Complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies by Nkosivelile Nkosivile Nkosiyamntu Mkuzo [M.Sc-Emporia State University; M.Ed.-University of the Orange Free State; B.Ed and B.A.-University of Transkei] Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Psychology of Education School of Education Studies Faculty of Education Promotor: Professor Lynette Jacobs Co-promotors: Professor Mariette Reyneke Dr Kevin Teise UNIVERSITY OF THE FREE STATE January 2020 DECLARATION I, Nkosivelile Nkosivile Nkosiyamntu Mkuzo, declare that the thesis, Complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies, submitted for the qualification of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of the Free State is my own independent work, done with the support of my promotor, and my two co-promotors. All the references that I have used have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. I further declare that this work has not previously been submitted by me at another university or faculty for the purpose of obtaining a qualification. I hereby cede copyright to the University of the Free State. 30/01/2020. SIGNED DATE i ETHICS STATEMENT ii LANGUAGE EDITING To whom it may concern This is to state that the Ph.D. dissertation by N.N.N Mkuzo has been language edited by me, according to the tenets of academic discourse. Annamarie du Preez B.Bibl.; B.A. Hons. (English) 01-02-2020 iii SUMMARY This study was prompted by school principals and teachers complaining about bullying, gangsterism, drug abuse and excessive masculinity, as demonstrated by initiates returning from traditional initiation schools. They reported that this situation was exacerbated by the abolition of corporal punishment, without alternative means of disciplining learners. Literature shows that in South Africa, as in other countries, negative learner behaviour takes the form of drug and alcohol abuse, bullying and disrespect from the side of traditional initiates, to mention a few examples. I identified gaps related to multiculturalism and learner behaviour, the linking of adolescent learner behaviour to poverty, and the lack of understanding of the legal framework for learner discipline. The main aim of the study was to critically examine the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies. The study was done in the poverty-stricken area of the Joe Gqabi District within the Elundini Local Municipality in the Eastern Cape. Participants from six schools from the townships, rural areas and semi-urban areas took part in the study. Interviews targeted principals, LRCs, SGBs, TLO, LO teachers, government officials and community members. The research and paradigm approaches used in this study were the qualitative approach and interpretivism, respectively. The study was premised on three theories: Social Discipline Model, Psychosocial Development Theory, and Theory of Lower Class Culture. Common among the theories is that they all stress the negative influence of identity, culture, and the need for belonging on learner behaviour. The integrity of the study was ensured by paying attention to ethical issues, and the question of credibility, consistency and transferability. The findings of this study include that the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour take the form of a complex inter-connection of forms of behaviour. For instance, gangsterism was found to be connected to bullying, disrespect for teachers, learner-on-learner violence, reckless sexual behaviour, substance abuse, defiance from young men returning from the initiation school, machismo, occult beliefs and learners misbehaving to please their peers in order to believe themselves belonging and being acceptable. Issues that contribute to the complexities of adolescent learner behavior can be classified as teacher-related, home/parent related, those related to culture, and social relations and peer iv group influence emanating from the need for identity. Socio-economic conditions is a unique factor impacting on the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in the context of indigent societies. A serious disjuncture exists between the intended values of the initiation school and the actual values learned at the initiation school, on the one hand, and the values of the formal schooling system, on the other. Based on the findings and theories, I recommend a multidimensional approach that includes many categories of stakeholders. I also recommend a model based on democratic principles entitled Equal Partnership for Winning Co-operation: Shared Responsibility in a Democratic Setting. In conclusion, all stakeholders need to be involved in crafting policies that regulate learner behaviour. This study revealed the powerful influence of culture on adolescent learner behaviour. Poverty renders adolescent learners, and girl learners in particular, vulnerable in their need to support themselves and their families. In extreme cases parents even approve of some of the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour, such as cross-generational affairs of girls with older men for the sake of material gain. Some parents even allow the marriage of their daughters by abduction. It is my sincere wish that fighting poverty should not just be used as cliché or as a tool for electioneering by politicians. A concerted effort should be exerted to save these learners’ futures from poverty. Key Words: