectacular pageant in the Van Riebeeck Stadium,
specially shipped from Britain and constructed in Cape Town.69 The pa-
geant included representations of Martin Luther (1517), the Synod of Dordt
(1618-1619), the flight of the French Huguenots (1685) and the arrival of
Scottish ministers in South Africa (1822).70 These were powerful expres-
sions of how subservient to a strong religious and ecclesiastical tendency the
interpretation and commemoration were conceptualised.71 The procession
was led by a display of “Darkest Africa,” another powerful symbol of the
interpretation of South African history at the time.
“The oldest and original church”72 of the country, as the Dutch Reform-
ed Church of South Africa depicted itself at the historical date, played a
67 See in this regard P.H. Kapp: “Ons Volksfeeste.” In P.W. Grobbelaar (Red.):
Die Afrikaner en sy kultuur III. Tafelberg-Uitgewers, Kaapstad, 1975, 121.
68 See the leading article in Die Kerkbode LXIX(11) 12 March 1952, 492: “Ná
Driehonderd Jaar” (“Áfter Three Hundred Years”). With integrated strength
Church and State, motivated by a common ideal, should foster together the
Christian civilization in this country, the editor noted. In another editorial (Die
Kerkbode LXIX (14) 2 April 1952, 678) it was thought that the particular role
of the Church was to reveal to the people the spiritual significance of the com-
memoration.
69 See in this regard the official publications: The Festival in Pictures — a pictorial
record of the Van Riebeeck Festival (1952). C.N.A.: Parow, 1952; The Van Riebeeck
Festival. Pictorial Souvenir. Cape Times Ltd.: Parow, 1952.
70 See The Festival in Pictures… 6, 7, 9, 14.
71 See Kapp in Grobbelaar (Red.): op. cit., 121 ff.
72 See G.D. Scholtz: “Ons Kerk, die oudste en oorspronklike Kerk, of die naam
van ons Kerk.” In Jaarboek van die Gefedereerde Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerke.
Geredigeer deur ds. J.N. Geldenhuys. N.G. Kerk-Uitgewers, Kaapstad, 1952,
167 ff. This article not only considers the sanctioned interpretation of the his-
13
Britz Ecclesiastical interpretations of 6th April 1652 
leading role in the celebrations.73 It was proud of its numbers, amounting
in 1952 to over one million white and approximately 500 000 non-white
“souls.”74 Ons Gemeentelike Feesalbum (“Our Congregational Festival Album”),
published in 1952, accounted for over 600 (white) congregations.75 Its
ministry was well established and embodied structures that were effective-
ly organizing missionary work, ministry of compassion, care for current and
social issues, youth and pastorate.76 At the time of the Van Riebeeck
Festival there were four Dutch Reformed Churches or Synods in each of the
South African provinces: the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa
(Cape Synod), the Dutch Reformed Church in the Orange Free State, the
Nederduitsch Hervormde of Gereformeerde Kerk van Suid-Afrika
(Transvaal Synod) and the Dutch Reformed Church in Natal. In 1907 the
four Synods met in a Federal Council of Churches as a structural expression
and demonstration of the inner bond that developed between them follow-
ing the devastating experience of the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902).77
tory of the Dutch Reformed Church as the original reformed establishment of
the country, but also echoed a typical Dutch Reformed spirituality. See also J.J.
Lubbe: “About 1948: What happened?” In J.W. Hofmeyr, C.J.S. Lombaard &
P.J. Maritz (Eds.): Perspectives on Christianity. 1948 plus fifty years. Theology,
Apartheid and Church: Past, present and future. I.M.E.R., University of Pretoria:
Pretoria, 2001, 2 ff. See also P. du Toit: “Die stigting, uitbreiding en roeping
van ons kerk.” In Jaarboek … op.cit., 93-165. Because of an act of divine guid-
ance, Du Toit remarks,
the church of Christ and European civilization came to a dark con-
tinent to stay. Trusting in God a young nation during the follow-
ing three centuries joined the nations of the world. To the glory of
God its church carried the flame of the eternal gospel into the north
(95).
73 See the leading article “Die hoogtepunt van die Fees.” In Die Kerkbode LXIX
(14) 2 April 1952, 678.
