IMPROVING THE WELL-BEING OF TEEN MOTHERS THROUGH RESILIENCE- FOCUSED INTERVENTIONS IN RURAL SCHOOLS By Johan Harold Dirk van Schalkwyk Dissertation submitted in fulfillment of the requirement for the degree Master's in Psychology of Education In the Department of Psychology of Education Supervisor Dr. F.P. Khanare UNIVERSITY OF THE FREE STATE BLOEMFONTEIN DECEMBER 2021 ii DECLARATION I, Johan Harold Dirk van Schalkwyk, declare that the dissertation titled: Improving the well-being of teen mothers through resilience-focused interventions in rural schools is my own independent work and that it has not been previously submitted for a qualification at another institution of higher education. The sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. 14 December 2021 SIGNED DATE iii DEDICATION This Master’s dissertation is dedicated to the following family members: My late grandfathers and grandmothers: Willem and Marie van Schalkwyk and Pieter Hermanus and Sofie Abrahams; My late father and mother (Pappa and Mamma), Dirk en Babs Christina van Schalkwyk; My late brothers and sister, Hennie van Schalkwyk, William Nowbel van Schalkwyk and Lydia Marleen van Schalkwyk; Jeff's late mother: Mrs Makgauta Francinah Nhlapo Semela; Cathy's late parents: Frans Andries (Oupa Frans) and Johanna Phillips (Ouma Joey). The love and emotional and material support that I got from these family members were unwavering and unconditional. They encouraged me to embrace and focus on my education. To my father and mother watching from heaven, the following words you shared with us as your children will always be dear to my heart: "My kinders, jou ma en ek het nie geld om julle te gee nie, maar ons kan julle geleerdheid gee" ("My children, your mother and I cannot give you money, but we can give you education") - (Dirk van Schalkwyk – my father), and how can I give up, when I remember my mom's inspired Bible verse: Fill 4:13 – "Ek is tot alles in staat deur Christus wat my die krag gee" (Phil 4:13 – "I can do all things through Christ who strengthens me"). They inspire me to keep my eyes fixed on Jesus throughout my life. They disciplined me and provided the advice that motivated me to do my best, to believe in God, to pray, and always respect everyone in life. You were always there for me; you always loved me, and that is why you will always be remembered and missed. Johan Harold Dirk van Schalkwyk – 14 December 2021 iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My sincere appreciation and gratitude go to the following people for contributing to the completion of this research: • The Almighty, for giving me health, resilience, strength, courage and wisdom to complete my Master's degree in Psychology of Education; • Families: Booysen, Brooks, Deudaktouamou, Jansen, Korkie, Mary-Ann, Mntambo, Mofokeng's, Mokoena's, Phillips, Semela, Simon, and Van Schalkwyk - for your prayers, love, care, support and encouragement; • Jeff – for your encouragement, care and support. • My two sons, Dyrren and Andile - for your encouragement, love and support. • My little nephew and niece, Berlo and Levona, respectively – for your encouragement, love and support; • My Supervisor, Dr FP Khanare, for providing a foundation for this study, your guidance and support; • My critical readers, Refiloe, Alet, Lizelle, Andrew, Karin and Adien - for your guidance. • Hesma van Tonder (Research librarian) – for providing the sources, technical editing, your encouragement and support; • Christa Duvenhage (Master’s & PhD Admin) – for your patience, encouragement and support. • Families: Floryn and family, Ilze and family, and Refiloe and family - for accommodation. • Department of Education – for providing the bursary for my education; • The University of the Free State – for providing the bursary for my Post- Graduate studies; • FUNDI – for providing loans for my study; • Department of Education – for permission to conduct the research; • Principals – for permission to do research at the identified school; • Teen mothers – for sharing your life experiences; • Parents-guardians of teen mothers – for giving consent; • Me. Moeng UFS QwaQwa campus – for your encouragement and support. v • Sam Hlekane – for your assistance and support in the Vodacom centre • Killa – for your assistance with the copying • Dr Tsotetsi (UFS QwaQwa campus) – for your support and encouragement • Carmen Nel (UFS library) and the team from Blackboard – for your assistance with the 2nd Turnitin submission vi ABSTRACT The well-being and resilience of teen mothers (TM) is adversely affected after the sudden transition into motherhood, due to lack of sufficient support in their social environment, such as the family, church, and the school, leading to an increase in school "drop-outs". This study used the Social Ecology of Resilience model as its building block and theoretical framework. The interpretivist paradigm used in qualitative research was used to conduct this research in rural secondary schools in QwaQwa, where the researcher aimed to explore and articulate the feasibility of resilience-focused intervention programmes for teen mothers in rural schools as a way of improving their well-being. The researcher used the amended semi-structured interviews and the draw-and-write technique, as an arts-based method, to generate data. These data gathering methods explain the factors that could either enable or constrain resilience-focused interventions for teen mothers whose well-being needs to be improved in rural schools. The selection of the teen mothers was based on their demographics and location. Five teen mothers from five different rural schools were purposefully selected to participate in the current study. This study used thematic analysis to analyse text with conferred and demonstrated results. The main aim of this study was to investigate how enhancing the well-being of teen mothers through resilience-focused interventions in rural schools can effectively enhance their learning and personal development. The findings of the study were multi-faceted. The study proposed intervention strategies which involve a support package for teen mothers that entails unified, interconnected, and inclusive community structures, such as local health institutions, FBOs, neighbourhoods, inter alia. The draw-and-write technique, as an arts-based method of investigation, was an alternative form of communication other than words which was used by teen mothers to recreate and share their life experiences. One of the teen mothers explained that drawing pictures and sharing her story was also therapeutic. Lastly, the schools should play a critical role in implementing effective, resilience-focused interventions to support and empower teen mothers to cope with early parenthood, academic responsibilities and psycho-social demands. Keywords: Improving; Resilience-focused intervention; Rural schools; Teen mothers; Well-being vii TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ......................................................................................................... ii DEDICATION ............................................................................................................ iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......................................................................................... iv ABSTRACT .............................................................................................................. vi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ..................................................... xiii LIST OF FIGURES.................................................................................................. xiii LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................... xiii CHAPTER 1 OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY ............................................................... 3 1.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................... 3 1.2 Significance of the study ................................................................................... 4 1.3 Statement of the problem.................................................................................. 5 1.4 Aims and objectives of the study ...................................................................... 6 1.5 Research questions .......................................................................................... 6 1.5.1 Main research question .............................................................................. 6 1.5.2 Secondary questions .................................................................................. 6 1.6 Research methodology ..................................................................................... 7 1.6.1 Research approach .................................................................................... 7 1.6.2 Research methodology ............................................................................... 8 1.7 Definitions of terms and key concepts ............................................................ 11 1.7.1 Well-being ................................................................................................. 11 1.7.2 Teen mothers ............................................................................................ 12 1.7.3 Resilience ................................................................................................. 12 1.7.4 Rural schools ............................................................................................ 13 1.8 Limitations of the study ................................................................................... 13 viii 1.9 Organisation of the study ............................................................................ 13 1.10 Conclusion of the chapter ............................................................................. 14 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW ...................................................................... 15 2.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 15 2.2 Situational analysis of teen mothers ............................................................... 15 2.3 Inclusive Education and its perceived benefits to all learners, including teen mothers ................................................................................................................. 17 2.3.1 United Nations guidelines ......................................................................... 21 2.3.2 Maputo Protocol (2003) ............................................................................ 21 2.3.3 African Youth Charter (2009) .................................................................... 21 2.3.4 The African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC) (1990) ........................................................................................................................... 21 2.3.5 Constitution of South Africa (1996) ........................................................... 22 2.4 Case studies - African countries regarding support for teen mothers in improving their well-being...................................................................................................... 23 2.4.1 Definitions for teen mothers ...................................................................... 25 2.4.2 Challenges faced by teen mothers ........................................................... 26 2.4.3 Academic challenges ................................................................................ 26 2.4.4 Social challenges ...................................................................................... 27 2.4.5 Economic challenges ................................................................................ 28 2.4.6 Health challenges ..................................................................................... 29 2.4.7 Cultural challenges ................................................................................... 30 2.7 Factors enhancing the well-being of teen mothers in rural schools ................ 