defiant, identity, belonging, poverty, acceptance, occult v ISISHWANKATHELO Uphando ngeenzingo ezijongene nesimilo sabafundi abakwinqanaba lokufikisa lususwe zizikhalazo zeenqununu neetitshala ngabatwana abatshaya iziyobisi, bekumaqela oonqevu, begonyamela abanye abafundi, nendelelo yamakrwala ezikolweni. Bathi ke le meko yenziwa mbi nangakumbi kukupheliswa koswazi ezikolweni kutsho kungeziwa nacebo limbi. Into endifumanise ukuba ayiphandwanga ngokwaneleyo ngalo mba kukujongwa kwesimilo sabafundi abafikisayo kwiindawo ezinoluntu lweenkcubeko ezahlukeneyo, impembelelo yobuhlwempu kwisimilo sabafikisayo nokuhlanganiswa kwalo mba wesimilo nenkcubeko noko tshiwo ngumthetho malunga nokuqeqeshwa kwabafundi. Eyona njongo ithe gabalala yolu phando ibikukuphicotha iinzingo ezinxulumene nesimilo sabafundi abafikisayo kwiindawo ezineenkcubeko ezihlukeneyo zikwaziindawo zeempula kalujaca. Uphando lwenziwe kwizikolo ezithandathu, kukho kuzo eziselokitshini, ezilalini nakwiidolophana ezincinane. Kuzo uphando lodliwano-ndlebe beluthabatha iinqununu, iiTLOs, ootithsla beLO, amabhunga amele abafundi, ibhunga elimele nabazali, kanti ngaphandle kwesikolo uphando beluthabatha amagosa aseburhulumenteni neenkokeli zoluntu. Kolu phando ndenze yonke into esemandleni ukuqinisekisa ukuba andiwanyhashi amalungelo abantu endiphanda kubo, yaye nendlela yokuphanda iza neziphumo ezichanekileyo ngokwezinga lophando elamkelekileyo. Olu phando ndiluqamelise kwizimvo zeengcali ezifana no Rudolph Dreikurs, uErik Erikson noWalter Miller. Ngokolu phando lwam, kufumaniseke ukuba, iinzingo ezichaphazela isimilo sabafundi abafikisayo ziphixana ngendlela eyenza kungabi lula ukuzahlukanisa. Umzekelo, xa kuthethwa ngamaqela oonqevu, adibaniselana nogonyamelo, usetyenziso lweziyobisi, ukuziphatha kakubi ngokwesondo, ukungahlonitshwa kweetitshala, ukuhlaselwa kwabafundi ngabanye, iinkolo ngobugqwirha nokumosha kwabafundi bezama ukuzenza bahle kwabanye. Ukumoshakala kwesimilo sabafundi ke kwenziwa ziimeko ngeemeko esingathi ezinye zidibaniselene nezikolo, ezinye nekhaya, ezinye nezinto zasekuhlaleni, ezinye namasiko, ukulahlekisana koontanga-ndini, nabathile abangekafuni ukuhlukana nokohlwaya ngokubetha abafundi nesiko lolwaluko elingahanjiswa ngendlela yalo kwamanye amabhoma. vi Ndiqamele ngezinto ezifumaneke kolu phando nangezimvo zeengcali ezisetyenziwe kolu phando ndithe ndeza nolwam uluvo. Olu luvo luthi masenze ubudlelwane bokulingana ukuze siyifumane intsebenziswano naba bafundi, sitsho ke sabelane ngoxanduva kwimeko yokulawula kunye. Ndikwacebisa intlanganisela phakathi kweSebe Lemfundo, amanye amasebe aseburhulumenteni nemaqumrhu abucala ekulweni iinzingo ezidibaniselene nesimilo esigwenxa sabafundi abafikisayo. Xa ndiphetha, ndingathi nje olu phando luvelise indlela enamandla ngayo impembelelo yenkcubeko kwiinzingo ezichaphazela isismilo sabafundi abafikisayo. Ubuhlwempu ke bona budlala ngabantu bubenzisa izinto ebebengenakuzenza xa bebenganyanzelwa kukuhlupheka. Kude kubekho nabazali abamkela ukuba amagqiyazana abawazeleyo athandane namadoda asele ekhulile kuba befuna ukondliwa ngezidlo nangemali ngala madoda. Abanye bede bavume amagqiyazana abo ende ngokuthwalwa kuba befuna ilobola. Ndinga abapolitiki bangayithathela ingqalelo into yokukhululwa kwabantu kwidyokhwe yobukhoboka yentlupheko, bangasebenzisi ukulwa nentlupheko njengendlela yokuzigayela ivoti. vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I confidently declare that without the assistance of different people, this study could not have been a success. Credit for the success of this project goes to the following:  Firstly, to God Almighty who makes everything possible with adequate effort from the person praying to him.  I sing accolades for my promotor Professor Lynette Jacobs for the time she created out of her very busy schedule to provide professional guidance and support to me as I was walking through this journey and for instilling confidence in me to convince me that success was possible.  I thank the University of the Free State for showing confidence in me by admitting me to this programme and granting me financial assistance.  I thank my wife, Gloria Mkuzo for her unfailing support and understanding.  My words of appreciation also go to my co-promotor Professor Mariette Reyneke for her support and guidance, and also to Dr Kevin Teise for critical input at times.  Thank you to Ms Erika Kruger who assisted with the design of my diagram in the last chapter.  I must not forget to express my sincere gratitude to my colleagues: Sibongile Beje and Dikotsi Mohatla for the technical ICT support, to my office secretaries, Limise Nondlazi and Maipato Tjekolana for administrative support and to Zoleka Malobola for the general support they provided to me as I was meandering my way up a very steep and slippery road throughout this journey.  My heart-felt gratitude also goes to the participants who, despite having a right to refuse to participate and the right to withdraw mid-way, but continued to support this study through their honest participation. viii DEDICATION I dedicate this work to my mother, Mrs Asseneth Mkuzo and my late father, Mr Robert Mkuzo in appreciation of their decision to send me to school and also coerce me to attend school especially during my early years of schooling when I did not appreciate and understand the value of education. ix TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1 : Overview of the study ..................................................................................... 