74 G.B.A. Gerdener in T.N. Hanekom (Red.): Ons Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk.
Gedenkboek by ons derde eeufees 1952. N.G. Kerk-Uitgewers, Kaapstad, 1952, iii,
provides the following numbers: Mother church: 627 congregations with 
1 087 948 “souls,” Mission church: 336 congregations with 448 102 “souls.”
75 P.L. Olivier: Ons Gemeentelike Album. ’n Oorsig van die ontstaan en groei van gemeen-
tes van die Gefed. Ned. Geref. Kerke by geleentheid van die Van Riebeeck-Fees 1952.
N.G. Kerk-Uitgewers: Kaapstad, 1952.
76 See Index, Hanekom: op. cit.
77 See P.B. van der Watt: Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk 1905-1975. N.G. Kerk
Boekhandel, Pretoria, 1987, 21 ff. for a review of the history of the Federal
Council.
14
Acta Theologica 2004: 1
The Church enjoyed the trust of its members and the confidence of the
National Party Government, elected to rule the country in 1948 under the
leadership of D.F. Malan, an ex-Dutch Reformed minister.78 It was outspo-
ken on the national issue of race relations. In 1948 Die Kerkbode (“The
Church Messenger”), official and weekly journal of the Dutch Reformed
Church, wrote:
We, as the oldest church of the country, hold our own point of view
concerning the situation … also that our understanding and poli-
cies differ strongly from those of other Christian churches, namely
the Roman Catholic Church and most of the English churches …79
The Dutch Reformed Church was aware that such conviction might
“lead to a very lonely road.”80 It was to be tried and markedly influenced by
the course of events and historical developments in South Africa.81 In many
ways the Dutch Reformed Church was a respectable institution. It was “like
a city on a mountain,” as J.D. Vorster, leading clergyman, pictured his
church.82 In this church the third centenary was seized as “an unequalled
opportunity to equip our people spiritually for the distressing times that lie
ahead.”83 On Sunday, the 30th March, all the Dutch Reformed congrega-
tions, who paid tribute to God for establishing civilization and Christendom
in its Protestant and Reformed articulation in South Africa, observed a day
of thanksgiving.84
A sub-committee of the Van Riebeeck Festival Commission of the
Dutch Reformed Church compiled a Festival Message to our Church and
People.85 The question was asked: “Why are we here?” to which an immedi-
78 See P.W. Coetzer: “Die era van apartheid, 1948-1961.” In Cameron & Spies
(Reds.): op. cit., 271-272. Muller (Red.): op. cit., 477 ff.
79 See leading article by T.N. Hanekom: “Apartheid as kerklike beleid.” In Die
Kerkbode LXII(12) 22 September 1948, 664 ff.; Ibid., LXII(13) 29 September
1948, 724 ff.
80 See G.B.A. Gerdener: “Die Wêreldraad van Kerke.” In Die Kerkbode LXII (16)
20 October 1948, 928: “… op hierdie punt sal ons bereid moet wees om ’n baie
eensame pad te bewandel …”
81 See in this regard Hofmeyr, Lombaard & Maritz (Eds): op.cit.
82 See J.D. Vorster: “Soos ’n stad op ’n berg.” In Hanekom: Ons Nederduitse Gere-
formeerde Kerk … op. cit., 342 ff.
83 A remark of J.N. Geldenhuys, the secretary of the Van Riebeeck Festival Com-
mission of the Dutch Reformed Church. See Die Kerkbode LXIX(3) 16 January
1952, 11.
84 Die Kerkbode LXIX (13) 20 March 1952, 631.
85 Van Riebeeckfeeskommissie van die N.G. Kerk: Ons bou ’n nasie. Feesboodskap
15
Britz Ecclesiastical interpretations of 6th April 1652 
ate reply was given in terms of a theological interpretation of what really
occurred on the 6th April 1652.
That seemingly negligible event was in fact an act of God’s will by
which He decisively intervened in the history of future generations.86
The date, it declared, undoubtedly signified “a determinant interven-
tion” of God,87 which resulted in the planting of Christianity in this region.
