THE HISTORY OF TSE KIMBERLEY PUBLIC LIBRARY 1870 - 1902 Febe van Niekerk Submitted to fulfil the requirement of the degree MAGISTER BIBLIOTBECOLOGIAE in the FACULTY OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF INFORMATION SCIENCE at the • UNIVERSITY OF THE ORANGE FREE STATE Supervisor : Prof D w Fokker September 1990 Co-supervisor: Prof A H Marais FOR MY FAMILY, BEN, PHILIP, NOELINE AND RENETTE AND GRANDSONS, IVAN AND BRYCE. i TABLE OF CONTENTS Prefa ce 1. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 The problem and its setting 1 1.2 The purpose of the study 2 1.3 The sub-problems 3 1.4 The hypotheses 3 1.5 Assumptions 4 1.6 The delimitations 5 1.7 Definition of terms 5 1.8 Abbreviations 7 1.9 The need for the study 8 1.10 Methodology of study 9 2. ECONOMIC, POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 12 2.1 The beginning 12 2.2 The birth of a city 17 2.3 Social and cultural background 18 2.4 Conclusion 22 3. EARLY LIBRARY HISTORY 2·3 3.1 Library development in England 23 3.1.1 The Free Libraries' Act 24 3.1.2 Mechanics' Institutions 25 3.1.3 Book Clubs and Circulating Libraries 26 3.2 Libraries in America 26 3.3 Library conditions at the Cape 27 3.3.1 The South African Library 27 3.3.2. Other South African libraries 29 3.4 Conclusion 30 4. THE FIRST ATTEMPT AT ESTABLISHING A PUBLIC LIBRARY IN KIMBERLEY 3 2 4.1 Early Reading Rooms and Circulating Libraries 32 4.2 The establishment of the first Public Library 39 4.3 Conclusion 54 5. THE SECOND ATTEMPT AT ESTABLISHING A PUBLIC LIBRARY IN KIMBERLEY 5 7 5.1 Conditions on the Diamond Fields after 1876 57 -- ii 5.2 Goch's Circulating Library and other Reading Rooms 58 5.3 The Kimberley Literary Institute· 61 5.4 The second Public Library in Kimberley 63 5.5 The Athenaeum- Club 74 5.6 The opening of the Public Library 76 5.7 The collapse of the library scheme 80 5.8 Conclusion 88 6. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KIMBERLEY PUBLIC LIBRARY ' 90 6.1 The liquidation of the second library 90 6.2 The library in New Main Street 91 6.3 Cultural societies in the nineteen-eighties 103 6.3.1 The Presbyterian Literary Society 103 6.3.2 The Young Men's Musical, Dramatic, Literary and Debating Society 104 6.3.3. The Newton Debating and Dramatic Society 105 6.4 Events leading up to the establishment of the Kimberley Public Library 105 6.5 The opening of the Kimberley Public Library 114 6. 6 Conclusion · 115 7. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A PUBLIC LIBRARY AND INSTITUTE AT BEACONSFIELD 117 8. LIBRARY GROWTH INTO THE 20TH CENTURY 136 8.1 An outline of general progress, 1887-1902 136 8.2 The finances of the Kimberley Public Library 142 8.3 Extension of the lij:>rary service 148 8.4 Books tock 151 8.5 Conclusion 154 9. POLICIES AND PEOPLE IN THE KIM):IERLEY PUBLIC 755 LIBRARY 9.1 Library policies and librarians 155 9.2 Library policies as applied to subscribers 164 9.3 Conclusion 168 10. NOTES ON PROMINENT KIMBERLEY MEN AND AN 170 ASSESSMENT OF THEIR INVOLVEMENT WITH THE LIBRARY 10.1 Members of the Library Committee 170 10.2 Justice Percival Laurence 171 10.3 George H Gach 174 10.4 J B Currey 175 10.5 Moses Cornwall 177 10.6 James Lawrence 177 iii 10.7 Cecil John Rhodes 177 10.8 Barney Barnato 180 10.9 Leander Starr Jameson 181 10.10 Sidney s Mendelssohn 182 10.11 Conclusion 183 11. EVALUATION AND COMMENT 184 Conclusion 195 BIBLIOGRAPHY 199 ANNEXURE : TABLE SHOWING THE KIMBERLEY PUBLIC LIBRARY'S GROWTH FROM 1885 - 1902 BRIEF SUMMARY IN AFRIKAANS. iv ' . LIST OF ILtUSTRATIVE MATERIAL After Map of Diamond Fields, 1873, showing Ch.3 Pniel, Klipdrift, Dutoits Pan, Bultfontein and New Rush. Plan of Kimberley Township 1875, showing Ch 4 streets and mines. Photograph of Kimberley Public Library Ch 5 1882-1886 and a floor plan and photograph of the library erected in 1887. Map of the Diamond Fields 1886, showing Ch 6 the towns of Kimberley and Beaconsfield. Photograph of the Off ices of the London Ch 7 and south African Exploration company, 1889 and an early floor plan of the Beaconsfield Library and Institute. The historical record of a library book Ch 8 as indicated by a series of bookplates. Photographs of s T Solomon, Librarian Ch 9 of Kimberley Public Library, 1883-1889 and B L Dyer, Librarian 1900-1908. Photographs of P M Laurence ChlO G H Goch and J B Currey. ----------------------------------- PREFACE The Kimberley Public Library, which was built in 1886 and officially opened in 1887, was vacated at the beginning of 1984 when a new public library came into use. The old building was in a state of disrepair and could easily have been demolished as has happened to so many old buildings in Kimberley. It is to the credit of the City Council of Kimberley that a decision was taken to renovate and restore the building as a repository of Africana material. The Cape Library Services substantially subsidised the project. The building now houses valuable Africana as well as a large part of the original library stock, which was preserved as part of the assets of the old Public Library when it was affiliated to the Cape Provincial Library Services in 1960. I was privileged to be appointed City Librarian in 1973 and to be given the opportunity of acquainting myself with some of the books and documents which had obviously been acquired in the last century. The odd references in old newspapers to the early library history stimulated my curiosity about the beginnings of the library and the far-sighted people who collected and preserved material which has now become rare and in some cases, unobtainable. Furthermore, Kimberley is a place so steeped in history, that it is difficult not to become immersed in the past. I became acquainted with Miss Olive Mcintyre, a previous librarian, whose reminiscences date back to the beginning of the century, and Mrs Muriel Macey, whose love of books and tireless search for information infected me with enthusiasm. To these librarians I owe a debt of gratitude for inspiring me to document the history of the library. I also wish to record a vote of thanks to the present staff of the Africana Library, in particular Mrs Lesley Brits, for help so willingly given. This thesis is dedicated to all librarians and bibliophiles, especially the truly remarkable Mr Justice Laurence, who was the force behind the early Kimberley Public Library. 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODU~I6N 1.1 The problem and its setting Kimberley sprang up virtually overnight. Where there had been nothing but veld before the discovery of diamonds, there appeared in the 1870's a settlement of approximately SQ 000 diggers on the. so-called "dry diggings" (Roberts, 1978; p.5). At this particular time there were between 30 000 and 40 000 people living in Cape Town, 12 000 in Port Elizabeth and 17 000 Whites in Natal (Babe, 1872, pp. 73, 77, 81). On the "diggings", the most densely populated area in south Africa, people of all cultures, creeds and races were thrown together and had to make a life for themselves under extremely harsh conditions. A unique city was born, the City of Kimberley. It is interesting to note that as early as April 1871, mention is made of Hurley's Reading Room at Pniel (today · about 20km · from Kimberley). Subsequently, various other attempts at establishing library facilities of some kind were made, but, as a result of financial and other problems, they were destined to failure. Nevertheless, the Kimberley Public Library was already well-established by 1889 and considered a model institution. "The Kimberley Public Library, in a town similar to Johannesburg and the former home of many Johannesburg people,. was always cited as a successful institution, worthy of emulation" (Kennedy, 1970, p. 15) • 2 It was a sore point with the Library Committee of the Johannesburg Library that progress did not come up to expectations and that the Kimberley Library seemed to be better off financially despite very little aid from outside sources. As Bertram Dyer, the Librarian of the Kimberley Public Library at the beginning of the 20th century, pointed out: "The town Kimberley does not owe its library to the benevolence of a Carnegie or a Passmore Edwardsl nor to that of one of its citizens, who, having made a fortune here r designed a useful provision for the rising generations of the. town. The Library has been provided entirely by the collective action of the citizens of Kimberley, practically unaided from any outside source, and it remains as a standing monument of usefulness of ·such collective action" (Dyer, 1903, p.47). 1. 2 l'urpose of study The purpose of this study is to trace the origin and d.e velopment of th.e Kimberley Public Library and to show that it came into existence as a result of a great need for this facility, which evinced its elf from the start but only reached fruition when the community had stabilised; the origin of the Kimberley Public Library's present branch library, the Beaconsfield Library, will also be established and the role of these institutions in the community life of the time will be assessed. The study will be taking a closer look at the so-called "collective action" of the citizens and will seek to identify 1. J Passmore Edwards, born in Cornwall and MP for Salisbury 1880-85, was noted for his generosity in founding libraries and other institutions. ----------------------------------. 3 those who played a significant role in the library history of Kimberley. For over a century the Beaconsfield Library ~as been housed in a building which is known to have been built to accommodate the first offices of the London and South African Exploration company. Very few library records are available, the minute books and reports presumably having been destroyed in a fire which caused a great deal of damage to the building in the nineteen-forties. How this library came to be established and which people were responsible for its founding are aspects which need to be researched and documented. Both the Kimberley Public Library and the· Beaconsfield Library have recently been declared historical monuments and a closer look at the past history of both libraries, and an assessment of their relationship to each other, is warranted. 1.3 The sub-problems The first sub-problem is to establish to what extent the socio-economic conditions on the diggings influenced the establishment and nature of libraries which came into operation. The second sub-problem is to evaluate the role of the library in the community life of Kimberley. The third sub-problem is to establish how libraries were financed and to what extent the governing bodies were responsible for funding. The fourth sub-problem is to identify individuals who were involved with the establishment of the library and to evaluate the roles they played in the library history of Kimberley. 