1 1.1 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1 1.2 Rationale and statement of the problem ................................................................. 5 1.2.1 Poverty as a contextual factor in this study............................................................. 6 1.2.2 The heterogeneity of cultures as a contextual factor in this study ......................... 7 1.2.3 The research question ............................................................................................. 9 1.3 Secondary research questions ................................................................................ 10 1.4 Research aim and objectives ................................................................................... 11 1.5 Research design and methodology ......................................................................... 12 1.5.1 The research approach .......................................................................................... 12 1.5.2 The paradigmatic framework ................................................................................ 13 1.5.3 The theoretical framework .................................................................................... 14 1.5.3.1 Social Discipline Model ................................................................................... 14 1.5.3.2 Theory of Psychosocial Development ............................................................ 15 1.5.3.3 Theory on Lower Class Culture ....................................................................... 16 1.5.4 Data generation ..................................................................................................... 18 1.5.5 Selection of research participants ......................................................................... 18 1.5.6 Data analysis, interpretation and reporting .......................................................... 20 1.6 Integrity of the study ............................................................................................... 21 1.6.1 Ethical considerations ............................................................................................ 21 1.6.2 Reliability and validity ............................................................................................ 23 1.6.2.1 Internal validity or credibility ......................................................................... 23 1.6.2.2 Reliability or consistency ................................................................................ 23 1.6.2.3 External validity or transferability .................................................................. 24 1.7 Demarcation of the study ....................................................................................... 24 1.7.1 Scientific demarcation ........................................................................................... 25 1.7.2 Geographical demarcation..................................................................................... 25 1.8 The operational definitions of terms used .............................................................. 26 1.9 The value of the research ........................................................................................ 30 1.10 Outlay of the study ................................................................................................. 31 1.11 Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 32 Chapter 2 : The theoretical framework ............................................................................ 33 2.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................ 33 2.2 The social discipline model ..................................................................................... 33 2.2.1 Seeking attention ................................................................................................... 38 2.2.2 Power and control .................................................................................................. 39 2.2.3 Revenge .................................................................................................................. 41 2.2.4 Displaying inadequacy ........................................................................................... 43 2.2.5 Discussion ............................................................................................................... 44 x 2.2.6 Critique of the social discipline model ................................................................... 46 2.3 The psychosocial development theory ................................................................... 48 2.3.1 The origins of the psychosocial development theory ............................................ 48 2.3.2 The adolescent stage ............................................................................................. 49 2.3.3 The stage of identity versus role confusion ........................................................... 51 2.3.3.1 Four paths associated with identity development ......................................... 52 2.3.3.2 Factors affecting identity development ......................................................... 53 2.3.4 Critique ................................................................................................................... 