It marks therefore “the start of the onslaught of Christendom on Africa”88
in its Reformed and Protestant configuration. This Christendom was intro-
duced unto African soil by, in particular, the Dutch Reformed Church.89
Over the past three centuries “our church” undeniably played a vital role in
the founding of our nation. “We made an unique contribution and devel-
oped an identity of our own.”90 This “own character,” in many respects dif-
ferent from other churches and intended to effectuate God’s Council on this
continent in a particular way,91 must never be sacrificed lest we “fail our
distinctive calling for the future.”92 God blessed the extraordinary growth
and warm evangelical ministry of the church. “We regard the Dutch Re-
aan ons Kerk en Volk. N.G. Kerk-Uitgewers, Kaapstad, 1952. It was compiled by
dr. J.C.G. Kotzé, full-time secretary of the Commission for Evangelization of
the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa (Cape Synod), and dr. E.A. Venter,
a member of that Commission. See Die Kerkbode LXIX (11) 12 March 1952, 493.
86 Daardie skynbaar eenvoudige gebeurtenis was inderdaad ’n wilsdaad
van God waardeur Hy beslissend ingegryp het in die geskiedenis van 
toekomstige geslagte (Van Riebeeckfeeskommissie van die N.G. Kerk:
op. cit., 5).
87 See in this regard the April 1952 issue of Die Gereformeerde Vaandel XX(2), a
Dutch Reformed theological journal. In commemorating the landing of Van
Riebeeck “After three hundred years,” Lategan attributes the establishment of
an European civilization and church to the “supreme providence of God” (44).
88 Van Riebeeckfeeskommissie van die N.G. Kerk: op. cit., 5.
89 Ibid., 6-7. Die Kerkbode in its first issue of April 1952 also followed this very
popular interpretation. The editor frankly stated that Van Riebeeck and his
people did not arrive with a civilization without God. They were bearers of the
Christendom in its Protestant and Reformed presentation, the descendants of
the 16th century reformers, and they introduced the Calvinistic view of life. Die
Kerkbode LXIX (14) 2 April 1952, 678.
90 Van Riebeeckfeeskommissie van die N.G. Kerk: op. cit., 8.
91 Ibid., 13 ff.
92 Ibid., 9. The Message also stated that “we were planted here by the Hand of the
Almighty. Thus we are planted here with a holy calling as bearers of the Gos-
pel.” See ibid., 23.
16
Acta Theologica 2004: 1
formed Church as a gift of God to our people.”93 The Afrikaner people was
thus regarded as the leader of the Christian civilization in Africa,94 and the
Dutch Reformed Church as “elected to banish the darkness of heathendom
from our fatherland.”95 The compilers were also concerned about those who
became indifferent to the church, the many lapsed “souls,” living in darkness.96
The historical date — and its interpretation — served as a suitable occasion
to accentuate what was identified as the calling of the church and people.
The brochure thus urges the readers to subscribe to a solemn commitment:
to work for the preservation of the Christian principles of our nation-
hood, to be loyal (faithful) to the church of our fathers, to uphold
family devotions and to embrace the glorification of God as the only
rule of life.97
Many (black) people did not join in the festivities or could not associ-
ate themselves with either the interpretation or the consequences implied
by the Dutch Reformed rendering of the symbolic date. The question was
fundamentally posed: Did the 6th April 1652 not inaugurate Three centuries
of wrong? This was the question M.S. Molema asked in a pamphlet pub-
lished at the commemoration date. As in the case of Afrikaner nationalism,
the rising tide of Black Nationalism and struggle for freedom simultane-
ously sought arguments in history.98 The past, and the Afrikaner national-
ist (and Dutch Reformed) version of the past, was thus concurrently exhi-
bited in publications, as the awakening of black political and national con-
sciousness inspired them to reconsider their position.99 Their interpretation
93 Ibid., 13.
94 Ibid., 31.
95 Ibid.
96 Ibid., Voorwoord.
97 Ibid., 47.
98 See F.A. van Jaarsveld: Omstrede Suid-Afrikaanse verlede. Geskiedenisideologie en die
historiese skuldvraagstuk. Lex Patria: Johannesburg, 1984, especially 131 ff.