1.4 The Hypotheses The first hypothesis is that a community, based on a particular socio-economic infra-structure, will 4 provide a setting in which a library can grow successfully only when living conditions are relatively stable or when the economic climate is favourable. The second hypothesis is that the Public Library, .as a result of a diversity of functions, recreational as well as intellectual, fulfilled a vital need in the community life of Kimberley. The third hypothesis is that libraries are unable to exist and develop solely from funds generated by themselves and that financial support from governing bodies is vital for the success of a service of this kind. The fourth hypothesis is that if it wer~ not for the continued efforts of certain dedicated people, public libraries w0uld not have survived and achieved the success they obviously did. 1.5 Assumptions The first assumption is that the people who converged on the Diamond Fields did not have much faith in the future of the Diggings and intended to leave as soon as their fortunes were made. The second assumption is that access to the libraries on the Diamond Fields was available to anyone who could afford the required subscription fees; The third assumption is that government and municipal grants to subscription libraries were inadequate if not non-existent; The fourth assumption is that the Kimberley Public Library was a successful and respected library by the end of the 19th century. 5 1.6 The Delimitations The recorded history of tlie Kimberley Public Library dates back to 1882, but it has come to light that libraries, such as circulating libraries and reading rooms did in fact exist on the Diamond Fields in the preceding ten years. This study will therefore begin at 1870 and span roughly thirty-two years of ' library history; it will cover early attempts at establishing libraries and will describe events leading up to the founding of the Kimberley Public Library and the Beaconsfield Library and Institute; it will trace their development through the years of depression preceding the Anglo-Boer War and follow through to 1902 when the war ended and conditions stabilised to a certain extent. The study will not attempt comparisons with library development in other towns in South Africa, but will give a brief survey of library conditions at the Cape and overseas in the early eighteen-seventies as it may be assumed that the library experience of newcomers to the Diamond Fields would have had a bearing on the nature and scope of the facilities that came into existence. 1.7 Definition of terms Public Library "A Public Library is an organised collection of graphic materials arranged for relatively easy use, cared for by an individual or individuals familiar with that arrangement and available for use by at least a limited number of persons for general information or recreational purposes" (Johnson, 1965, p.78). Reading room A Reading room implies premises housing a collection of books, magazines and newspapers available for 1-.~--- 6 browsing purposes by the general public, either free of charge or on payment of an admission fee and for loan by subscribers on payment of a fixed registration fee. · Circulation/ Circulating Library A circulation or circulating library is a collection of books, usually of a popular kind, which may be borrowed by the public on payment of a small feei it may form part of a commercial undertaking. Subscription Library A subscription library is a public library which is financially dependent on subscription fees payable monthly, quarterly or annually by registered members and which entitles them to borrow books for a stipulated period. Mechanics' Institutions Mechanics' Institutions are centres which were established in the 19th century by philanthropists for the purpose of providing constructive and cultural leisure time activities, such as lectures, debates and games , to the working class i the library was the most important feature of these Institutions. A Community "A community is a set of people occupying an area with defined territorial limits and so far united in thought and action as to feel a sense of belonging together" ·(Finberg, 1967, p.33). The Diamond Fields The Diamond Fields denotes the territory in the Northern Cape where diamonds were first discovered in the eighteen-seventies. It covered an area of about 10 000 square miles and was situated, according to Babe (1872, p.11), 7 "between latitude 28030' . south, and longitude 24028 1 east {Greenwich}. The Vaal River runs north and south through the centre of this country ... The Orange River runs along the southern part of the diamond district, and may be considered the southern boundary of the diamondiferous country. The part which lies on the east bank of the Vaal River comprises part of the Orange Free State', a Dutch republic". Initially the Diamond Fields were restricted to the river diggings on the vaal River, Klipdrift on the one side of the river and Pniel on the opposite side. When diamonds were discovered further inland, resulting in the establishment of the so-called "dry-diggings" at Dutoitspan, Bultfontein (now Beaconsfield), De Beers and New Rush in 1871, the Diamond Fields encompassed this area as well. 1.8 Abbreviations DN is the abbreviation for the newspape·r "Diamond News", 1870-1884; published as "Diamond News and Griqualand West Government Gazette", 1874-81. Published at Pniel, Dutoitspan, New Rush and Kimberley. DF is the abbreviation for the newspaper "The Diamond Fields, 1770-1877; published at Klipdrift, 1870 - 1873; at Dutoitspan, 1873-1874. New series published at Kimberley, 1875-1877. DFA is the abbreviation for the newspaper "The Diamond Fields Advertiser", 1878 First published as "Diamond Fields Advertiser and Commercial Gazette." 8 ~ is the abbreviation for the newspaper "Daily Independent", 1879-1892. Previously the "Independent" Ind is the abbreviation for the newspaper, the "Daily Independent", 1875-1879, before it became a daily newspaper in 1879. KPL is the abbreviation which is used for the Kimberley Public Library. 1.9 The need for the study Historical research of any kind is important as it puts past events into perspective and gives an insight into the causes and results of past happenings. "Our experience in the past r II maintains Arnold J. Toynbee (1966, p.3), "gives us the only light on the future that is accessible to us. Experience is another name for history. When we speak of history, we are usually thinking of the collective experience of the human race." Public libraries of today are beset by problems. As free institutions they are expected to justify their existence in terms of quantifiable services; the future of the public library in its present form is in jeopardy. The belief that all library material should be issued free of charge to all registered members is receiving serious reconsideration and some authorities are no longer prepared to subscribe to the principle of free library facilities. These and other problems need to be viewed in the light of what has gone before. Perspective will be gained and a ·pattern in the history of South African J..ibrarianship established when findings of relevant studies are carefully examined and correlated. Benade ( 1977, p. 8 l rightly contends that research 9 into the background of :t!i.dividual libraries shouJ,d prove enlightening, "contributing to an increased knowledge and greater understanding of South African libraries as a social phenomenon". The findings of other librarians, such as R F M Immelman, R F Kennedy, T Friis and R Benade are of special significance for the substantiation of relevant hypotheses which could con:tribute to the formulation of theories with a direct bearing on present day problems. This aspect will receive closer attention in the concludi.ng chapter. Another reason for this study is that it will fill gaps in the historical record of Kimberley. Any supplementary research serves to complete the picture .of social life on the Diamond Fields. Many famous figures, such as Cecil John Rhodes, J B Currey, and Justice P M Laurence, spent a large part of their lives in Kimberley and were actively involved with the events of the time. This study will indicate to what extent they and others like them played a role in the library history of the town. l.lOMethodology of study The heuristic method of research, entailing the tracing of records and documents with a bearing on the history of the early days of Kimberley, was employed to reconstruct the past. Life on the diggings was filled with hardships and privation and the only records of that period that have survived are letters that were written to family "at home" or travelogues by overseas visitors who visited the Diamond Fields out of curiosity or as part of a journey through South Africa. J L Babe, for instance, was a correspondent from the New York World in South Africa for two years and was 10 "the first to inform the American public of the very great value of the South African Diamond Mines" and his trustworthiness was vouched for by a Mr D G Croly (Babe, 1872, p.viii). In trying to form a picture of the living conditions of the early days, use has been made of authentic descriptions by such early Kimberley residents as J L Babe, · J Angove, F Boyle, C A Payton and A Williams. Kimberley, turbulent city, the well- researched book by Brian Roberts ( 1976) was consulted for reliable background information. It was, however, mainly the early newspapers which had to be searched for authentic accounts of happenings. The editors of early newspapers, such as the Diamond Fields Advertiser, Diamond News and the Daily Independent, were deeply involved with the everyday life on the Fields and expressed their own opinions in no uncertain a manner. Newspapers were ,· the most important and most popular reading material of the time and the editors were important opinion- makers. It was often feasible for a politician to print his own newspaper to enable him to express his opinions freely. Biased reporting often led to confrontation between the editors, with one maligning the other. For a study of this kind it is fortunate that reporting was so detailed and that even advertisements were worded in such a manner as to be very subjective and revealing. At the same time, discrepancies and errors, resulting from inaccurate reporting, cause innumerable problems for the researcher. Despite all efforts to provide full and accurate information details, such as initials, had sometimes to be omitted. Fairly complete runs of newspapers dating back to 1870 are available for consultation but often the -- -- - -- -------------------------------------- 11 papers are too fragile for use and microfilms almost illegible. Nevertheless they · are invariably the only source material; and, as such, were used extensively for this study. Official documents and letters, traced in the South African Archives, De Beers Archives and in the records of the Kimberley Public Library, were used to substantiate certain references. A collection of facts does not, however, constitute a history and Young ( 1964" p.150) points out that "the social process as a whole must be synthesized and explained". This was attempted in the context of library development. The approach of this work is chronological rather than thematic so that the sequence of events may be followed. A brief survey of the political and socio-economic conditions before and immediately after the discovery of diamonds will be given in the second chapter; this will be followed by a resume of library conditions in the Cape Colony and overseas in order to assess possible preconceptions with regard to the nature and function of l.ibraries, and also to place the library development of Kimberley in perspective. The next chapters will cover events leading up to the establishment of the Kimberley Public Library and the Beaconsfield Library. Chapters 8 and 9 will be devoted to an interpretation of aspects such as library finances, bookstock, policies and staffing. Chapter 10 will briefly relate and evaluate the role played by some of the prominent people of Kimberley; these biographical notes will not be restricted to the three-decade period of study. A summary and evaluation in Chapter 11 will conclude the study. 