31 2.7.1 Peer support ............................................................................................. 31 2.7.2 Schools as a node of care and support .................................................... 32 2.7.3 Financial support ...................................................................................... 33 2.7.4 Teen-organised marriages ........................................................................ 33 ix 2.7.5 Social support ........................................................................................... 33 2.8 Resilience-focused interventions for the improvement of teen mothers’ well- being ..................................................................................................................... 34 2.9 Summary ........................................................................................................ 36 CHAPTER 3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK FOR IMPROVING THE WELL-BEING OF TEEN MOTHERS ............................................................................................... 37 3.1. Introduction .................................................................................................... 37 3.2. The origin of Social Ecology of Resilience ..................................................... 37 3.3 The components of Social Ecology of Resilience ........................................... 39 3.3.1 Individual (teen mother) ............................................................................ 41 3.3.2 School ....................................................................................................... 42 3.3.3 Family and extended family ...................................................................... 43 3.3.4 Neighbours ............................................................................................... 44 3.3.5 Community structures ............................................................................... 44 3.3.6 Cultural practices ...................................................................................... 45 3.4 The relevance of Social Ecology of Resilience to this study ........................... 46 3.5 The limitations of the Social Ecology of Resilience Theory ............................. 48 3.6 Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 48 CHAPTER 4 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY ................................... 50 4.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 50 4.2 Research design ............................................................................................. 50 4.2.1 The interpretivist paradigm ....................................................................... 50 4.2.2 Qualitative research .................................................................................. 52 4.2.3 Arts-based research design ...................................................................... 53 4.2.4 The context of the research ...................................................................... 53 4.2.5 Sampling procedures ................................................................................ 55 4.2.6 Data generation methods ......................................................................... 56 x 4.2.6.1 Semi-structured interviews ................................................................. 56 4.2.6.2 The draw-and-write technique ............................................................ 58 4.2.7 Data generation procedure ....................................................................... 60 4.2.7.1 Discussion schedule ........................................................................... 60 4.2.7.2 Empirical plan for the research ........................................................... 62 4.2.7.3 Questionnaire and draw-and-write sessions ....................................... 63 4.2.8 Supervision of the study ........................................................................... 65 4.2.9 Data analysis ............................................................................................ 65 4.2.9.1 Step 1: Becoming familiar with the data ............................................. 67 4.2.9.2 Step 2: Generating initial codes .......................................................... 67 4.2.9.3 Step 3: Searching for themes ............................................................. 68 4.2.9.4 Step 4: Reviewing themes .................................................................. 68 4.2.9.5 Step 5: Defining themes ..................................................................... 68 4.2.9.6 Step 6: Write-up .................................................................................. 68 4.2.10 Methods of ensuring trustworthiness ...................................................... 69 4.2.11 Ethical considerations ............................................................................. 70 4.3 Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 73 CHAPTER 5 DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS, INTERPRETATION AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS ................................................................................... 74 5.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 74 5.2. Analysis of participants’ responses ................................................................ 74 5.2.1 Personal ................................................................................................... 74 5.2.2 School ....................................................................................................... 77 5.2.3Family ........................................................................................................ 79 5.2.4 Partner (Father of the child) ...................................................................... 80 5.2.5 Social or community support..................................................................... 82 xi 5.2.6 Teachers or Department of Education ...................................................... 83 5.3 Creating resilience interventions ..................................................................... 85 5.4 Analysis and summaries of TMs’ drawings .................................................. 98 5.4.1 The importance of the drawings to this study ........................................... 98 5.4.2 Artistic impression in a qualitative study ................................................. 100 5.4.3 Drawings as a form of communication .................................................... 100 5.5 Observation .................................................................................................. 127 5.6 Conclusion .................................................................................................... 127 CHAPTER 6 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................ 129 6.1 Introduction ................................................................................................... 129 6.2 The key findings of the research ................................................................... 129 6.2.1 Objective One: To identify the current understanding of resilience-focused intervention by teen mothers in rural schools .................................................. 130 6.2.2 Objective Two: To identify and explain the existing resilience-focused interventions that are available for teen mothers in rural schools .................... 130 6.2.3 Objective Three: To determine how the available resilience-focused interventions improve the well-being of teen mothers in rural schools ............. 131 6.2.4 Objective Four: To examine the factors that could enable and constrain resilience-focused interventions for improving the well-being of teen mothers in rural schools .................................................................................................... 131 6.3 Recommendations ........................................................................................ 133 6.4 Limitations of the study ................................................................................. 135 6.5 Summary ...................................................................................................... 135 REFERENCES ....................................................................................................... 137 ANNEXURE A: ETHICS APPLICATION APPROVED ........................................ 169 ANNEXURE B: PARTICIPANT INFORMATION BROCHURE ........................... 172 ANNEXURE C: PARENT-GUARDIAN INFORMED CONSENT ......................... 174 xii ANNEXURE D: CHILD ASSENT FORM ............................................................. 176 ANNEXURE E: DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION PERMISSION LETTER ........ 177 ANNEXURE F: PRINCIPAL PERMISSION LETTER .......................................... 179 ANNEXURE G: TEEN MOTHERS QUESTIONNAIRE ....................................... 180 ANNEXURE H: DRAWINGS-AND-WRITINGS OF THE TEEN MOTHERS ....... 185 ANNEXURE I: DECLARATION OF LANGUAGE EDITOR ................................. 205 xiii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 3.1: The Social Ecology of Resilience model for employing support resources (adapted from Ungar (2012:1) .................................................................................. 40 Figure 4.1: An adapted six-phase framework for doing a thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006) ............................................................................................................ 66 LIST OF TABLES Table 4.1: Profile of the Teen mothers ..................................................................... 54 Table 4.2: Planning Schedule ([Amended due to the COVID-19 pandemic – Ref: Ethical Clearance – Date: 2020-05-19] .................................................................... 61 Table 4.3: Data generation activity sheet ................................................................. 64 Table 5.1: Support/interventions for teen mothers (Parents/Father of the baby/ School Friends/ peers/Siblings/Extended family/Neighbours/Church/Church youth/Other) . 86 Table 5.2: Support/interventions for TM (Clinic/Department of Social Development/Department of Health/Department of Education/Department of Employment and Labour/Department of Home Affairs/other) ................................... 88 Table 5.3: Support/interventions for teen mothers (Love-Life/Save the Children/Right to Care/Faith-Based Organisations (Churches)/Other) ............................................ 91 Table 5.4: Home visits for teen mothers (Community members/teachers/Church members/clinic/other) ............................................................................................... 93 Table 5.5: Feedback on teen life experiences of motherhood (difference before and after pregnancy, changes, advice, additional support and resilience) ...................... 