99 See the studies of N. Majeke: The role of the missionaries in conquest. Society of
Young South Africa: Johannesburg, 1952, and Mnguni: A history of South Africa,
Cape Town, that also appeared in the memorial year of 1952. These studies re-
veal a consistent expression of black consciousness. For some introductionary
remarks on the inauguration of the black historiography after 1950, see E. Brown:
“The necessity of a “Black” South African church history.” In H.-J. Becken
(Ed.): Relevant Theology for Africa. Missiological Institute Mapumulo: Durban,
1973, 112 ff. During the 20th century differing schools of interpretations of South
African history, not without cultural and other assumptions, identified them-
selves. See in this regard Van Jaarsveld: Omstrede Suid-Afrikaanse verlede … op. cit.
17
Britz Ecclesiastical interpretations of 6th April 1652 
of the South African history and, in particular, the 6th April 1652, contra-
dicted both the cultural and theological concepts and considerations of the
Dutch Reformed Church’s Message at the national venue symbolizing a his-
torical moment in the building of the nation. A moment that was contrarily
adjudicated.100
Within the Dutch Reformed Church there was an awareness of this con-
tradiction and its implications. The rising tension between black and white
was a concern. The editor of Die Kerkbode was alarmed by the “dangerous
conduct” of agitators who animated a spirit of resistance and insubordina-
tion at the time of the national festivities. He also regretted the impeach-
ment of “our race policy” overseas.101 Another Dutch Reformed Message,
this time addressed to “the members of our daughter churches,”102 asked
the inevitable question: The arrival of Jan van Riebeeck, was it disaster or deli-
verance?103 Reflecting on the “facts,” the pamphlet stated that Van Riebeeck
and his people brought the European race, civilization and development,
and the gospel to South Africa. “The coming of the light of Christendom
to South Africa,” it declared, “was the will and command of God.” With re-
gard to the European race, the drafters admit the presence of friction,
despite which both races (black and white) can peacefully co-exist 
even though we follow the principle that each of the racial groups
should develop along its own course, in terms of its own capacity
100 See in this regard P.W. Coetzer: “Die era van Apartheid 1948-1961.” In Came-
ron & Spies (Reds.): op. cit., 281 ff.; Muller (Red.): op. cit., 502 ff.; Gilliomee:
op. cit., 487 ff.
101 Die Kerkbode LXIX(6) 6 February 1952, 247, 246.
102 The missionary  policy of the Dutch Reformed Church, officially formulated in
1935, provided for the establishment of self-supporting, self-governing and
self-expanding black churches. See this policy document in J.W. Hofmeyr, J.A.
Millard & C.J.J. Froneman (Eds.): History of the Church in South Africa. A docu-
ment and source book. UNISA: Pretoria, 1991, 184 ff. In 1952 there were four
Mission (or daughter) Churches: in the Cape Province, the Orange Free State
and the Transvaal, for blacks, and the Dutch Reformed Mission Church for co-
loureds. See D. Crafford: Aan God die dank I. Geskiedenis van die sending van die
Ned. Geref. Kerk binne die Republiek van Suid-Afrika en enkele aangrensende
Buurstate. N.G. Kerkboekhandel: Pretoria, 1982, 121 ff.
103 See Die koms van Jan van Riebeeck — was dit ramp of redding? (’n Boodskap van die
Van Riebeeck-feeskommissie van die NG Kerk aan die lidmate van die dogter-(sending)
kerke. Pro-ecclesia: Stellenbosch, not dated. Cf. also “Ramp of redding?” In Die
Kerkbode LXIX(12) 19 March 1952, 582.
18
Acta Theologica 2004: 1
and in accordance with its own potency and nature, it does not
deprive anyone of true freedom and life.104
This is demonstrated in practice by the existence of autonomous Dutch
Reformed mission churches for each population group.105 “The coming of
the white man was therefore no disaster.” This was undoubtedly preferred
by a determined Dutch Reformed Church persuasion.