12 CHAPTER 2 ECONOMIC, POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 2.1 The beginning The birth of the city of Kimberley is directly attributable to the discovery of diamonds at the Cape in 1867. In a wider context the discovery of diamonds can be referred to as "the dawn of prosperity" in South Africa (Angove, 1910, p.198) at a time when the country was in the throes of an economic depression caused by various factors: agriculture had been badly affected by a prolonged drought; the completion of the Suez canal had harmed the economy of the Cape (Williams, 1948, p.560) and the United States had closed its market to South African wool in preference to wool from Australia, causing the price of wool to drop to two and a half pence per pound (Botma, 1947, p.105). Continual wars between the Basutos and the Orange Free State had drained the country's financial resources and the printing of worthless paper money, the "blue-blacks", had caused a drop in currency which resulted in further economic deterioration (Williams, 1948, p.55). The discovery of diamonds heralded a new .industrial age and transformed the Cape Colony, which used to be the ·cinderella of the British Colonial family' into a prosperous country "which soon eclipsed her sisters in the brilliancy of wealth" (Angove, 1910, p.199). As a result of a railroad extension to Beaufort We;t in 1880 and to Kimberley in 1885, places became more accessible and industrial development was facilitated. 13 The London Missionary Society had penetrated the Northern Cape early in the 19th century, setting up mission stations at Lattakoo, afterwards kuruman, for the Tswana, and at Pniel and Hebron for the Korannas and Griquas. Boers in the area lived a nomadic existence as a result of absence of winter feeding' and transport facilities. Continual livestock raiding by Black tribes and retaliation by White farmers caused a rift between missionaries and colonists, which was one of the causes of the Great Trek (Lucas, 1898, p .124) and of a growing hostility between Boer and British which culminated in the Anglo-Boer War. In 1839 a mission station named Griquatown was established at Klaarwater to serve as a settlement for half-breeds, known as Bastards ( af:terwards Griquas). Two hundred miles south-east lay the only other village in the Northern Cape, Colesberg, which was founded on an abandoned station of the London Missionary Society. In 1853 a village was established on 'the Orange River and named after the Acting Secretary of the Cape Colonial Government, Major William Hope. Brian Roberts (1876, p.4) remarks that Hopetown seemed an "incongruous choice of name for this forlorn villaqe", but nevertheless turned out to be very appropriate because, by a strange turn of events, it "was destined to bring hoper not only to the Grigua wilderness, but to the whole of South Africa." It was here, in 1866, that the first diamond was discovered. In 1869 a second diamond, the Star of South Africa, was picked up, presumably on the northern side of the Orange River. A diamond prospecting company, the Diamond Metal and Mineral Company, was founded in Colesberg and negotiations for mineral and mining concessions 14 in the Griqua territory were c_onunenced with the Griqua chief, Nicholas Waterboer. When the discovery of diamonds became public knowledge, a large number of fortune-seekers converged on the Hopetown area and then moved further afield, heading for the Vaal River. Two farms, Bultfontein and Dorstfontein, which were regular stopping places for travellers on their way to the Vaal, were also found to have diamonds, as was the adjoining farm, Vooruitzicht·, owned by Nicholas de Beer. Licences for digging on the farms were procured by some, but progress was impeded ·by a chronic shortage of water; consequently, when rumours of rich· deposits in the Vaal River area reached their ears, the prospect of having water close at hand enticed the diggers to leave the farms and to join the ranks of those already operating on the river banks (Roberts, 1976, p.20 et seq. l. "The sudden discovery of qreat mineral wealth", wrote Lucas (1898,·p.246), "works something like a revolution. It brings in a stream of adventurers from other lands, men of strength and enterprise." By 1870 two sizeable towns had sprung up on the Vaal River, Pniel, in the territory of Pniel Mission Station, and Klipdrift, ··two miles down river from Pniel and on the opposite side of the river. They lay about 40 miles from the nearest town, Jacobsdal, from which their mail was forwarded (Babe, 1872, p.34). In the meantime the ownership of the Diamond Fields was being bitterly contested. The badly defined boundaries between the Griqua territory, the Orange Free State and the Transvaal had not presented a 15 problem before the mineral wealth in' the Vaal River area was discovered. The seemingly valid claim of the Orange Free State2 was contested by David Arnot, a Cape Coloured lawyer acting on behalf of the Griqua chief, Nicholas Waterboer, who maintained that the Diamond Fields lay within the Campbell lands to which he had previously laid claim. He astutely made sure of Britain's backing by offering to cede the territory to her, should it be awarded to him. The Transvaal asserted that the land fell within its province as its boundary was the northern banks of the Vaal River. A deadlock was reached. In 1871 Sir Henry Barkly, Governor of the cape, appointed an arbitration court presided over by Robert Keate, the Lieutenant Governor of Natal, to settle the dispute. Keate upheld Waterboer's claim and both the Transvaal and the Free State had to forego ownership of the Diamond Fields. "To this transaction," maintains Theal (1889, p.301), "more than to any other is due the feeling of suspicion of English policy, mingled with erunity towards it, which, for the next thirty years was entertained by many residents of the secluded farms in the republic". Despite bitter protestations from the Orange Free State, Sir Henry Barkly issued a proclamation on 21 October 1871, declaring the territory of Nicholas Waterboer, about 17 800 square miles in area, part 2. Twenty years previously it was accepted that all the land east of the Vaal was included in the Orange River Sovereignty. 16 of the British Dominion and named it Griqualand West.3 Included in this territory·was the ground on which the mission station, Pniel, was located and which Rev c F Wuras had purchased from Cornelis Kok (Theale, 1889. pp 389-390). The three commissioners who were appointed to govern the Diamond Fields were unable to maintain order or to solve the problems of the diggers and in 1873 Griqualand West was proclaimed a Crown Colony of Britain and was granted its own constitution. It was to be ruled by a Lieutenant- Governor and a Legislative Council consisting of four elected members and four Government nominees with the Lieutenant-Governor holding the casting vote. The first Lieutenant-Governor, Richard Southey, the former Colonial Secretary, did very '. ..' little to improve the living conditions on the Diamond Fields and it was only when he was succeeded by Major OWen Lanyon that real reforms took place (Roberts, 1978, p. 3) . In 1876 a meeting was called to discuss the institution of a municipality and on 27 June 1877 an ordinance constituting "the town of Kimberley a Municipality" was published.4 In 1880 Griqualand West was formally incorporated as a province of the Cape Colony, entitling it to a representation of four to the Cape Parliament. In the next year J B Robinson and C J Rhodes were elected to represent Kimberley and Barkly West respectively in Parliament. 3. Some five years later the Orange Free State was paid £90 000 as compensation for the loss of the Diamond Fields. 4. Ordinance no 7, 1877. 17 2.2 The birth of a city In 1870 diamond operations were concentrated on Klipdrift and Pniel. Other sites along the river also came into operation, such as Gong Gong, Delport's Hope, Forlorn Hope, Poorman's Kopje, Sixpenny Rush, Moonlight Rush and others. The focus of the search for diamonds was, however, to change almost overnight. In 1871 diamonds were discovered quite by chance on Gilfillan's Kop on De Beer's farm, about 24 miles from Klipdrift (Babe, 1872, p.64). As soon as the news of the discovery l.eaked out, most of the diggers abandoned their claims at Pniel and Klipdrift and streamed to "Colesberg Kopje", as it came to be known. 5 After a rush to peg claims had taken place in July 1871, the site also became known as "New Rush". Johannes Nicholas de Beer, owner of the farm, was astounded at the frenzied activity and only too happy to sell his farm to Alfred Ebden for six thousand guineas in August 1871. Albert Ortlepp was appointed temporary General Manager at New Rush and G F Stegman was appointed to survey the camp and lay out a town (Roberts, 1976, p.50). By September 1871, there were "at least 5 000 people digging there .