95 1 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ACRWC The African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child ASRHE Adolescent Sexual and Reproductive Health Education AYC African Youth Charter CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women CGE Commission for Gender Equality CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child CSTL Care and Support for Teaching and Learning CWIG Child Welfare Information Gateway DBE Department of Basic Education DW Draw and Write DSD Department of Social Development FAST Family and Schools Together GPFSA Gender Policy Framework of South Africa HIV/AIDS Human Immune-deficiency Virus/Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome IE Inclusive Education ISHP Integrated School Health Programme KZN KwaZulu-Natal LO Life Orientation MDG Millennium Development Goals MEC Member of Executive Council NGO Non-Governmental Organisation 2 NHS National Health Service PDE Provincial Departments of Education PPASA Planned Parenthood Association of South Africa RSA Republic of South Africa SASA South African Schools Act, 84 of 1996 SBST School-Based Support Team SER Social Ecology of Resilience SRHR Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights SSA Sub-Saharan Africa SSI Semi-structured Interviews TA TM Thematic Analysis Teen Mother TM’s Teen Mother’s TMs’ Teen Mothers’ TMED Thabo Mofutsanyana Education District TPP Teenage Pregnancy Policy UFS University of the Free State UK United Kingdom UN United Nations UNCRC United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child USA United States of America WHO World Health Organization 3 CHAPTER 1 OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY 1.1 Introduction Teen mothers are regarded as hopeless individuals who are unlikely to succeed in school due to their undeveloped age (Xiong, 2015). Teenage mothers have been demarcated as "adolescent mothers who are women between the ages of 11 and 19 who become pregnant and parent their children" (Cosden, 2014:1). In South Africa, most pregnant teenage women from low-income African and Coloured groups realise the necessity of returning to school, though this poses challenges (Madhavan, Harrison and Sennott, 2013). The mothers of teen mothers and their female kin solely take the responsibility of caring for the teen mothers (Madhavan, 2010). Without support, teenage mothers are most likely to drop out of school (Grant and Hallman, 2008). Like in other African environments, there is an overwhelming agreement that finishing secondary education is mandatory to and a requirement for the attainment of success and socio-economic accomplishments (Lloyd, 2005; Smith, 2001). While studies have concentrated on the necessity of empowering teen mothers by inspiring them to return to school (Jewkes, Morrell and Christofides, 2009), there is hardly any consideration for caregivers who assist with their re-appearance at school. African teenagers count on household associates for support in many contexts, for instance when they, or their offspring, are in need of clothes, medicine, money, schooling, and food (Madhavan, Harrison and Sennott, 2013) The Department of Basic Education's (DBE) Draft Policy on the Prevention and Management of Learner Pregnancy states that schools in the basic education system provide a positive and supportive environment where all pregnant learners can access professional advice, information, referrals, treatment, care, counselling, and support (DBE, 2018:17). No person, school, policy or practice may unfairly discriminate against learners based on their pregnancy or post-pregnancy status (The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996; South African Schools Act (SASA) No. 84 of 1996 (as Amended); National Education Policy Act: Learner Attendance Policy, (2011)). The importance of ‘the retention and re-enrolment of affected learners (teen mothers) in 4 school’ is also stressed (DBE, 2018:8). Current interventions in South Africa and abroad are chronicled below. The United States of America (USA) developed online intervention programmes (Logsdon et al 2018:1), school-based programmes with social work participation (Van Pelt, 2012), and an abstinence education programme. Underway in the United Kingdom (UK) are group work intervention programmes called FAST (Family and Schools Together) (Campbell-Wilson, 2011). In sub-Saharan African countries like Zimbabwe, Uganda, Nigeria, and South Africa, school-based, peer-based, mass media-based, health facility-based and community-based Adolescent Sexual and Reproductive Health Education (ASRHE) intervention programmes were introduced to support teen mothers in schools (Kalembo, Zgambo and Yukai, 2013). Empowerment of teenage mothers in Kenya involves creating opportunities for teen mothers to go back to school, acquire life skills training, enhancing their self-esteem, and fostering their economic enablement. In KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, policies are required to guarantee the setting up of multi-disciplinary teams that accommodate the all-inclusive needs of teen mothers, including retaining them so that they eventually complete school (Nkani and Bhana, 2016). In Gauteng, pastors, biological parents, teachers, peers, and partners, as socio-ecological resilience resources, enhance teen mothers' resilience (Malindi, 2018). 1.2 Significance of the study The study is significant in that it contributes to the body of knowledge, which focuses on improving the well-being of teen mothers through resilience-focused interventions in rural schools. Other schools, whether based in rural or urban environments, might benefit from the study's findings on the improvement of the well-being of teen mothers. The arts-based method, particularly the draw-and-write technique, has devised another approach to response-triggering and could be found useful by other professionals, for example, school-based support teams, teachers, therapists, etcetera, and community members are made to focus on establishing support for the vulnerable learners in society. The findings and recommendations can assist interested government departments and even the public in addressing the surge in teenage pregnancies, but also perusing for society-based lifelines that can be indispensable in their effort to improve the well-being of teen mothers through 5 resilience-focused interventions applicable in a rural context. It can motivate future studies related to and leaning towards arts-based research studies. By employing other forms of arts-based methods, it can be determined whether there is a lack of support within the socio-ecological environment in terms of improving the well-being of the impoverished members of society. Lastly, teen mothers are provided with a "voice" that is captured in a drawing. 1.3 Statement of the problem The main problem is the lack of programmes suitable for the improvement of the well- being of teen mothers through resilience-focused interventions applicable to rural schools. However, this study intends to identify the resilience-focused interventions as catalysts in obtaining the resilience factors that can enhance the well-being of teen mothers in rural schools. Most support programmes that aim to improve the lives of teen mothers are not stand- alone, but vary in terms of intervention (Kulkarni, Kennedy and Lewis, 2010). Grandmothers provide advice and nurturing to teen mothers, thus enabling them to continue with their education (Black, Papas and Hussey, 2002; Hess, Papas and Black, 2002). Through their involvement in church events that promote morals, inspire positive relations, and establish long-lasting social bonds, the personal competency of teen mothers appears to increase (Brody, Stoneman and Flor, 1996). Educational and family support, together with motivation, is heralded as primarily helping teen mothers to become resilient and graduate from high school (Vogel and Watson, 2017). Due to the relevance of cultural mores, psychosocial interventions remain a challenge in the South African context (Williams, Herman and Stein, 2008). Theron and Theron (2010) stated that, to date, South African studies have failed to outline the cultural and related origins of resilience. The youth are not appropriately assisted to sustain resilience by researchers and professionals from various youth-focused sectors (for example, educators, psychologists, social workers, ministries, and sports instructors). Communities should be urged by the collective encouragement of the South African indigenous experience of resilience because that is what they lack. There is a non- existence of commitment towards and insight developed into especially understanding of the history of resilience that has empowered the South African youth. Resilience is gradually being theorised as an ethnically and contextually nuanced concept. Efforts 6 to make psychosocial mediations, intercessions and reconciliations more available by addressing cultural significance are still lacking (Marsella, 2009). 1.4 Aims and objectives of the study This study investigates how resilience-focused interventions could improve the well- being of teen mothers in rural schools. The objectives of the study are: 1. To identify the current understanding of resilience-focused interventions by teen mothers in rural schools; 2. To identify and explain the existing resilience-focused interventions that are available for teen mothers in rural schools; 3. To determine how the available resilience-focused interventions improve the well- being of teen mothers in rural schools; 4. To examine the factors that can enable and constrain resilience-focused interventions for improving the well-being of teen mothers in rural schools. 1.5 Research questions 1.5.1 Main research question The main research question guiding this study is: How do resilience-focused interventions improve the well-being of teen mothers in rural schools? 1.5.2 Secondary questions The secondary research questions below emanated from the main research question. 1. What is the teen mother's understanding of resilience-focused interventions? 2. What are the existing resilience-focused interventions available for teen mothers in rural schools? 3. How can the available resilience-focused interventions improve the well- being of teen mothers in a rural school context? 4. What factors can enable and constrain resilience-focused interventions for improving the well-being of teen mothers in rural schools? 7 1.6 Research methodology 1.6.1 Research approach The qualitative approach was used to solicit data for this study. It is a naturalistic approach. Marshall and Rossman (2016:25) observed that qualitative design is not direct and entails multi-methods strategies of data collection. The choice of qualitative design was also based on the selection of the site, which is a rural school, with vulnerable teen mothers as the respondents. The qualitative methodology permits the author to ask questions to research participants. Thus, interviews were used during the data collection process. Du Plooy- Cilliers, Davis and Bezuidenhout (2014) agree that data can be gathered through open-ended questions through interviews that replicate a conversation. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with the participants, who consisted of five (05) teen mothers from five (05) rural schools in Eastern Free State (Qwa Qwa). The data generated from the participants determined responses to the question: "How can resilience-focused interventions improve the well-being of teen mothers in rural schools?" During the data gathering process that involved the identified and selected teen mothers, the author would make use of the 'draw-and-write' method because, according to Malchiodi (1998) and Gross and Hayne (1998), there is presently a renewed awareness of the use of youngsters’ drawings, as the focus swings to what the teenager says about the picture. Thus, the participants will be drawing using papers and pencils. They will then interpret their drawings for data gathering. Renslow and Maupin (2018:15) mentioned that the draw-and-write technique can raise teen mothers’ awareness on health. The technique can also be applicable in studies that research on cross-cultural resemblances. Draw-and-write techniques involve drawing on paper with a writing instrument and writing a particular statement or responses. Thus, the drawing and writing can be evaluated or assessed for further development of either skill or cognitive development. The barriers between the researcher and the learner are also eliminated. Through drawing and writing, the researcher can capture the participant’s understanding and experiences with certain life conditions. 