Secondly, the Message told members of the mission churches that civili-
zed South Africa was the result of the coming of Van Riebeeck and his des-
cendants. Europeans, with their superior experience, ability and level of
education led the way in building a civilized country. “We sincerely thank”
the non-whites for their aid and assistance in this regard.106 Then the pam-
phlet touched on another very sensitive issue:
Instead of commemorating this God-given deliverance together in
gratitude and joy, there are still many who, influenced by malevo-
lent, ignorant and ingrate agitators, characterize the whites as
intruders and therefore a disaster.107
Members of “our daughter churches” are warned not to be misled. In
raising the third point — the introduction of Christianity — the pamphlet
admits that all whites are unfortunately not bearers of the light of the
gospel. It also regrets the lack of more intentness and commitment “among
us” for the Kingdom of God.108 Nevertheless, this was crucial. A South
Africa without Christianity would have been a disaster. The coming of Van
Riebeeck delivered the country.
A final question — “how can we in future together build our common
fatherland?” — had to be answered expressively: (1) By means of mutual
love and trust; (2) by respecting differences in origin, national character and
way of living in order that each group may develop in accordance with its
own potential and make a contribution in its own way; (3) by cautiously
avoiding foreign advisors; (4) by letting the Kingdom of God and its com-
ing be our highest priority, and (5) “Our fatherland is a heritage that the
Lord had given us to love, to protect and to cultivate.”109
104 Die koms van Jan van Riebeeck … op. cit., 5.
105 Ibid. 
106 Ibid., 6.
107 Ibid.
108 Ibid.
109 Ibid., 7.
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Britz Ecclesiastical interpretations of 6th April 1652 
How did the younger mission churches receive this message? Die
Ligdraer (“The Herald of Light”), monthly journal of the Dutch Reformed
Mission Church of South Africa, reported that a festivity greeting had been
received from
our Mother church, which addressed the question of whether the
coming of the white race must be regarded by the non-white races
as disaster or deliverance.110
According to the editor W.F. Loots, a white missionary, the unpreju-
diced reader of the Message, will encounter goodwill and openheartedness.111
In this regard he referred to the admittance that not all whites acted in
sympathy and love in accordance with their civilization and in terms of the
principles of Christendom. He also picked up the reference to, as the Message
portrayed it, the many cases of amity between whites and coloured persons
on farms, in workplaces, in kitchens, etc. White and coloured can live to-
gether in harmony and prosperity in this land. The editor also quoted the sin-
cere appreciation for the non-whites’ collaboration in building “our com-
mon fatherland.”112 However, Reverend Loots indicated to his readers that
the most important matter “is the coming of Christendom to South Africa.”113
This, he stated, had resulted in the establishment of four autonomous
daughter churches. Again he recognises the commendable partnership of
many non-whites in the founding of indigenous churches.114 The Message
concludes with a summary of the prerequisites for a prosperous co-existence
in South Africa.
The editor thought that an answer to the Message was appropriate. Des-
pite the differences between the population groups, the unity of faith must
continually be emphasised and maintained. Although the various groups
are organised in different churches, the spiritual unity may never sustain
damage. “And Christians, whether white or non-white, in mutual love and
trust must ever be willing to help one another.”115 The worsening of race
relations is regretted. Racial co-operation should be advanced as much as
possible according to the norm of the Word of God.116 Every Christian, irre-
110 See Editorial, Die Ligdraer XIII(4) April 1952, 73.
111 Ibid., 73.
112 Ibid., 74.
113 Ibid.
114 Ibid.
115 Ibid.
116 Ibid., 75.
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Acta Theologica 2004: 1
spective of his/her population group, must be an apostle of goodwill, the
reverend Loots wrote on behalf of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church.
In Die Ligstraal (“Ray of Light”), official journal of the black mission
churches, published in Afrikaans, Sotho, Xhosa, Zulu, Sepedi and Tswana,
reference was made to the Van Riebeeck festivity. Reflecting on the coming
of Van Riebeeck, Die Ligstraal echoed the current Dutch Reformed inter-
pretation of the event.117 In the context of the black communities and those
who are hostile toward that event, regarded as a symbol of white domina-
tion of the indigenous people of Africa, it defends the accepted interpreta-
tion of South African history. “Many people think,” the journal said,
that the whites deprived the whole country from the blacks. This
is not true …. There were more or less no Bantu peoples in South
Africa at the time of the arrival of the whites.