•. Shops, stores and tents . • . erected in all directions •.. " (The Friend, 7 September 1871). The mine in operation on De Beer's farm became known as Old De Beers', but it later merged with New Rush and became known as Gladstone. In 1873 Lord Kimberley, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, insisted that, before electoral division could take place, the places should 5. Sarah Ortlepp and Fleetwood Rawstorne, who, in conflicting stories, both claimed to have discovered the first diamond on this hillock, came from Colesberg. I· - _IL_-----~- 18 receive "decent and intelligible" names (Roberts, 1976, p.115). J B Currey subsequently changed Klipdrift to Barkly to perpetuate the name of the Governor and New Rush to Kimberley after · Lord Kimberley. The farm, Bultfontein, was bought by the Hopetown Company, afterwards the South African - Exploration Company, for £2 000 (Roberts, 1976, p.18) and Dorstfontein (Dutoitspan) for £2 600 (Roberts, 1976, p.40). By 1872, these settlements had merged into the township of Dutoitspan, a busy and attractive place, with every prospect of developing into the business centre of the Diamond Fields. In 1883 the inhabitants petitioned to change its status to that of a municipality and it became known as Beaconsfield after the former British Prime Minister, Lord Beaconsfield (Benjamin Disraeli), who had died in 1881. 2.3 Social and cultural background A social survey of the community living on the Diamond Fields in the early days must necessarily be limited to those aspects which are suggested by the hypotheses and assumptions as set out in the preceding chapter. In an attempt to identify the factors which led to the establishment of a library and influenced its character and progress, a closer look at the cultural background of the community, in all its diversity, is feasible. "A library," states_ Friis (1962, p.6), "does not act in a vacuum; it is part of the whole economic · and social structure and reflects contemporary trends." 19 By the end of 1870, about 4 000 men were operating on the Diamond Fields; two years· later, this figure, according to Beet (n.d. p. xvii), had increased to about 45 000. All writings of the time mention the heterogeneous nature of the community, which seems to have represented a cross-section of all levels of education and all walks of life. "Merchants, clerks, mechanics, laborers and chronic loafers even," commented Babe (1872, p.23), "could not resist the fascinations of diamond digging." This motley crowd of. adventurers founded a settlement· which "became ·a beacon in the mercantile world·, and a centre of diamond traffic." Hotels and saloons were numerous and many were adjoined by halls where theatrical performances and other forms of entertainment were held; there were clubs, where a game of whist or chess could be enjpyed and which even had their own libraries and reading. rooms (Hornsby, 1874 pp. 13, 16). Who were these diggers and whe~e did they come from? According to Hornsby (1874, p.46-47), they were of all nationalities "but chiefly English and Cape Colonials and ..• of two classes, men of good birth and education and men of no education"; Boyle (1873, p.368) maintained that most diggers were not immigrants, " they were colonial born and one-third at least were Boers." From the writings of all the authors of the time, it becomes clear that a large proportion of the diggers were indeed "Boers" and that there was a 20 great prejudice against them.6 Williams (1931, p. 81 l calls them ·~.illiterate, ignorant and in many cases narrow-minded, obstinate and bigoted," while Hornsby (1874, p.45) considered the Boer "the· very skunkiest man in existence." Already there was a growing rift between the colonial-born Afrikaner - the so-called "Boer" - and the British immigrant,. to whom Britain was " home". The latter endeavoured to emulate the cultural conditions he was used to, while, in contrast, the Afrikaner was on the whole completely devoid of cultural aspirations due to isolation and lack of education; his cultural tradition revolved round religion; the Bible and Hymn book were his main, if not only, reading material. Despite the fact that there were many Afrikaners on the diggings, their contribution to the library movement in the early Kimberley. days was negligible . , Coetzee (1945, p.533) points out that a library was a matter of indifference to most of them and not a concept which had been included in their upbringing. Education at the time was mostly through the medium of English and, in accordance with the anglicising policy of the British, Dutch was suppressed. The Afrikaner race, maintains 6. In Thoughts of South Africa, Olive Schreiner (1923, p.104) defines a Boer as a "South African European by descent whose vernacular is the Taal, and who uses familiarly no literary European language. It does not denote race of necessity, the Boer may be French, Dutch, German or of any other blood ..• neither does it necessarily denote occupation; the word 'Boer' means literally 'Farmer', and practically the Boer is often a farmer and stockowner, but he may also be a hunter, trader, the president of a republic, or of any other occupation - he remains a Boer still while the Taal remains his only familiar speech." 21 Pienaar (1945, p.247) suffered culturally as a result of this policy. "Die kulturele peil van ens volk was nie hoog nie," comments Nienaber (1941, p.25), "en dit word deur die geografiese en maatskaplike struktuur begrYJ?lik." Van Jaarsveld (1964, p.37) mentions the passive attitude of the Afrikaner during these early years of British take-over. "It was, " he remarks, "in the role of spectators that they [the Afrikaners) witnessed the drama of British annexations unfolding beyond the Orange and Vaal Rivers between 1868 and 1879." It must be borne in mind that Afrikaans was still in its infancy and was a language only in colloquial. use. An early form of Afrikaans was used in print for the first time in De Zuid Afrikaan, a newspaper published in 1830. The f.irst book in. Afrikaans,· Zamenspraak tusschen Klaas Waarzegger en Jan Twijfelaar over het onderwerp van afscheiding tusschen de Oostelyke en Westelyke Provincie by L H Meurant was published in 1861. It was only towards the end of the century that Afrikaans came into its own as a language worthy of recognition. As a spoken language, however., it was in constant use. It is interesting to note that a young boy, who in later years was to become a champion for Afrikaans, arrived at the Diamond Fields during this time and grew up in Kimberley. This person was James Barry Munnik Hertzog. 22 2.4 Conclusion The discovery of diamonds heralded. a new phase in the history of South Africa. The focus of the economy of the Cape shifted from agriculture to mining and this brought a new kind of immigrant to south Africa, men of vision, strength and purpose, whose ideas and traditions were to have a great impact on the cultural life on the diggings; it also brought a "new influx of potential readers" (Varley, 1952, p.107). Although the population on the diggings was initially predominantly Dutch, the initiative for library facilities did not come from this sector. The Boers had no practical experience of a library, their reading being by and large restricted to the Bible and Psalm book due to their Calvinistic upbringing. The lack of educational facilities further hampered the intellectual development of the ... community. It was the newcomers to the Fields who brought with them their knowledge of reading rooms, cultural institutions and public libraries ·as experienced by them in their places of origin. Political friction was to impede the progress of Kimberley. The struggle for ownership of the Diamond Fields and the actions of the British Government were to cause a feeling of antagonism which would cause a rift between sections of the community, thereby damaging the library cause and delaying financial support from the Govertunent. 23 CHAPTER 3 EARLY LIBRARY HISTORY It has been shown that a large percentage of the population of the diggings were immigrants who flocked to South Africa from countries such as Britain, USA, Germany and Australia in search of riches. It is logical to assume that many of these people had experienced libraries in some form or another and that they brought with them certain preconceived ideas about libraries. In order to assess to what degree overseas library patterns influenced those of the Diamond Fields, a brief survey of existing library conditions abroad is necessary. For the purpose of this study, this will be limited to Britain and USA. 3.1 Library development in Britain. Libraries were slow in developing in Britain. The British Museum opened its library in 1763, but this was purely a reference library. A number of venturesome and dedicated men strove to provide library facilities in the late 18th and early 19th centuries but these ventures were doomed to failure as a result of a lack of funds and they foundered after the demise of their protagonists. Thomas Bray founded 61 libraries in Scotland for clergymen and Provost Samuel Brown initiated a system of travelling libraries in East Lothian for the purpose of placing books within the reach of every inhabitant of the country (Murison, 1955, p.20 et seq. l. Two municipal rate-supported libraries came into operation in Warrington and Salford in 1848 and 1849 respectively; nevertheless, the Select --------------------- - - 24 Report on Public Libraries, compiled by the House of Commons in 1849, revealed the · unhappy state of libraries in general. ·This Report, which Dyer (1903, p.lll called "one of the most remarkable documents in the history of popular education" revealed that there was only one library in the whole of Great Britain which was "equally accessible to the poor as to the rich" whereas, in USA and Europe, admission was unrestricted. 3.1.1 The Free Libraries' Act As a result of the Report, the Public Libraries' Act was passed by Parliament in 1850 according to which it was possible for libraries to be freely accessible to anyone, funds to be raised by means of taxes levied by municipalities at the rate of one penny in the pound on all rateable value. According to Murison (1955, p.29) and Aitken (1971, p. 7 4) , the demand for free libraries did not come from the people themselves; it was seen by philanthropists as a counter-agent to evils rather than as a positive force for educational and recreational benefit, and as a way to protect the working class against bad habits; Kelly (1973, p.27), on the other hand, maintains that there was a latent public demand for better and free libraries in Great Britain during the 19th century. The free library movement in Britain was initiated by librarians such as Edward Edwards (1812-86), who was an assistant in the Department of Printed Books in the British Museum and became the"first librarian of the Manchester Public Library, a library which, through his efforts, became free in 1852. The Free Libraries' Act was not readily accepted by all municipal authorities., Opposition stemmed from the fear that free libraries would be 25 detrimental to e~isting subscription and Mechanics' Institute libraries;. The movement was supported mainly by clergy and professional men who made generous donations towards it. ·Funding nevertheless remained inadequate, and in some cases subscription libraries were run alongside free lending libraries in order to raise !)