8 1.6.2 Research methodology 1.6.2.1 Sampling Sampling is ‘the procedure through which we pick out, from a set of units that make up the object of study (the population), a limited number of cases (sample), chosen according to criteria that enable the results obtained by studying the sample (05 teen mothers) to be extrapolated to the whole population" (Corbetta, 2011:2-3), meaning "observing a part (05 teen mothers) to consolidate information about the whole” (Singh, 2015:2) The five (05) teen mothers that participated in the research were selected through purposive sampling, which is a probability sampling method that makes it possible for the outcomes to be generalisable to the bigger population; it forms the basis for making selections of cases and human subjects, assists with our research and is grounded on a customary list of physical characteristics (Du Plooy-Cilliers et al, 2014:138-143; Alasuutari et al, 2008:223). Five (05) teen mothers from different rural schools at Qwa Qwa in the Thabo Mofutsanyane Education District were selected for the interviews. The selection was based on location (Corbetta, 2011:2-3; Singh, 2015:2) of the five different rural schools in Qwa Qwa and the demographics of the teen mothers (Alasuutari et al, 2008:223). Aurini et al (2016:55) explained that the backbone of the qualitative research design requires several premeditated selections of where, how and with whom the researcher conduct the research, hence the adoption of purposive sampling. Sampling signifies some form of purpose because it is fundamentally tied to the project's objectives and diverse research questions and entails multiple possibilities for purposive sampling. Corbetta (2011:3) and Singh (2015:3) point out that several advantages are offered by using sampling (05 teen mothers) in terms of: • Budget for the data collection process; • Requisite of time for the data gathering and handling; • Organisation regarding observing, training and watching over a large number of questioners, similar to a survey of people; as well as 9 • Complexity and precision reduced organisational difficulty, and resources focused on quality control. 1.6.2.2 Data generation methods According to Du Plooy-Cilliers et al (2014), qualitative data collection techniques allow researchers to get the richness and complex data in a particular community context. In this study, these are teen mothers. Qualitative data assist in comprehending the "why", "what", and "how" of occurrences by viewing them through the contributors' (teen mothers') eyes (Neuman, 2011:424). Two methods were used to generate data for this study: face-to-face interviews and the draw-and-write technique, an arts-based method. The draw-and-write technique open up the door for participants to share information about experiences which are difficult to communicate verbally when ask directly to do so. The participants interpret their drawings by themselves and express their feelings, emotions or experiences. Thus, the drawings prompt the teen mothers to open up and tell more about their perceptions regarding the experiences of their well-being as well as their resilience. In-depth face-to-face interviews, consisting of open-ended questions, were conducted with all the relevant participants (teen mothers). These interviews were audio-taped and transcribed (Creswell, 2012:213; Du Plooy-Cilliers et al., 2014:188). [Amended due to the Covid-19 pandemic – Ref: Ethical Clearance – Date: 2020-05-19]. Normal face-to-face interviews were inapplicable in this era of the Covid-19 pandemic, in which participants were required to practice social distancing, wear masks, and sanitise. Therefore, the interviews were strictly followed as amended. Leonard and Leonard (2003) stated that the topics to be included and questions to be probed (by the interviewer to the teen mothers) are decided upon well ahead of the interviews. For the communication to be organised, flexibility is critical, and the interviewer may alter the arrangement of the key questions to inquire for more facts. The interviewer can use an aide-memoir to be prompted of the key themes and matters they are broadly engrossed in and to help them link the different fragments. Therefore, the interviewer can modify the research tool to suit the interviewee. Sufficient freedom to digress is the prerogative of the interviewee (teen mother). 10 Stokes (2011) indicated that during semi-structured interviews, the interviewee (teen mothers) would also be asked several but essential open questions. The interviewee may elaborate on topics that can be perplexing to analyse but could make the available perceptions richer and more detailed. An in-depth interview is a qualitative data collection technique that permits the researcher to ask participants (teen mothers) questions to acquire more insights into their interpretations, opinions, and principles about a particular phenomenon. Data were collected using open-ended questions throughout interviews that replicated a conversation (Du Plooy-Cilliers et al 2014). The researcher envisages the need to explore the improvement of the well-being of teen mothers through resilience-focused intervention in rural schools. Face-to-face interviews [Amended due to the Covid-19 pandemic – Ref: Ethical Clearance – Date: 2020-05-19] were conducted with the participants, five (05) teen mothers from rural areas in Qwa Qwa in the Free State, to collect data to determine how resilience-focused interventions can improve the well-being of teen mothers in rural schools. As participants in the case study, the teen mothers had to explain their different experiences and perceptions regarding whether the support provided by different stakeholders is significant and whether sufficient resources are available to support them or if more support is needed to assist them in coping with their situations. According to Yin (2014), dwelling on the holistic feature of the case being studied, is the main aim of the case study research, which seeks to understand “the case” – what it is, how it works, and how it interacts with its real-world contextual environment. Since Qwa Qwa is classified as a rural area according to its level of infrastructure and access to basic services, the schools where the research with five (5) teen mothers were conducted, are also situated in different rural settlements in Qwa Qwa in the Eastern Free State. The schools are situated in the Thabo Mofutsanyana Education District, which accommodate many learners from diverse socio-economic backgrounds. During the data collection process, which involved the identified and selected teen mothers, the researcher employed the "draw-and-write" approach because, according to Malchiodi (1998), there is a renewed awareness of the need to recognise the use of youngsters' drawings presently, as the focus swings to what the teenager says about the picture. 11 This perception is centred on the belief that "starting where the children are" is essential, that is, children's sketches and words are of fundamental significance (Prosser and Burke, 2012:10; Soffer and Ben-Arieh, 2014:8,9). This is also the same with teen mothers in rural secondary schools in QwaQwa Liamputtong (2011) believes that the draw-and-write technique complements in-depth interviews. Children's drawings frequently elevate their self-confidence and their interpretations can be pursued; the technique allows them to fabricate delicate data, and they can express their "inner world, and it allows them to ‘speak.’” As Prosser and Burke (2012:2-12) observe, drawings enable children to capture their feelings and emotions by reconstructing or returning to them (Prosser and Burke, 2012:10; Diem-Wille, 2001; Hanney and Kozlowska, 2002; Guillemin, 2004). Thus, the teen mothers are able to re-living or having a flashback of what they have experienced by way of drawing-and- writing. 1.6.2.3 Ethical considerations The basic ethical principles that were considered were informed consent and protection from harm. The UFS ethical committee approved this research study and the reference number is UFS-HSD2019/1827/2802. In case of any unintended harm, the researcher would refer the participants to a registered Educational Psychologist in the Thabo Mofutsanyana Education District for free counselling services, who is employed by the Department of Education. Furthermore, the participants (teen mothers) would be provided with a Toll-Free number 0800 055 555, which they could use to communicate through all networks and always be connected to a counsellor at no cost. 1.7 Definitions of terms and key concepts 1.7.1 Well-being According to Govender, Bhana, McMurray, Kelly, Theron, Meyer-Weitz, Ward and Tomlinson (2019:53), building long standing resilience and forming a positive developing trajectory is possible through the advancement of a strength and asset- based approach in young individuals. Thus, it is imperative to realise how the term well-being is employed in academic circles. 12 Thompson and Aked (2011) describe well-being as a concept comprising five characteristics: connect, be active, take notice, keep learning, and give. The latter statement suggests that well-being can be understood as a mental, physical, and social phenomenon. From the perspective of positive psychology, Trask-Kerr, Chin and Vella-Brodrick (2019) noted that well-being is suggestive of prosperity and success. In addition to the findings of prior researchers, the Children's Society (2012) suggests that what should be considered priority areas that potentially lead to some practical steps to improve children's well-being include environments promoting learning and change, holding an optimistic opinion of themselves and being an esteemed character with plenty of what matters, being in constructive relations with their families and friends, being in a nonviolent and appropriate home-based setting or local area and embracing the prospect of taking part in hopeful events for them to thrive. 1.7.2 Teen mothers According to Cosden (2014:51), "adolescent mothers are women between 11 and 19 who become pregnant and parent their children". These are women and men aged nineteen years or younger, who give birth to and parent a child. This is how adolescent parenting is primarily documented in the Encyclopedia of Marriage and Family (2016). Related to this concept is adolescent pregnancy, which is understood as teen pregnancy and is generally defined as a situation when a teen woman conceives before turning 20 years old (Multimedia Encyclopedia of Women in Today's World, 2016). From the researchers' view, teen mothers are brittle young mothers aged below eighteen but become unexpected, unprepared mothers with rawness in terms of motherhood. 1.7.3 Resilience Out of seven (7) criterions of resilience acknowledged by Adrian, van Breda and Theron (2018:239), only two have a strong link with this research. One explains resilience socially and identify explicit and implicit social determinants of resilience, and the other identfies empirical, child or youth-generated, descriptors of resilient- enablers. 13 Ungar (2011) noted that resilience is a reciprocal process embedded in a given social ecology and relies on culturally appropriate interaction between youths and their social ecologies. On the other hand, Ebersöhn and Bouwer (2013:4) describe resilience as "the ability to utilise personal strengths (intrinsic properties), which include a positive disposition, ecological resources, and constructive demand characteristics, as well as assets (all extrinsic resources within the interdependent systems), to optimise the proximal processes on interaction." 1.7.4 Rural schools According to Government Gazette (2018:15-16), rural schools are “public schools in rural areas situated on government land, communal land, or private land (primarily on farms and church land). Rural settlement is also characterised by its separateness and remoteness and is a dispersed settlement with various social and economic deprivation factors, poverty and distance from services or facilities”. The Rural Education Draft Policy – ECDoE defines a public school as ‘a school where learners and teachers have access to the following basic social services: health, social development, a library, and transport (Government Gazette 2018:15-16). However, ultimately, the technical definition of a rural school corresponds to the general understanding of rural areas, which are characterised by geographic isolation and a small population size. All schools are categorised into four locales by their size, population density, and location. Rural schools are also defined in the Macquarie Dictionary (ibid) as "one of the various kinds of country schools, most often a one- teacher school." 