According to the article, when the whites settled at the Cape and started
to migrate into the interior from the west, the Bantu simultaneously moved
in from the east. Many years later white and black, both newcomers to the
land, met each other at the Fish River. It is therefore wrong to argue, as 
one of the leaders of the Bantu did recently in Bloemfontein, that
the whites took away everything from the blacks.118
“Our motto” at the festivity was: “we build a nation.” The intention is
not that black and white should “melt together” but rather that all whites
should ultimately amalgamate into one people and all blacks into one
Bantu nation. Then perhaps the whites can dwell in the western region of
our land, and the blacks in the eastern part.
That would enable each group to develop in terms of its own poten-
cy. That would probably bring more contentment and would help
us all along the road to peace.
This road, however, demands hard work, patience, love and faith.119
Without admitting it, Our great heritage was presented at a time when
the commemoration date and the (theological) significance ascribed to it
were fundamentally questioned. On this historical (and contested) date the
Dutch Reformed Church did not hesitate to lay down its rendering of the
South African past and apply it to the benefit of what was regarded as the
building of the (Christian) nation. Careful consideration of both 1952 mes-
117 See Die Ligstraal VIII(18) 15 April 1952, 10 ff.
118 Ibid., 10.
119 Ibid., 11.
21
 
Britz Ecclesiastical interpretations of 6th April 1652 
sages reveals an underlying ecclesiastical and historical self-assurance, relat-
ing itself to South Africa and the changing times. This corresponds with
the popular concept of “the oldest and original church of the country.” This
particular self-concept presupposes an association with a corporate and col-
lective notion of the church. Within these parameters members and minis-
ters of the Dutch Reformed Church conceptualized their denomination. As
indicated in the above Messages, this ecclesiastical concept not only affect-
ed the Dutch Reformed Church’s views on the South African political situa-
tion, but also shaped the convictions regarding its role and calling in society.
Our great heritage was therefore a contextual document, manifesting a histo-
rical and theological image of a national church that has come of age.
But enough! Some concluding remarks must now be made.
4. A CONTROVERSIAL DATE: WHICH WAY NOW?
The article focused on the commemoration of the 6th April 1652 as a South
African symbolic date, which marked the beginning of the European and
Christian contribution to the history of Southern Africa. The exposition
dealt with the 1752, 1852 and 1952 interpretations of the “oldest and ori-
ginal church of the land.” The three commemorative addresses were scruti-
nized and treated in terms of the historical and ecclesiastical settings
against which each was articulated. As contextual documents, they speak
for themselves. It is clear that the orators were subjected to contemporary
perceptions, sentiments and experiences. Van der Spuy’s reflection was ab-
sorbed by the centennial of the Company’s possession of “this good land”
conferred upon them through the Providence of God. Faure’s interpretation
— “the establishment of the Christian Church in South Africa” — echoed
a historical awareness and the commitment to an indigenous missionary
responsibility. Van der Merwe comprehended the event along the lines of
Christian nationalism — the birth of “our people,” — determined by God.
If the Altar of Gratitude comprised a “historical minimum,” the Address of
1852 accommodated a “historical maximum,” whereas Our great heritage
embodied a postulated historical image.
The assertiveness in terms of which the different interpretations are
related to and understood as an intervention of God is obvious: from God’s
Providence (1752) to an active deed of intervention (1952). The interpre-
tations were therefore not empty words. They communicated a theological
significance to the South African history, pregnant with meaning. The
commemorations of 1852 and 1952 did not do justice to Scripture. It rather
served the occasion. It was different in 1752, although Van der Spuy’s ex-
22

 
Britz Ecclesiastical interpretations of 6th April 1652 
Keywords Trefwoorde
Dutch Reformed Church NG Kerk
Commemoration dates Gedenkdatums
Church Historiography Kerkgeskiedskrywing
Apartheid Apartheid
Historical interpretation Historiese interpretasie
Cape of Good Hope Kaap die Goeie Hoop
Van Riebeeck Festival Van Riebeeckfees
6th April 1652 6 April 1652
Afrikaner people Afrikanervolk
24