\Oney (Kelly, 1973, p.37). One by one the counties adopted the principle of free access to libraries; by 1871, Lancashire, Yorkshire and Midlands had implemented this policy and Edinburgh received a £50 000 donation from Andrew Carnegie "on condition that the city adopt the Free Libraries' Act .•• " (Greenwood, 1887, p. 89) • 3 •. 1.2 Mechanics' Institutions The Industrial Revolution had heralded an age of prosperity in England; as working conditions improved and scientific discoveries increased, there was a greater demand for knowledge. In 1840 the Wes'tminster Library founded the Westminster Scientific and Mechanics' Institution, with the idea of improving the knowledge of the working classes. Mechanics' Institution libraries were run by subscriptiem, however·, and this necessarily put them and similar libraries beyond the reach of the average workman (Kelly, 1973, p.4 et passim). Nevertheless, by 1853, there were 700 Mechanics' Institutions in Britain with a membership of over 120 000, support coming mainly from a better class of artisan. Initially they were useful in providing library facilities but, as they could not be properly maintained, they became outdated and were unable to satisfy the needs of the day (Greenwood, 1887, p.38). 26 3.1.3 Book clubs and Circulating libraries During the 18th century, book clubs and circulating libraries became popular with the working class who could not afford to buy books. As early as 1725, Allan Ramsay b'egan to loan books from his shop and this soon became an accepted side-line for business ventures; popular books, mainly novels, were available on payment of a small subscription fee. Altick (1957, p.66) stresses the popularity of circulating libraries with their stock of cheap reprints. "When the common man and woman wanted something to read," he states, "they gravitated towards the circulating library." The prosperity of the Victorian middle class resul.ted in more leisure time for reading and the practice of evening reading circles "deeply lnf1uenced the tastes of children who grew up in such homes " (Altick, 1957, p.87). 3.2 Libraries in the United States of America. USA was ahead of Britain in the field of librarianship, the first free library dating back to 1700. During the 18th century, the middle class emerged and this resulted in the establishment of the so- called "social libraries". These were usually subscription librari~.s or libraries owned by societies and their objective·s were to provide the means by which members could assimilate knowledge, keep abreast of ·new developments in science, art and politics, and for recreational purposes (Friis, 1962, p.7-8). At the same time there were also circulating libraries which were commercially run; their owners tried to attract readers by providing a wide selection of books to appeal to all tastes, but they very soon realised that their profits lay in 27 fiction and popular non-fiction, such as history and literature (Shera, 1965, p.149 et seq.). ·while both circulating and social libraries competed for public support, there was little relationship of motive and no historical connection between them. The circulating library remained a thing apart while the social library was engulfed by the public _library. The same groups who advocated social libraries, later pressed for the creation of public libraries. By the late 19th century there were 1 200 tax-supported libraries in USA and reading had become universally popular. 3.3 Library conditions at the Cape In 1871, before Kimberley came into being, there were a number of sizeable towns in existence in South Africa already. Almost every small town had a flourishing library by this time but the oldest and most important library was that of Cape Town. 3.3.1 The South African Library The library history of the Cape Colony goes back a long way; Dyer (1903, p.7J remarked that, "with one exception in London, one in Manchester, and possibly two in America, there exists no modern English library that can claim an antiquity of more than a hundred years," and went on to point out that America's claim that a public library was first provided for by pliblic funds when New Hampshire made provision for the upkeep of its public libraries by means of taxation in 1849, was completely false, as it was ·as far back as 1818 that funds for a public library were derived from taxation in the Cape Colony, and this "entitles the .,,..- Cape Colony to rank as ~he pioneer of state-. supported public libraries." 28 The Public Library in Cape Town was already well established in 1872. It stood ·at the entrance to the Gardens, "a vast structure of an elegant architectural design" (Babe, 1872, p. 74) a;nd had a bookstock of some 30 000 volumes. This unique and valuable collection of books and manuscripts had "unrestricted privilege of admission" (Babe, 1872, p. 7 4). The nucleus of this collection was collected and bequeathed to the consistory of the Groote Kerk by Joachim Nicholaas von Dessin at his death in 1761. The very fact that he was able to build up a collection of 3 800 volumes during a period of 30 years, shows that there were many books in private ownership at the Cape in the 18th century. The Dessinian collection was open to the public but, according to Friis (1962, p.70), was seldom used as it was far too intellectual to suit the ~ommunity's tastes. In 1820 this collection was placed in the South African Public Library which was established in 1818 by Lord Charles Somerset and funded by means of a tax levied on wine. Regulations were framed by which "all burghers above the age of 26, officers of the army and navY, civil servants and other fixed residents were free to make use of the library" (Union of South Africa. Report of the Interdepartemental Committee on the Libraries, 1937, p. 2). As a result of financial problems, the allocation of money to the library ceased in 1825 and in 1829 the South African Library became a subscription library run by a committee of subscribers elected annually. It was through the mediation of Sir George Grey, Governor of the Cape, that the prestigious Public Librari came to be built in the Public Gardens of Cape Town and that annual 29 government grants were allocated to the library. The vast and valuable collection of books and manuscripts which he donated to the Cape Colony was housed in a section of the Public Library and was officially opened in 1864. In 1871 it emerged that many patrons found it difficult to reconcile the reference and recreational fu~ctions of the Public Library and it was suggested that these should be separated; a strong reference collection, "which could be consulted by privileged members of the so-called intelligentsia" should be built up, while a circulating library should operate separately in a room, "where a clerk would be in attendance." (Cape Monthly Magazine, 1871, p.303). Already the dual function of the public library was recognised. 3.3.2 other South African libraries A number of other circulating libraries and reading rooms were also established in Cape Town. There was the Commercial Exchange library which was a mixture of a businessmen's refe.rence library and a general lending library, the South African Literary society, which was restarted in 1829 and provided its members with a reading room containing a selection of magazines, the Young Men's Christian Association's Reading Room, the Cape Town Wesleyan Mental Improvement Society, the Mechanics' Institute, the south African Christian Book Union and the Temperance Lending Library (Cape Town Directory, 1866, pp. 73-84). There was also the Popular Library, which was in operation from 1834 to 1867 and provided mostly fiction and magazines to the public at a lower rate. Funding was the responsibility of public-spirited citizens (Immelman, 1972, p.23). 30 In the early 1800 's circulation libraries appeared in cape Town and stocked English,. French, German and Dutch books which could be borrowed at a nominal fee. Immelman (p.18) contends that these early circulating libraries were not very successful and that none lasted for longer than a year or two. During the period 1818-1874, which may be regarded as the pioneer stage of South Africa's library movement according to Friis (1962, p.72), 39 libraries were established in South Africa, 36 in the Cape Colony and three in Natal. These libraries were all run by funds obtained from subscriptions paid by registered members, and no financial assistance was received from the Government except in the case of Port Elizabeth, where a small grant of £100 was received annually 3.4 Conclusion Many of the people who arrived on the Diamond Fields from Britain, America and other overseas countries, had had prior ~ontact with libraries and had already developed the reading habit. Benade (1977, p.33) agrees that "By the beginning of the nineteenth century the reading habit was firmly entrenched through th& interaction of elementary education, grammar schools, dissenting academies, scientific and other societies, periodicals, pamphlets, newspapers, books, coffee houses, social and intellectual gatherings and libraries." The concept of free public libraries was one with which many immigrants would already have been familiar. In the absence of any library facilities, they would readily have supported reading rooms and 31 circulating libraries, where popular novels could be had for a small fee. Mechanics' Institution libraries were well known overseas and were seen by the more philanthropic as the solution to the problem of idleness and a means of upliftment of the working class. Taking the prior library experience of newcomers to the Diamond Fields into consideration, it was to be expected that a need for reading facilities would soon emerge. Among the newco~ers, there would have been those who would consider the establishment of a well-stocked public library one of the necessities of life, particularly in a· place so far removed from cultural· amenities of any kind. ·-.............. ·- \ . ........ ·--· ~- Z8S 2 s. .::! "<.. .. c . l/'I '-'~es•1r~• OUNDARY ·--·--· OAOS··-······ 7>. --------- ---- 164 before it came into operation in South Africa. He suggested "that the libraries of this country should be placed on a wider basis and that towns should help the less populated places " (Dyer, 1907, p.526). Mr Dyer's untimely death in 1908 put paid to a very promising career and was a great loss to the library profession.91 9.2 Library policy as applied to subscribers The conunittee was very closely involved with the running of the library and maintained order and discipline by laying down strict rules to .which the public had to adhere and which the Librarian had to enforce. The first code of rules drafted in 1884 stated that the library would be free to the public, but that the news room would only be open to subscribers. There were three classes of subscribers, the subscriptions varying from £4 per annum to £2 and the deposits from £3 to 10;-92; the number of books that cou;I.d be borrowed were determined by the class of the subscription. Subscribers were accountable to the Library Conunittee for misdemeanour and could be "struck off" the list of subscribers as a punitive action. On the positive side, the library was open from 10 am to 10 pm daily· and on Sundays from 2 to 5pm. As time passed, more rules were made. In 1887 a by- law was passed stating that owners of dogs found on library premises were liable to a fine of five shillings (KPL. Minutes, 1 December 1887); a notice 91. Mr Dyer conunitted suicide in 1908, at the age of 40, when an audit of the library's bookkeeping system revealed embezzlement of library funds to the extent of £2 757. 