1.8 Limitations of the study Two limitations were identified; firstly, the research focused on rural areas, excluding urban areas. Secondly, it focused on rural-based teen mothers, ignoring their urban counterparts. Therefore, this research study cannot generalise the experiences of all teen mothers residing in South Africa. 1.9 Organisation of the study The chapters constituting this study are outlined as follows: 14 Chapter One outlines the study's introductory background and summarises the study. Furthermore, it highlights the study's objectives, aims, and research questions. Chapter Two details the study's conceptual framework regarding the relevant literature that defines teen mothers, specifically focusing on improving their well-being. Chapter Three provides the theoretical framework underpinning the study. The chapter highlights the relevance of the Social Ecology of Resilience Theory to this study with regards to improving the well-being of teen mothers through resilience-focused interventions in rural schools. Chapter Four provides the qualitative approach and its position in the study’s interpretivist paradigm. It presents the research design, sampling procedures and data generation methods used in the study, participant selection criteria and the data generation process. Chapter Five validates the research findings, sums up the participants' understanding of the resilience-focused interventions available in their socio-ecological environment and how these interventions can be used to improve the well-being of teen mothers. Chapter Six provides the study's summary, highlights the significance of the study and proffers recommendations for further research and the employment of the Social Ecology of Resilience (SER) Theory in improving the well-being of teen mothers through resilience-focused interventions in rural schools. 1.10 Conclusion of the chapter This chapter started by providing a contextual introduction to the study, highlighted the study's aim, rationale, and importance. It clarified the key research questions guiding the current study. It presented a summary of how the research has been designed, the methodology, research paradigm, research approach, sampling, data gathering and analysis procedures, and the ethical considerations guiding the study. The next chapter presents a review of extant literature on improving the well-being of teen mothers through resilience-focused interventions in rural schools. 15 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Introduction Chapter 1 presented an introductory background to the study. This study aims to propose how an improvement in the well-being of teen mothers through resilience- focused interventions in rural schools can be beneficial to teen mothers through improved learning and development amongst teen mothers, mainly in rural secondary schools of QwaQwa. This chapter reviews extant literature related to the study's objective. It reflects on the theorised context of the research area presented beforehand. The literature review involves a situational analysis of teen mothers, an outline of Inclusive Education and the perceived benefits to all learners, including teen mothers, definitions of ‘teen mothers’, literature associated with the challenges faced by teen mothers and factors enhancing the well-being of teen mothers. Subsequently, the chapter deliberates on how other studies were steered on schooling for teen mothers and the factors influencing their well-being in rural schools. Moreover, the review ends with a look at resilience-focused interventions that can be employed, charted, and organised to improve teen mothers' well-being. The chapter ends with a conclusion. 2.2 Situational analysis of teen mothers Adolescent pregnancy figures remain high in several countries. According to Whelehan and Bolin (2015), teenage pregnancy has rapidly become a global concern. The number of adolescent pregnancies is estimated to surge globally by 2030 (WHO, 2020). The predictable rise in teenage pregnancies is probably most predominant in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), which now records the highest immature, undeveloped and unripe pregnancies, globally (Ahinkorahet al., 2021). Ayele et al (2018:1) noted that roughly 16 million adolescents aged 15-19 years and two million teenagers aged below 15 years give birth every year, which translates to approximately 11% of all global childbirths (Habitu, Yalew and Biseng 2018:2). Ayele et al (2018:1) further stated that 95% of these births occur in developing countries. 16 Further, Ahinkorah et al (2021:1) cited that the occurrence of teenage pregnancy in Sub-Saharan African countries is high. Ethiopia is "topping" as a Sub-Saharan African country with the highest teenage fertility rates. Habitu et al (2018:2) added that the highest teen pregnancies and childbearing occur in Latin America, the Caribbean, South Asia, West and Central Africa, as well as East and Southern Africa. SADC member states totalled a 65% increase in early pregnancies (Basic Education Committee on Teenage pregnancy and Comprehensive Sexuality Education, 2021; Yah et al., 2020), suggesting that, because of pregnancy, about one million teen mothers in Sub-Saharan Africa are at risk of not returning to school. Annually, a projected 21 million girls aged 15–19 years in developing districts turn out to be pregnant, with almost 12 million of them giving birth. In developing countries, not less than 777,000 births involve girls younger than 15 years. In East Asia, for example, teenage fertility stands at is 7.1%, although the comparable proportion in Central Africa is 129.5%. The maximum quantity of births involving adolescents were observed in Eastern Asia (95 153 births) and Western Africa (70 423 births) (WHO, 2020). Recent data published by the UN indicate that teenage pregnancies in South Africa have spiked exponentially, with around four per cent of the girls and women aged between 14 and 19 reported being pregnant between 2013 and 2018 (United Nations Population Division 2022). Statistics published by the Government of SouPth Africa indicates that between 2017 and the first quarter of 2021, over 512,000 girls and young women aged 10 to 19 gave birth in health facilities and close to 57,000 ended their pregnancies (ReliefWeb 2021). Teenage pregnancies in South Africa escalated from 16% to 60% all through the COVID-19 pandemic (Save the Children, 2021). Media statement in South African Parliament indicated that teenage pregnancies appeared to be increasing since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, which saw a full preliminary lockdown. The Basic Education Committee, briefed by the Department of Basic Education, heard that more than 30% of adolescent girls fall pregnant in South Africa, and in excess of 65% of these pregnancies are unintentional (Parliament 2021). Delivery data in health facilities for all South African provinces show that between April 2020 and March 2021, the Northern Cape had the uppermost number of teen pregnancies (19,3%), tailed by the Eastern Cape with 17.1%, Kwazulu-Natal with 16,5% and Mpumalanga 15,5%. 17 Gauteng Province documented the fewest teen pregnancies, with 8.9% (Parliament 2021). These are verified pregnancies of girls aged between 10 and 19 years. The Free State recorded 13,1 births by teen mothers within that age bracket (Parliament of the Republic of South Africa, 2021). Of the 34,587 births from teen mothers in SA in 2020, 16,042 were aged 17, while 688 were 9 and 10 years young (News 24, 2021). Girls as young as 10 are among the 23,226 learners who expected babies in Gauteng between April 2019 and March 2021, with a staggering 934 babies born by girls aged between 10 and 14 years (Makhetha, 2021). "Pre-teen mothers" can be defined as 9-10-year-old girls entering the arena of motherhood at such a tender age. The above statistics provide a brief rundown of the escalation of teen motherhood at a global scale, including African countries, specifically those in Sub-Saharan Africa in general and then South Africa and its provinces, in particular. 2.3 Inclusive Education and its perceived benefits to all learners, including teen mothers Children‘s rights are fundamental and enshrined in international law. The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) offers governments and civil organisations with essential fundamentals for girls' and boys' protection until they reach adulthood. Any violation of the aims and ethics of CRC constitutes a desecration of the children's human rights, and governments, as responsibility bearers, are liable to answer to these violations (Loaiza and Liang, 2013). Worldwide, schools are governed by provincial governments, national and international laws. Whatever the educational specialist, social worker, school psychologist, etcetera wants to develop in schools, should be parallel to the laws. Even the interventions developed to assist teen mothers to regain strength, well-being, and resilience should be within the appropriate regulations. According to Draga, Stuurman and Petherbrigge (2016:163), the fundamental rights are encapsulated in numerous national and provincial laws and policies and have made hopeful and noteworthy changes to ensure access to basic education and promote equality. These international and national laws also guard against recklessness, abuse, and mistreatment of teen mothers and their children. It also ensures the recognition and implementation of these laws and the positive role networking amongst socio- 18 ecological stakeholders can improve the well-being and resilience of teen mothers in rural areas. Hereafter follows a discussion on the identified articles and declarations related to the rights and improvement of the well-being of teen mothers. "Improving the life opportunities of women and young girls" has long been a feature of development agendas and is now prominent in the Millennium Development Goals, intended to halve extreme poverty by 2015. Six of the eight goals impact policy relating to teenage pregnancy. They goals are: (1) to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger; (2) to achieve universal primary education; (3) to promote maternal health; (4) to reduce child mortality; (5) to promote gender equality and empower women and (6) to combat HIV and AIDS, malaria and other diseases (Jewkes, Morrel and Christofides, 2009:676). According to Loaiza and Liang (2013:3-4), "adolescent girl pregnancy undermines the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals". In order to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, there is need to reduce the number of girls falling pregnant during their school going age. These Millennium Development Goals include: Goal 1: End hunger and extreme poverty Support given to girls to circumvent pregnancy, stay in school and delay family formulation translates into greater junctures in terms of developing skills and producing income for themselves and their immediate families, building a monetary base to lift future generations out of poverty. Goal 2: Achieve universal primary education Adolescent pregnancy abruptly limits girls' potential because they drop out of school and become mothers. Children of mothers with little education are less likely to be educated. Goal 3: Promote gender equality and empower women 19 Girls often get impregnated by much older men or husbands without their involvement in the decision. Sizeable spousal age gaps also mean huge power differentials between girls and their partners or husbands. Girls who get pregnant before age 18 are more likely to experience violence in their marriages or sexual partnerships than those that postpone childbearing. Goal 4: Reduce child mortality Stillbirths and deaths in the first week of life are 50% higher among babies of teen mothers than among babies of mothers