92. Vide p.92. 165 requesting silence was put in the subscribers' room (KPL. Minutes, 2 April 1891); unpaid fines could be deducted from deposits (KPL. Minutes, 7 November 1889) and persons whose subscriptions were three months in arrears forfeited the privileges of library membership. The strict enforcement of these measures could hardly have been conducive to the use of the library, and in 1894, when the nlimber of subscribers reached the all-time low of 240, a Special Committee was appointed "to consider increasing the usefulness of the library to the general public." The idea put forward was intended to force the Borough Council to pay an annual grant of £250 and, in so doing, subsidise subscriptions of rate-payers. Section II, Rule 7 of the library rules was to read as follows "In any vear in which the Kimberley -·Borough Council shall contribute a sum of not less than £250 to the funds of the library, all rate-payers shall be entitled to borrow books from the library without payment of any subscription fee, subject to such regulations as may from time to time be framed by the committee." It was further stated that borrowers making use of this measure, had to produce a certificate from the Town Clerk, vouching for the validity of their claim; in return borrowers' cards would be issued to the applicant, who would be entitled to take out one set of books which had been in the library for at least six months, on payment of ten shillings deposit. In the case of valuable items, it was left to the discretion of the Librarian to determine 166 • a deposit commensurate with the value of the book.93 (KPL. Minutes, 13 September 1894). This move on the part of the Library Committee bore no fruit as the Borough Council could not, in the light of their financial problems, be induced to set aside more than £50 for library purposes. New measures were continually being devised to encourage greater utilisation. A system was introduced by which subscribers were notified immediately when books reserved by them were available; longer library hours, including later closing on Sunday afternoons, were promised to patrons, subject to electric lights being installed and privileges were instituted allowing subscribers to take out more books at a time. , ' New rates were specified as follows First class subscribers paid £4 per annum and were entitled to borrow 4 sets of books at a time, instead of 3 sets;. Second class subscribers paid £3 per annum and could take out 3 sets of books at a time, instead of 2 sets; Third class subscribers paid £2 per annum and could take out 2 sets of books at a time,. instead of 1 set (KPL. Minutes, 25 June 1896). A concession, which achieved considerable success was one which permitted subscriptions to be paid pro-rata (KPL. Minutes, 25 June 1896). 93. By this time, Grace Lord had been the Librarian for some time and the Committee had full confidence in the decisions she took. 167 In 1902 the library rules were revised to cater for a wider range of user and a ·credo· was formulated which stated that, "the library shall be open to the public and any person conducting himself properly shall have the right of reading the newspapers and periodicals placed in the Public Hall, and of there reading any book not actually in use by subscribers." Adjustments were made to boost ciculation and the following rules applied: 1. Those paying £3 per annum, could take out five items and hold five admission tickets in the subscribers' Rooms; Those paying £2 per annum, could borrow three items at a time and hold three admission tickets to the Subscribers'Rooms. Those paying £1 per annum, could borrow one item and hold one admission ticket to the Subscribers' Rooms 2. Admission tickets to the Subscribers' Rooms were not transferable and could only be used by the Subscriber's household. Any person using the Subscribers' Rooms could be called upon to produce his admission ticket, should the Librarian ask him to do so. 3. All subscriptions were payable annually, half-yearly or quarterly in advance. Life membership with full privileges could be obtained on payment of £25. 4. New subscribers had to make the following deposits:First class, £1; Second and Third class, 10/-. Deposits would be refunded upon application within 12 months from expiry date. 168 5. Visitors to Kimberley would be granted an admission ticket to the Subscribers' Rooms for fourteen days upon being introduced by a subscriber who had to enter the name and ·address of the visitor in a book. For a monthly subscription of two shillings and sixpence and a deposit of 10/-, visitors were entitled to take out one book at a time and hold one admission ticket to the Subscribers' Rooms. owing to this reduction in subscription rates, membership increased by 50% and there was a large increase in revenue (KPL. Report, 31 December 1902). 9.3 conclusion The librarian of the 19th century was little more than a glorified caretaker with minimal authority and he operated under the strict control of the governing body, in this case, the Library Committee. A gradual change of attitude was brought about by people such as Grace Lord, who proved· to the Committee that librarians had decision-making capabilities, and that the position of librarian was not necessarily restricted to male candidates. Mr Dyer, the first trained librarian to be appointed in Kimberley, soon earned the respect of his colleagues in South· Africa. His .approach to librarianship was new and even revolutionary; he advocated professionalism in librarianship and did much for the status of the librarian. He devoted his attention to many library matters which are of topical interest even at the present time. He denounced the subscription system which, he maintained, was thwarting the goal of the library as information centre. ~------------- 169 Before the arrival of Mr Dyer, the library was run by the Library Committee. They were of the opinion that strict discipline in the library would create an atmosphere of study and literary exclusiveness that would attract the genuine library user. Instead, the enforcement of rules and constant changes in subscription rates had the opposite effect on library utilisation. The ordinary worker felt ill at ease in the austere surroundings and came to regard the library as an institution for the intellectually elite and the financially privileged. When the membership remained low, concessions were made with regard to subscription fees to place the library within the reach of the man-in-the-street and multiple copies of popular books were purchased in preferance to works of a more serious nature. It soon became obvi~us that the subscription system was impeding library growth and utilisation and negatively affe.cting the standard of the collection. Mr Dyer realised this and advocated a free l?ublic Library system, financed by the Government. The lowering of subscriptions to entice more subscribers, for the purpose of increasing revenue from subscriptions, and thus increasing the government grant, became a vicious circle. --- _j 170 CHAPTER 10 NOTES ON PROMINENT KIMBERLEY MEN AND AN ASSESSMENT OF THEIR INVOLVEMENT WITH THE LIBRARY 10.1 Members of the Library Committee Management of the Public Library was vested in the Library Committee. Twelve members were elected at every Annual General Meeting of the Kimberley Public Library. From these, a Chairman and Treasurer were appointed and Sub-committees, consisting of the Book, the Garden, the Finance and the House Committees were nominated. There is no doubt that it was regarded as an honour to serve on the Library Committee, which was held in high esteem by the community. The men who placed their services at th~· disposal of the Library Committee were prominent public-minded citizens, representing a cross-section of the professional community. The legal profession was represented by men like Messrs Justice Jones, Justice P M Laurence and B T Knights; the medical profession, by Drs H A Wolf, G Watkins, F I Gardiner and L S Jameson and the clergy by Rev M Mendelssohn- "Only one clergyman ... out of more than a dozen on the Diamond Fields," lamented the Diamond Fields Advertiser (10 October, 1891) on the occasion of a meeting of the Public Library. The man with the most authority was the Chairman of the Library Committee and, for almost 10 years after the founding of the Kimberley Public Library, this position was held by Mr Justice P M Laurence. -------------------·---- --- 171 l0.2 Justice Percival Maitland Laurence Percival M Laurence w~s Horn in Lincolnshire in 1854; he was a brilliant student of law and literature; he came to South Africa for health reasons, practised as a barrister for one year and was appointed Judge of the High Court of Griqualand West in 1882 at the age of 28 and in the' same year started serving on the Library Committee. In October 1883 he became Chairman of the Committee, a position which he held until 1900; he was appointed Judge President of the High court of Griqualand West in 1888. Mr Lawrence was an excellent public speaker and used the annual library meetings to air his views on literature, politics and any .other subject to a usually appreciative and responsive audience. He was a well-read man with an excellent knowledge of books. He was, according to Kennedy ( 1977, p. 500) , perhaps the gr·eatest pioneer of libraries in South Africa and far in advance of his time in many respects. It was Justice Laurence (1904) who first p11t forward the suggestion of the establishment of an association of librarians and of a library journal "to bring librarians into closer contact with one another." He formulated the two-fold objective of the library as follows : "l. To provide for circulation of readable and popular literature; 2. To make the library a storehouse and repository of information on all subjects which a library should be able to give." (DI, 12 October 1888). With these objectives in mind, he set about building up a comprehensive and balanced bookstock for the library. He travelled to London regularly, where he was given carte blanche to purchase books at his 172 own discretion. At the same time he endeavoured to document the material in such a way that it would be accessible to the layman-. He prepared a Catalogue of Juvenile Books and a 'J:nue'X 'of Periodical Literature, but, most importantly, he meticulously supervised the complete revision of the printed Reference Catalogue ·of all the works in the library (KPL. Report, September 1890). Earlier, in 1884, during.his temporary absence, a catalogue was compiled of the nearly 300 books in the library but, according to Laurence (1891, p\xi),·this was ·"a farrago of blunders" and i needed ta be completely revised. ' i' H. e based'. his revised catalogue on those of the London and Malta Librar;i.es; in the first section, all the works were arranged alphabetically under ..t he author ori the title, in'the case of anonymous works, and he fdllowed the cataloguing rules of Sir Anthony Panizzi;~4 this was followed by a Classified Catalogue which listed the 14 424 books according to subject funder the broad classes denoted by letters of the .1 alphabet from A (English fiction) to R (Reference).95 Laurence applied ·his prodigious knowledge of books to his own "information service" which he ran at the library from 3: 3 O to 4: 3 0 pm on Saturdays, when he placed himself at the disposal of subscribers to answer questions and to make "the contents of the library more instructive and more accessible" (DFA, 15 October 1880). 