in their 20's. Goal 5: Improve maternal health Significant risks first-time mothers face during pregnancy include obstetric fistula and maternal death. Because they start childbearing early, married girls are likely to have more children at shorter intervals during their lifetime. Factors such as a young age, multiple children, and a short interval between births are linked to a higher risk of death and disability due to pregnancy or childbirth. Goal 6: Combat HIV and AIDS, malaria and other diseases Adolescent pregnancy exposes young girls to the risk of HIV and sexually transmitted infections (STIs). Girls in a marriage or matrimonial union often have older, more sexually experienced husbands or partners, lack the authority to negotiate safer sex, and have little admittance to family planning information. The South African schools, by law, should create a conducive environment for counselling, and support for all learners who might encounter difficulties, including pregnancy. The Government Gazette published on 23 February 2018 (Department of Basic Education, 2018:6.3) list the following policy objectives: (a) Policy objectives Schools in the basic education structure make available a bright and supportive background where all pregnant learners can access specialised advice and guidance, information, recommendations or referrals, treatment, care, therapy, and support. (b) Care, counselling and support for pregnant learners 20 Schools are mandated to become health and rights-endorsing establishments and act as inclusive or all-encompassing centres of education, care, and support through the Integrated School Health Policy (ISHP) (2012), which offers a comprehensive variety of services, together with appointments or referrals for pregnant learners whose desires cannot be accommodated inside the school. Teachers and other elected school personnel should be skilled and proficient to provide comprehensive sexuality education and information on prenatal period or pregnancy and motherhood and offer a humanitarian and compassionate environment by providing care, counselling, and support for pregnant learners. (c) Gender The policy on learner pregnancy considers female learners' biological, social, religious, and cultural needs and recognises gender impartiality and equality. Policy execution strategies also acknowledge that the female learner, whether pregnant or not, is predominantly vulnerable to sexual and gender-based violence, occasionally leading to intimidation and assault, including rape. (d) Procedures for handling incidence of learner pregnancy Fundamental to the accomplishment of this policy are strong guiding principles designed to address measures for managing the incidence of learner pregnancy and the responsibilities of the critical role players involved. When learners become expectant, the school can then manage the circumstances by protecting the learner's right to education and providing access to care. Schools develop many activities that build communities and shape individual personalities. South African schools are governed by school governing bodies (SGBs). There are guidelines of how SGBs should conduct themselves and govern the school. Pregnant teenagers are allowed to continue with their studies. The government has the duty and responsibility to adhere to the country's constitution regarding teenage mothers and pregnant teens in schools. On the 15th of May 1998, the then Minister of Education, S.M.E. Bengu, operationalised the Guidelines for the Consideration of Governing Bodies in Adopting a Code of Conduct for Learners (Gen N 776, GG 10900 of May 1998) in Schedule (3) (3.9), which states that a learner who falls pregnant may not be disallowed from being present at school. A pregnant girl may well be referred to a 21 hospital for pregnant girls (Code of Conduct for Learners Section 8 of the South African Schools Act 84 of 1996 (hereafter the Schools Act)). Moreover, the governing body of a public school must adopt a code of conduct for the learners in the school, which contains the disciplinary rules that are crucial in maintaining school discipline. It is vital to take note of the regulations, laws, and policy guidelines governing teenagers. These assists researchers in implementing interventions that promote equality in education and lessen the challenges teen mothers face in rural schools. Outlined below are the vital guidelines and laws as stated by Draga, Stuurman and Petherbridge (2016:165-166). 2.3.1 United Nations guidelines Article 28 (1)(e) of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) (1989) states that South Africa must: 'Take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women … to ensure to them equal rights with men in the field of education and in particular to ensure (t)he reduction of female students drop out proportions.' 2.3.2 Maputo Protocol (2003) 12(2)(C) States: 'State parties shall take specific positive action to (c) promote the enrolment and retention of girls in school….' 2.3.3 African Youth Charter (2009) Article 23(g), p.18 states that South Africa must: 'Provide educational systems that do not impede girls and young women, including married and/or pregnant young women, from attending.' 2.3.4 The African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC) (1990) Article 11(6), p.12 states: 22 'State Parties to the present Charter shall have all appropriate measures to ensure that children who become pregnant before completing their education shall have an opportunity to continue with their education based on their ability.' 2.3.5 Constitution of South Africa (1996) 29 (1) Everyone has the right- (a) to basic education (p.6 of 48) With statistics pointing to around 120 000 learners falling pregnant every year, The Commission for Gender Equality (CGE) welcomed the announcement that the Teenage Pregnancy Policy that Cabinet recently approved would be implemented from January 2022. This will "allow female learners who are pregnant to continue with their education", as do male learners who impregnate them. The proposal by the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) (29 September 2021) contains information on pregnant learners’ admission to education and teenage pregnancies (Articles 5, 10, 12). According to The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (1996) and the South African Schools Act (SASA) Number 84 of 1996 (as Amended): "No person, school, policy or practice may unfairly discriminate against learners based on their pregnancy or post-pregnancy status”, which the National Education Policy Act supports (Learner Attendance Policy, 2011). Department of Basic Education (2018:8), underscores "the retention and re-enrolment of affected learners in school", including teen mothers. That is over and above the Draft DBE National Policy on the Prevention and Management of Learner Pregnancy (2018), which reaffirms teen mothers' right to basic education and support. Furthermore, Education White Paper 6 of July 2001 on Inclusive Education promotes the principles of inclusion along with care and support. Teen mothers want to feel welcomed by classmates and teachers when reintegrated into the school, which is an important component of the Social Ecology of Resilience model and an essential source of support that enhances their well-being, resulting in them remaining in the school and completing their careers. 23 In addition, the SIAS (Screening, Identification, Assessment and Support) Policy (2014) safeguards that schools recognise the support needs of all learners, including teen mothers, concerning their home and school contexts. Physical, psychological, social, spiritual and academic needs are associated with early parenthood. It might also include the inability of teen mothers to plan and make decisions related to adult parenting and lack of maternal skills. According to SIAS policy, the school will then have to establish the level and extent of additional support teen mothers need, and in response, come up with a collaborative (school, psychologist, health) support package (a modified time-table, therapeutic sessions, fort-nightly visits to the clinic, etcetera) ‘tailor-made’ for the teen mothers' individual needs. These resilience-focused sources of support or intervention will improve the well-being of teen mothers in rural schools. International, continental and local policies, guidelines or laws relating to teen mothers are propagating for the urgency and prioritisation of ensuring that teen mothers well- being is improved holistically (physically, cognitively, emotionally, socially, academically, and spiritually). 2.4 Case studies - African countries regarding support for teen mothers in improving their well-being Literature attests to the fact that several African countries developed interventions to improve the well-being of teen mothers. The countries discussed hereafter are the Congo, Zimbabwe, Kenya (Nairobi), Nigeria, Malawi, and Ghana. Ahinkorah et al (2021:1) aver that in Sub-Saharan Africa, Congo experienced the highest prevalence of first adolescent pregnancy (44.3%) among all adolescents in that region. All over Sub-Saharan Africa, there are school and peer (school mates or friends in the community within the same age bracket) interventions, as well as mass media, health facilities, and community-based Adolescent Sexual and Reproductive Health Education (ASRHE) interventions which are aimed to support teen mothers in schools (Kalembo et al, 2013:1-8). According to Ahinkorah et al (2021:1-2), this welcomes the development of effective social policies such as family planning and comprehensive sex and relationship education in Sub-Saharan Africa and can help ensure healthy lives and promote adolescents' well-being, including teen mothers. 24 According to Tinago et al. (2021), studies conducted in Zimbabwe on teen mothers revealed that participants frequently experienced stigma, loneliness, and lack of resources and coping skills to effectively steer motherhood. Their poor mental health was a direct result of stigma and social isolation. At this stage, the Zimbabwean context shows that their mental health concerns were not addressed. Peer care groups for teenage mothers in Zimbabwe were positively acknowledged to improve their psychological well-being, social support, information sharing, and also skills building. Sharing of information was made possible through digital intervention, via WhatsApp Messenger, which was a user-friendly and affordable platform. In a study conducted in Nairobi, Wainaina et al (2021:1--10) confirm that mental stress during pregnancy and early motherhood affected the health and well-being of teen mothers, mainly due to psychosocial challenges namely, to name but a few, refused entry at home by parents; financial hardship; neglect and rejection by the person liable for the pregnancy; stigmatisation by family, friends, and the public; emotional state of crushed dreams, etcetera. The need arose to focus on a multifaceted approach to address the well-being of pregnant and adolescent mothers. In addition, teenage mothers in Kenya are empowered by crafting opportunities to go back to school, life skills training, enhancement of their self-esteem, and economic enablement (Just Giving, 2018). In Nigeria, there is a lack of social policies to empower adolescent mothers with demanding conditions and inadequate support (Braine, 2009; WHO, 2007). Due to the growing problem of teenage pregnancy and mothering complications in Sub-Saharan Africa and Nigeria (Bankole et al, 2006; WHO, 2007), it was obligatory to explore adolescent mothers' day-to-day practices and parenthood experiences. Studies undertaken on how teenage mothers deal with and overcome their mothering encounters in Nigeria are almost absent (Chohan and Langa, 2011; Lewis et al, 2007; Yardley, 2007). The experiences and practices of teenage mothers have captivated little consideration to contemporary inventiveness and efforts designed to endorse their social status and well-being (Chohan and Langa, 2011). Spiritual and cultural values still affect the tolerability of sexuality education among some Nigerian parents (Izugbara, 2008). Some adolescent mothers become involved in economic events supported with devotions, prayers and resilience in empowering themselves 25 (Agunbiade, 2014). Luchuo Bain et al (2020) mentioned that a study conducted in Ghana sought to understand the supposed policymaking likings and bases of early teenage pregnancy and unplanned pregnancy among teen mothers, on whether to opt for abortion or continue with the pregnancy. The authors further pointed out that this poses more challenges for teen mothers due to a lack of policy direction besides cultural and social considerations. Weak financial independence and insufficient and unsuitable communication practices around sexuality were identified as key early adolescent pregnancy forecasters in the community under study. The recommendation places the responsibility on policy-makers to consider if the baby's father is entitled to the final decision-making body in the community regarding the unborn child's life. Research piloted in Malawi sought to observe reasons related to teen mothers' usage of modern-day birth control devices after childbirth. The study's outcome revealed that 54.8% of teen mothers are still facing the risk of repeated pregnancy due to their failure to use contraceptives. In Malawi, healthcare challenges still occur, affecting women's usage of contraceptives, notwithstanding efforts made by the government to improve family planning access. Addressing teen births comprehensively averts the scourge of early motherhood and high fertility in Malawi, thus requiring the implementation of a wide range of approaches (Machira and Palamuleni, 2017) 2.4.1 Definitions for teen mothers Cosden (2014) defines adolescent mothers as women between the ages of 11 and 19, who become pregnant and engage in parenting their children. Teen pregnancy is generally defined as a teen woman conceiving before attaining the age of 20 (Jones and Jones, 2011). Habitu, Yalew and Biseng (2018) define adolescent pregnancy as a pregnancy in girls aged between 10 and 19 years. According to Lilaroja in Pitso et al. (2014:610), teenage motherhood is formally defined as a pregnancy in a young woman who has not reached her 20th birthday when the pregnancy ends, notwithstanding whether the woman is married or is legally an adult depending on the country’s laws. 26 2.4.2 Challenges faced by teen mothers Finding a balance between being a "child-mother" and a "mother-learner" can instantaneously be demanding for a teen mother, as she has to juggle around with early parenthood, academic responsibilities and psycho-social demands. Eastbrooks et al (2010:42) highlighted that "Early parenthood is associated with challenging life trajectories, both antecedents to and following the transition to parenthood." This includes volatile family conditions, poverty, restricted educational prospects (Letourneau, Stewart and Barnfather, 2004) along with depression, social exclusion, financial constraints, over-tiredness, and etcetera. On the other hand, Pfeiffer et al (2017:11) mentioned that young individuals hold the key to their future, but hitherto, they are still facing different and complex challenges. This aligns with Vandenberg’s (2012) views, who strongly posited that teen mothers face increased challenges when rearing children. According to Wahn, Nissen, and Ahlberg (2005:592), the stage of development or age when a girl turns out to be expecting is critical. Nevertheless, becoming a teen mother disrupts the path of her life. Supporting the previous statement is Mr P Moroatshela (ANC), who commented that ‘it is important that they deal with one of the most sensitive challenges, which does not affect only the basic education system, but the entire society’ (Basic Education Committee, 2021). Academic, social, economic, health, and cultural challenges that teen mothers face and that affect their overall health and well-being while attending rural schools, are discussed hereafter. 2.4.3 Academic challenges Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela once said, ‘education is the most powerful weapon we can use to change the world’ (Mandela, 1990) However, pregnancies among teenagers are well-thought-out as an impediment as they favour schooling "stoppage" (Salazar- Pousada et al, 2010:1), is associated with a low literacy level (Sychareun et al, 2018:18), and often forced teen mothers to leave school due to child-rearing issues, being vulnerable and the need for support (Lekganyane, 2014:70). Planned Parenthood Association of South Africa (Greathead et al, 1998) further noted that there could be a scarcity of secondary and tertiary education for the pregnant teenager and roughly one-half of the girls who procreate before the age of eighteen do not 27 complete school, underlining the demands that early parenthood places on teen mothers at this stage. South Africa has had a policy on the prevention and management of schoolchild pregnancies since 2007, which states that school children who are pregnant shall not be unethically discriminated against and cannot be expelled. Nonetheless, CEDAW (2021) noted that a study conducted by South African non-governmental organisations (NGOs) reported that not the entirety of the schools respects this rule, and schools have habitually shown prejudice against female students. Some school representatives continue to dismiss pregnant girls from school or ask them to transfer or move to other schools, violating their obligations to respect students' right to education. According to South Africa's 2018 General Household Survey, nearly 33% of the girls hardly resurfaces for school after falling pregnant (Statistics South Africa, 2018). A study conducted by Chigona and Chetty (2008:265) found that teen mothers did not get appropriate support from the school. They were not viewed as learners with special needs. The uncooperativeness regarding support for teen mothers within the school environment could be seen in the following sub-categories; • Nonexistence or lack of support from teachers; • Shortage of counselling to contest stigma attached to teenage pregnancy; • Prejudices and pressure from teachers and fellow learners. 2.4.4 Social challenges Whitehead (2001:437) noted that pregnant teenagers who chose not to terminate their pregnancy face an array of retorts from family and friends, which, if antagonistic, results in them feeling socially left out and lonely. This view is supported by Lekganyane (2014:70), who affirms that teenage mothers often become socially excluded from society when they have landed in a parenthood-related crisis. Parents and community members put their school girls in high regard. They expect them to remain in and complete their schooling career, and on top of that, end up as successful citizens, but when they fall pregnant, families and society often turn their backs on them, treating them as outcasts. Furthermore, Chigona and Chetty 28 (2008:271) reiterate that teen mothers are unsuccessful with their education because their home-based support was inadequate to see them through with their schooling. The lack of support from home can be categorised into the following themes; • Parents' egotism due to shame, disgrace and embarrassment associated with teenage pregnancy; • Communication failure at home; • Socio-economic position of the family. According to McDermott, Graham and Hamilton (2004:5), teenage parents are most likely to be from poor or socially excluded backgrounds, and becoming a teenage parent tends to worsen matters. Easterbrooks et al (2010:43) maintained that the task and everyday parenting responsibilities might inhibit the distinctive behaviour correlated to naturalness, liberation, self-support, suggesting that those pregnant teenage girls, all of a sudden, had to take on the role of adult parenting, instead of enjoying their freedom of being "child-free" and focusing solely on their school career. Another challenge noted by Greenblatt, Cockrill and Herold (2015:3) is that undeveloped parents, in particular, find themselves extremely stigmatised by society. This implies that society believes that children fit in at school, not children rearing children, or children jumping school and become parents. Not all "baby-daddy’s” support teen mothers intending to return to school and complete their educational careers. Bunting and McAuley (2004:212) believe that they have been connected with the non-completion of schooling for teen mothers. It has also been proposed that male partners may inspire young women to absent themselves from school because they fear meeting other men while attending school. Voigt et al (in Bunting and McAuley, 2004:213) mentioned the hostile relationship teen mothers sometimes had to endure at the hands of parents, siblings and their partners. 2.4.5 Economic challenges The socio-economic background of a family, including the circle of poverty, can impose major limitations on a teenage capacity to make sustain childcare. This places an undue burden on the family, resulting in parents normally disapproving rather than helping pregnant teenagers (Nkani and Bhana, 2016:2). Being a teen mother who still has the responsibility to take care of your child’s daily needs can surely be 29 economically demanding. The Child Support Grant of R460 instituted by the South African Government through SASSA is not enough to cover the child’s monthly costs. As a result, teen mothers depend financially on their immediate and extended families, relatives, friends, baby-daddies and even resort to becoming “machonisas” (community money-lenders) in order to meet the demands of their children. Collins (2010) and Pitso et al (2014:1) emphasised this notion, strongly agreeing that adolescent parenthood is closely connected to an inconsequential socio-economic position. 2.4.6 Health challenges “Worldwide, adolescent pregnancy is the second leading cause of mortality amongst the 15- 19-year-old age group. It’s also regarded as a major public health concern. In rural areas, age-related pregnancy risks are compounded by malnutrition and limited access to maternal healthcare” (Sychareun et al, 2018:18). This is supported by the Planned Parenthood Association of South Africa (1998), which indicated that the pregnant adolescents possibly face an advanced risk of health problems if the pregnancy is unsupervised. The subsequent risks include problematic labour, a higher likelihood of delivering through caesarean section, early labour, and birth-related difficulties. On the other hand, Pfeiffer et al (2017:11) noted that a key concern is youth's sexual and reproductive health, including teen mothers. Teen mothers experience an emotional state of isolation and depression, which are unfavourable to the quality of their lives (Skobi and Makofane, 2017:236), signifying the fact that they have to come to terms with their circumstances and deal with their feelings. They might also be overwhelmed by the physical, emotional, and psychological demands of teen motherhood. Furthermore, Wahn, Nissen and Ahlberg (2005:592) professed that more tension is added to this formerly turbulent time when life-changing events occur for teenagers. Failure to flourish may result in teenagers losing self-confidence, feeling defenseless, and experiencing self-destructive behaviour. This is a worrying factor, bearing in mind that, according to Odimegwu, Amoo and De Wet (2018:44), ‘despite extensive programs (the Love life Campaign and the Born free dialogues), considerable financial investment, and several studies and reports on teenage pregnancy, the increasing 30 proportion of unintended pregnancies among teenagers has remained a public health concern in SA’. 