94. Anthony Panizzi ( 1797 -1879) , an Italian by birth was the Assistant Librarian at the British Museum for some years. During this time he planned and began work on a catalogue of the library works. 95. Vide p. 110. ~---------------------------- - 173 He maintained that books were tools and should be taken care of in the same way as a workman looks after his tools; he also propounded the theory that light reading should not necessarily be discouraged as it could lead to a "taste of substantial literature." The· examples cited by him to substantiate this statement are indicative of the readlng habits of the time. Peop1e who read Charles Read'.s The cloister and the hearth and Bulwer Lytton's Last days of Pompeii, he maintained, "will go on to read works of history relating to the same period." (DI, 12 October 1888). Laurence ( 1893 l was very much in favour of free libraries and he bewailed the fact that libraries in the Cape Colony were "not as at home, under direct municipal control and supported by special rates." He did not regard the subscription system as an ideal. one and expressed the belief that "the true solution lay in the direction of the municipalisation of libraries" (Laurence, 1904 l. on more than one occasion he expressed the hope that Kimberley would be the first municipality, if not in South Africa, then in the Cape Colony, to develop a really free library.96 Mr Justice Laurence was instrumental in the launching the Kimberley Public Library building project. Most of the books bought for the library were either selected or personally vetted by him and the members of the Committee were prepared to rely on his expertise. For this reason, he was rarely 96. The Legislative Council of the Cape of Good Hope passed a recommendation, no. 5 of 1892 , stating that whenever a library was open, the public should be admitted free and allowed access to all works of reference and to all the books in the library. Access to newspapers and periodicals could be determined by the library. The libraries were, however, still dependent upon subscriptions for funding of books and magazines. 174 opposed and when, in 1892, there arose a disagreement with the Committee about the purchase of Von· Moltke' s compendium of the Staff history of the Franco-German War, Laurence threatened to resign as chairman at the next general meeting because his opinion had been disregarded; he was re-elected unanimously, however. ·"T-his' " wrote the editor of south Africa (21 May 1892) "is a little exhibition of petulance on the part of the judge, but .•. the subscribers to the Public Library are like sheep without a shepherd." In December 1901 Laurence tendered his resignation because "he had been precluded from bringing forward suggestions which ••• he had contemplated making" . (KPL. Minutes, 12 December 1901). He explained that he, in his capacity as chairman, had been slighted; he was nevertheless prepared to continue serving on the committee as an ordinary member until August 1905 when he was transferred to Cape Town to preside over the War Losses Commission. ·ais departure was a severe loss to the library and the committee expressed their gratitude towards him by presenting him with a framed address and putting up a framed photograph of him in the library (KPL. Report, August 1905). He left South Africa in 1913 and died in England in 1930. 10.3 ·George H Goch George Goch was born in swellendam in 1850 and came to Kimberley in 1872 as a jeweller. He was interested in books and education and started a very successful Circulating Library in his Jeweller's shop in Dutoitspan Road in 1876 - "the first of its kind ever attempted in Kimberley" (Laurence, 1889) ;. this collection formed the nucleus of the bookstock of the Kimberley Public.Library • • ~· '. Goch was Vice-president of the Kimberley Literary Institute until it packed up in· 1878 and a member of the Library Committee from 1.882 to 1888. He became involved in public life in 1878, when he was elected a Borough councillor, a position which he held until 1885. In this capacity, he championed the cause of the library, endeavouring to secure greater financial aid for it. In 1884 he became the second member of Parliament for Kimberley and again he took up the cudgels for the Kimberley Public Library, persuading Parliament to pay £150 for additional bricks required for the building of the library; he was· also instrumental in the passing of the Kimberley Borough Council constitution Bill, which· conferred immeasurable benefits on the community (Goch~ 1893, p.515). In 1886 he left Kimberley for the gold fields, where he floated the Wemmer and George Goch Companies. He became Vice-Chairman of the Finance Committee of the Town Council of Johannesburg in 1903, and Mayor in 1904 - 1905, in which capacity he officiated at the opening of the Seymour Memorial Library in 1905 (Kennedy, 1970, p.419). He died in the Transvaal in 1918. While he lived in Kimberley, he was committed to the cause of providing library facilities to the community, and Laurence ( 1889) rightly called him "The Father of Libraries in Griqualand West". 10.4 J B CUrrey J B Currey was born in England in 1829 and came to the Cape in 1850. After trying his hand at farming and mining, he entered the Civil Service in 1857 and became a precis writer in the Colonial Office. He lived in Kimberley for two years, holding the position of Secretary to the Government of Griqualand West, but when Richard Southey was recalled, he was paid off and retired on pension to Cape Town. In 1884 he returned to Kimberley as Manager of the r.ondon and south African Exploration co1n_I:~ny, a position which he . held for 15 years, until the Company was bought out by De Beers. He returned to Cape Town where he died in 1904. ?rary committee made himself available on Saturday afternoons to find information for patrons and acquaint them with the library stock. The reason for the low utilisation of library facilities is to be found in the general social structure of Kimberley; the population was predominantly working class, and factors such as background, standard of education, previous library •------------------~----~-------- 191 usage, employment situation, housing conditions and leisure activities, would have had a vital effect on readership patterns. In establishing a public library, no cognisance was taken of the clientele and their peculiar circumstances. The champions of the - library movement equated the cultural needs of the community with their own; there was no scientific basis for the assumption that a public library would fulfil so great a need that ~he average householder would willingly pay for the privilege of utilising it. It was not realised that the mere provision of a good selection of books would not necessarily instigate people to use the facilities either for recreation or for serious study, and that a process of enculturation was required to establish the reading habit. It was claimed that free rate-supported libraries would attract greater support. There is no doubt that the subscription rates, ~hich were high for that time, deterred people from joining the library; but the public also built up resistance to the library as a re9ult of its forbidding image and atmosphere of exclusiveness. The Kimberley Public Library was the product of the intelligentsia and its select character was typical of the 'gentlemen's library' of the 19th century. The plethora of. rules and regulations and their strict enforcement, perceived by the Committee to be necessary for the smooth running of the library, made it a bureaucratic institution where the ordinary man did not feel welcome. If it had been less prescriptive and conservative and more of a community centre, more people would have been encouraged to join. For almost a century, librarians have tried to live down the image of austerity and severity created by the early public libraries, with minimal success. •--- - 192 It has been shown that Beaconsfield Library was the outcome, not of the expressed needs of the working class, but of the schemes 6f philanthropic idealists who were endeavouring to raise the moral standards of the young miners who roamed the streets in the evenings. ~hey were more concerned with the provision of a facility than with the actual library stock. Had a prior survey of community needs been made, the design, nature and function of the Institute would probably have differed appreciably. Even before. the official inauguration of the library, mention was made of the apathy of the public. The membership of the library dropped year by year and the only successful attraction was the billiard table. Both the Beaconsfield and the Kimberley librarie·s, like most educational institutions, originated for the purpose of assisting those who, in the eyes of those concerned a?out the living standards of the community, required upliftment and education; but it appears that a more active approach was required. This is the reason why other literary societies, such as Young men's Improvement Societies, with their own reading rooms, were far more popular and achieved better results than the libraries. Even after the establishment of the library, the question was asked, "Where are our Improvement Societies, such as debating and discussion groups?" (DFA, 8 February 1888) Obviously, informal education on an organised basis was a prerequisite for the provision of library books. The fact that subscriptions had to be paid for the dubious privilege of taking out library material, did not enhance the library's popularity. The people themselves neither