2.4.7 Cultural challenges Culture at the individual level generally reflects an intersectionality across groups (e.g., race, gender, ethnicity; Cole, 2009) as well as the combination of experiences in compound social contexts (e.g., for the child, family, school, peer group, community; Bethancourt, 2003) over time. According to the researcher of this study, the family that we are born into, where we grow up and live, the environment with all its different people and establishments, with its entire interconnectedness and their philosophies on how we should behave, and what can be done to resolve, exemplify culture. This declares teen mothers as an integral part of this culture. However, psychosocial interventions remain a challenge in South Africa (Williams, Herman and Stein, 2008:4). Theron and Theron (2010:1) stated that, to date, South African studies have failed to outline the cultural and related origins of resilience. Instead of support, this can be debilitating to the health and well-being of teen mothers, who could benefit from cultural intervention to sustain and to propel them to better outcomes. They further indicated that communities lack the collective encouragement of indigenous (that is, South African) experience of resilience, which can impede the well- being of teen mothers. Moreover, there is a lack of commitment to and insight into an understanding of the history of resilience that has empowered the South African youth. Thus, teen mothers could also flourish if the community caters for their overall well- being and boosts their resilience mechanisms. Teen mothers are undeniably culturally bound, but attempting to develop psychosocial interventions that are more accessible by addressing cultural relevance is still inadequate (Marsella, 2009:4). This is supported by a media statement to the Basic Education Committee, which said that “background and culture do not permit families to discuss sexuality education in the home” (Parliament of the Republic of South Africa, 2021), and ANC’s Mr P Moroatshela commented that, ‘traditionally it was taboo for our communities to engage children on matters of sexuality’ (Basic Education Committee, 2021). 31 2.7 Factors enhancing the well-being of teen mothers in rural schools Factors that improve the well-being of teen mothers exist within and outside the school (Ricks, 2016:5). However, this study focused on sources of support in the social environment in rural areas in QwaQwa that teen mothers can network and utilise to improve their well-being. This is supported by Saleebey (in Ricks, 2016:2-3), citing that all people, no matter how awkward their situations might be, possess strengths that can be marshalled to improve the quality of their lives. The programme and interventions that assist teen mothers to attain well-being are the responsibility of the educational department, health services, communities, NGOs, and society in general. 2.7.1 Peer support Teen mothers can confide in, rely on, and experience respect, protection and unconditional love from their peers despite their situation. This is in line with the findings of Voigt et al (in Bunting and McAuley, 2004:213), who mentioned that friends could offer a selected type of self-affirming support and may help cushion adolescents from the pressure and problems of the family. Amod, Halana and Smith (2019:9) also asserted that the main source of support for the mothers during their pregnancies and some mothers even after the birth of their babies was the peer group. According to Tinago et al (2021), studies conducted worldwide indicated that peer support group intercessions with teen mothers offer them coping mechanisms that enable them to handle the stigma they experience and have been effective at snowballing social interrelationship, self-worth, and self-efficacy. This is in addition to empowering adolescent and teenage mothers as well as improving their psychological health and emotional well-being. Peer support groups afford a platform for knowledge and experience input to provide emotional, social and practical support. By digitally involving peer support groups to support teen mothers to get well and stay well, for example, online or virtually via mobile messaging applications, teen mothers are also reaping the rewards. Improved social connectedness, humiliation mechanisms, and valuable psychological health and social support are improved contributions. Furthermore, trained peer mentors in Canada use mobile phone voice calling to support adolescent mothers to cope with depression. Australia involved adolescents in improving adolescent mental health and emotional well-being, suggesting that health and well-being can be boosted by involving teen mothers’ peers in several 32 ways. This can be done by arranging opportunities at schools, churches, via social media platforms, emergency venting podia, etc. for teen mothers to share their experiences with their peers which can reduce stress, loneliness, anxiety but also improve their self-esteem and give them hope for life. 2.7.2 Schools as a node of care and support Education has become the cornerstone of success; thus, educational attainment is vital in securing a successful future for pregnant teenage learners (Ramalepa, Ramukumba and Masala-Chokwe, 2021). Teen mothers need appropriate mentoring and education for them to grow, progress in life and to reach their goals. According to Ricks (2016:5), the school environment has several resources that can foster problem-solving skills and life enhancement. Again, a supportive school environment comprises a positive relationship between teachers and learners, learners and their peers, and home and school. These relations can be sources of support and strengths for teen mothers. Thus, teen mothers should experience the school as a welcoming, accommodative, and a conducive and supportive environment that improves their well-being. This is supported by Cowan et al (2013), who pointed out that care and support activities within the school environment can contribute to the health and well-being of teen mothers, namely: providing school health services through a partnership, using a database to capture the services needed for pregnant teenagers, developing interventions that prevent learner pregnancy and encourage wellness based on teen mothers’ needs, the incorporation of general screening for the health conditions of pregnant learners in schools, employing a policy that reinforces positive behaviour towards teen mothers practised by teachers of all schools, initiate networking between the Department of Health and the Department of Education regarding learner pregnancy in schools, and lastly, too, in case any emergency arises regarding the health of teen mothers, schools are equipped and ready to deal with crises and emergency. 33 2.7.3 Financial support Bhana et al (2010:877) cited that teachers suggested that pregnant learners are not affected by pregnancy alone, but also by societal structures that inhibit young women from handling schooling, pregnancy and child-rearing in socially and financially disadvantaged communities, hence the Child Support Grant of R460 provides financial relief to a teen mother for her to take responsibility for her child’s daily needs. According to Willan (2013:5), in South Africa, the comeback of learners to school after pregnancy rests on socio-economic factors, such as family funding to support with childcare errands or the ability to have the funds for childcare services. 2.7.4 Teen-organised marriages According to Mangeli et al (2017:2), research has shown that numerous aspects are effective on early marriage and parenthood as well as financial factors (poverty and joblessness), societal factors (gender judgment, school dropout, social standards, mass media, relocation from rural to inner-city areas, the impact of peers), cultural and spiritual factors (deterrence from uninhibited sexual promiscuousness, holy and cultural enticements, background and race), security factors (conflict, rape, abduction), mental factors (little self-esteem, psychological health problems, antisocial conduct, sense of expressive maturity), party-political and lawful factors (countrywide laws for wedding and sexual relationships, legal gap), structural factors (understandings of healthcare givers and admission to facilities), household factors (collapse of family structures, the nonappearance of father, family morals, social and psychological complications of fathers and mothers, parents’ mandate), and personal factors (failure to continue with education, love, longing to have children, sense of enablement). 2.7.5 Social support Teen mothers are social beings interconnected to a socio-ecological environment where their interaction with different sources of support can play a pivotal role in overcoming health-related barriers which can inhibit their well-being. Positive support from society, community and family can help decrease teen mothers’ stress and depression. According to Angley et al (2015:2), teen mothers can draw support from several resources, including parents, partners, relatives and friends, which is 34 necessary for improving teen mothers’ well-being. Bunting and McAuley (2004:208) supported this notion, commenting that the majority of teenage mothers live with their mothers for up to five years after giving birth. Grandmothers are the prime source of housing, as well as financial and childcare assistance. Co-residence with grandmothers has also been associated with increased educational attainment and steady employment for young mothers and restored parenting and child development outcomes for their children. Furthermore, the teen fathers play an essential part in improving the teen mothers’ well-being by providing them with money to support their offspring’s needs. Bunting and McAuley (2004:208) support this view by pointing out that partner support is believed to improve the financial position of teenage mothers. Amod, Halana and Smith (2019:10) noted that teen mothers recognise community- based church groups as sources of support. Churches assist them with material and emotional care during their pregnancies. Some young mothers felt that interacting with church members that they could confide in enabled them to realise coping plans that they could use to sustain a positive lifestyle. Connecting teen mothers with church members and their spiritual connection with God through prayers, hymns, and the Bible can improve their well-being. 2.8 Resilience-focused interventions for the improvement of teen mothers’ well- being Most support programmes that aim to improve the lives of teen mothers are not stand- alone, but vary in terms of intervention (Kulkarni, Kennedy and Lewis, 2010:21). A variety of sources of support within their socio-ecological environment are available for teen mothers to improve their well-being. The source of support will depend on the need or needs of the teen mothers. Advice and nurturing provided by grandmothers to teen mothers enable them to continue with their education (Black, Papas and Hussey, 2002:573; Hess, Papas and Black, 2002:620), and involvement in church events promotes morals, inspires positive relations, and establishes long-lasting social bonds; thus, the personal competency of teen mothers appears to increase (Brody, Stoneman and Flor, 1996:2). 35 The school and home are valuable sources of support in the socio-ecological environment. Vogel and Watson (2017:17) stated that education and family support, together with motivation, which is heralded as the primary cause for teen mothers’ graduation from high school, helps enhance their resilience. Networking amongst and collaborative support for teen mothers by the different structures in their socio- ecological environment enhances the well-being and resilience of teen mothers. According to Ricks (2016:6), various institutions and organisations play a vital role in developing interventions that assist teen mothers in coping with the demands of schooling and parenting. Some of the persons who play a critical role in assisting teen mothers are the social workers. Social workers capitalise on teen parents’ drive and motivation by assisting them with goal development, implementing interventions that will facilitate goal obtainment, locating the resources to attain goals, and realising their aspirations. Skatrud, Bennet and Loda (