demanded a library, nor actively supported it; it was mainly the editors of local newspapers and a small band of idealistic 193 intellectuals who repeatedly referred to the lack of educational and library facilities on the Diamond Fields. The apathy of the man-in-the-street refutes the premise that the Public Library _fulfilled a vital need in the community life of Kimberley. The third sub-problem was to establish how libraries were financed and to what extent the governing bodies were responsible f~r the financing. The hypothesis that libraries were unable to exist from funds generated by themselves and that financial support from the governing bodies is vital for the success of a library, has been covered in this study and has been shown to apply. Subscription libraries which were financially dependent upon subscribers, made very little headway and never attained more than mediocrity. The library fathers found it difficult to reconcile the dual functions of the library, that of acquiring popular fiction and that of collecting and preserving reference material. They tried to do both with the limited resources at their disposal. Revenue from subscriptions at the Kimberley Public Library averaged £765 a year and salaries amounted to £500 to £600 annually, leaving about £200 with which to cover expenses such as insurances, lighting, bookbinding, maintenance and the purchase of books. It stands to reason that, without grants from other sources, it would have been impossible to add to the collection. The Chairman of the Kimberley Library Committee spent a large part of his time campaigning for more financial support from the authorities, and every means at his disposal was employed to extract promises for grants from them. He had the support of all the Members of the Legislative Assembly for I ~ 194 Kimberley in any legislation affecting the welfare of the library. Kimberley was legally empowered to assist the library by means of grants and Mr Justice Laurence always hoped that Kimberley would be the first town to finance a free Public Library by means of a levy on rates. When the Library Committee tried to put a system of rate-supported membership into operation, however, the Borough council was too impoverished to co-operate . . The Government gave the library a grant of.£300 per annum for many years running. With these grants and with the generous assistance of De Beers, the library managed to purchase a very large stock of books, many of them forming the nucleus of the valuable Special Collection housed in the library to this day. The library, it appears, is a servii::e which can never be fully privatised. It is not popular enough to. maintain itself on user fees.alone. The fourth sub-problem which received attention in this study was to identify the people who played a significant role in the development of the Kimberley public Library. The hypothesis that the library would never have acllieved the success it did were it not for the efforts of certain protagonists of the library, was based on the assumption that it was a successful institution by the eighteen-nineties. That this was indeed the case, is confirmed by opinions expressed by the Johannesburg Library Committee of the time (Kennedy 1970, pp 9-10, 15, 28) and by the high regard in which the opinion of people like Mr Justjce Laurence and Mr Dyer on library matters was held. 195 . It has also been shown that pi::ominent and learned citizens of Kimberley involved ·themselves with the library to the extent of pleading its cause in their Council chambers or in Parliament. The commitment and enthusiasm of these men who were involved in many other, possibly more important matters, . gave the library a certain amount of prestige in the eyes of the community and engendered the respect and support of governing bodies and large mining companies. Rhodes's sympathy with the library cause resulted in munificent financial support from De Beers, and J B Currey's influence brought about accommodating exemptions from the London and south African Exploration Company for the Beaconsfield Library. Mainly, however, the success of the Kimberley Public Library can be ascribed to the efforts of inspired, dedicated and enthusiastic men like G H Goch, P M Laurence and B L Dyer. Conclusion By the turn of the century, Kimberley, a mining town with a population of predominantly working class, had managed to establish an excellent public library "entirely by the collective action of the citizens of Kimberley" themselves (Dyer, 1903, p.47). This in itself is quite remarkable when one takes into account that the Cape Government contributed lavishly towards the building of the south African Public Library and that priceless collections, such as that of Von Dessin, Sir George Grey and Dr L Pappe were donated to the library and formed the basis of this library's stock. Furthermore, the South African and Grahamstown libraries became copyright libraries in 1873, which meant that they received all South African publications automatically. ·The Port Elizabeth 196 Public Library received bequests and donations from the savage family. The Kimberley Library's sole benefactor was J MacFarlane who bequeathed £500 "to the library. The strong collection was built up from scratch and the library itself was erected with funds collected through the efforts of the people of Kimberley. Kimberley was the first town to be legally authorised, by the Kimberley Borough Amendment Act no 30 of 1884, to grant sums of money for the provision of library services. Two years before, in 1882, the Kimberley Borough Council had assumed civic responsibility towards the library by offering to buy the assets of the insolvent library company. After this, the Council made welcome, if inadequate, grants to both the Kimbe.--:ley and Beaconsfield libraries annually. The preceding chapters of this study have shown that the contribution of Kimberley to the development of librariax:iship in South Africa was considerable, a fact which is possibly not generally kndwn and recognised. Kimberley is known for its large number of 'firsts', and, in the field of librarianship, Kimberley was also the first in many respects. As early as January 1890, the Library Committee expressed the opinion that a South African Library Association should be formed and they authorised the Chairman to take preliminary steps to bring this about. Mr Laurence travelled to Cape Town to discuss the matter with the librarian of the South African Library, Mr F s Lewis. The latter stated in a letter dated 5 . March 1890, that he would procure the rules of the English and American Library Association and that his Committee would then follow up the matter (Dyer, 1903, p.240). 197 Mr Dyer, the Librarian of the Kimberley Public Library, organised the first conference for librarians in South Africa in 1904; he advocated professionalism in librarianship and believed in free access to the library for everyone, .regardless of colour, race or creed. Mr Dyer advocated the abolition of the subscription system, which he considered to be discriminatory towards the poor and prejudicial to researchers and readers of serious literature as it had the effect of lowering the quality of the collection·. It was the responsibility of the Government, he contended, to fund an educational institution such as the Public Library. "The one and only expenditure of a Government which is returned an hundred- fold to the country governed," maintained Dyer (1903, p.30) "is its expenditure in educational work." Kimberley was in the forefront as far as the cataloguing and classification · of books was concerned. The library catalogue compiled by Mr Justice Laurence was an accurate reference tool that was consulted for many years, and, according to ·Dyer (1903, p. 21), with the exception of the South African Library, no attempt at scientific classification of books was made in any library in South Africa prior to the Kimberley Public Library. Dyer was one of the first librarians to implement the Dewey Decimal Classification System. The Kimberley Public Library started collecting material pertaining · to South Africa as early as 1889, when Mr Fairbridge was instructed to purchase material for Kimberley. Mr Justice Laurence advocated the collecting and preserva~ion of pamphlets, photographs and ephemera of local ---- --- ------··--·---- t98 interest and Mr Dyer actively implemented the policy of building up a collection of local Africana· The study has highlighted other contributions made by the Kimberley Public Library, such as obtaining exemption from municipal taxation for all libraries and negotiating third class rates for book railage. The Kimberley Public Library was the first library to institute a Branch Library in the form of the Kenilworth Library, and the loan arrangement between the Kimberley and Beaconsfield libraries may be said to constitute the first inter-library loan system in South Africa. To sum up, the problems experienced today are not unique; they are the same that our forebears had to contend with, except perhaps . in the degree of complexity. Let us remember that "the past is the key to the present" (Young, 1964, p. 139) and let us go back to the basics and see today's problems in the perspective of past experience. ----------------------------------------------- L __ ---~·--- 199 Bibliography Aitken, W R 1971. A history of the public library in Scotland to 1955. Glasgow: [s.n.]. Altick, R.D. 1957. The English conunon reader : a social history of the mass reading public 1800 1900. Chicago: University of Chicago press. Angove, J. 1910. In the early days: the reminiscences of pioneer life of the South African Diamond Fields. Kimberley: Handel House. Babe, J.L. 1872. The South African Diamond Fields. New York: David Westley. Beaconsfield Library and Institute. 1890. Report for the year ending 30 April 1890. Beaconsfield Library and Institute. 1892. 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Change and habit: the challenge of our times. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Trollope, A. 1973. =S~o~u~t=h:...:.A~f~r~i~c~a=--·~·-a=-~r~e~p~r~i=n~t--=o~f,_.,.t~h~e"-~1~8~7=8 edition with an introduction and notes by J.H. Davidson. Cape Town: Balkema. Turners' Kimberley, Old De Beers; Dutoitspan, Bultfontein and Barkly. 1878. Directory and Go\·erni11ent Grunt j £2lXI I. £200 J £:-l!Xl l £:llKI j£ :ilKI ;1:::100 I ;t:ux~ £6()(~ £lil llJ\ £aool £:J £::1.x1 ,£::1.'llJ .£ario .£.<1.:;o £::1.:;o £.'i'iOI £.-i:;o1 £3501 £-100 Borou~hCoun- cit Grant .:. I ·- I £;,!!\ I £!IHI £100 £:WO i .1::ux1 I ;1::2uul £:.!ut~ .£2001 £tool ~JO! £l)(1I £.')(11 .£l)(1I £wl £r>()I £50i £nlll £ri0\ ;£100 No. of Books. .. ,3,UUO 13,:3!Xl 14,150 .t,:-!Oli 5,0:!:! Annual '"" I '"'> !11 •. <•i '"""I "";.'l9j 16,07'/' ""'"I 18,""' m,swl .,," "I" ·""I"'.'"'~""' •I '"·""i ''"" . 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