54 2.4 The Theory of Lower Class Culture ......................................................................... 54 2.4.1 Focal concerns or values for adolescent males ..................................................... 56 2.4.2 Critique on Miller’s theory ..................................................................................... 58 2.5 Theoretical framework ............................................................................................ 59 2.6 Synopsis ................................................................................................................... 60 2.7 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 63 Chapter 3 : Literature review .......................................................................................... 64 3.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................ 64 3.2 Overview of adolescent behaviour ......................................................................... 65 3.3 Contributory factors towards adolescent learner behaviour ................................. 66 3.3.1 The influence of peer pressure on adolescent learner behaviour ........................ 66 3.3.2 Lack of family identity ............................................................................................ 68 3.3.3 Socio-economic, cultural and religious factors ...................................................... 68 3.4 Adolescent learner behaviour internationally ........................................................ 69 3.4.1 Adolescent learner behaviour in non-African countries ....................................... 70 3.4.2 Learner behaviour in African countries ................................................................. 74 3.5 Adolescent learner behaviour in the South African context .................................. 78 3.5.1 Forms of adolescent learner behaviour in South Africa ........................................ 78 3.5.1.1 Violence as a form of adolescent learner behaviour ..................................... 79 3.5.1.2 Drugs and alcohol abuse in South African Schools ........................................ 81 3.5.1.3 Bullying and abuse .......................................................................................... 82 3.5.1.4 Sexual abuse and sexual activities taking place in the school premises ........ 83 3.5.2 Factors contributing towards negative learner behaviour .................................... 84 3.5.2.1 Teacher-related factors .................................................................................. 84 3.5.2.2 Cultural differences ........................................................................................ 86 3.5.2.3 Apathy and abdication of responsibility by parents....................................... 87 3.5.2.4 Anti-social behaviour in communities ............................................................ 88 3.5.2.5 Peer influence in the South African context .................................................. 90 3.5.2.6 The traditional ritual of male initiation .......................................................... 91 3.5.3 Effects of adolescent learner behaviour on schooling in South Africa .................. 95 3.6 Mediating negative adolescent learner behaviour ................................................. 97 3.7 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 101 xi Chapter 4 : The legal framework for learner discipline in South Africa ............................ 103 4.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 103 4.2 What a legal framework is .................................................................................... 104 4.3 Pieces of legislation that inform learner discipline. .............................................. 107 4.3.1 The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (1996) ..................................... 107 4.3.2 The South African Schools Act (Act 84 Of 1996) .................................................. 111 4.3.3 The National Education Policy Act (Act 27 Of 1996) ............................................ 113 4.3.4 The Children’s Act (Act 38 of 2005) ..................................................................... 114 4.3.5 The Child Justice Act (Act 75 of 2008).................................................................. 115 4.4 Legal procedures for dealing with serious learner misconduct within the South African legal framework .............................................................................................................. 115 4.4.1 Suspension and expulsion .................................................................................... 116 4.4.2 Ordinary referrals to the SGB .............................................................................. 117 4.4.3 Limiting the learner’s right to attend other school activities .............................. 118 4.4.4 Reporting criminal offences ................................................................................. 118 4.4.5 The diversion process .......................................................................................... 119 4.4.6 Assistance from the Human Rights Commission ................................................. 120 4.4.7 The use of the Small Claims Court ....................................................................... 120 4.4.8 Search and seizure ............................................................................................... 121 4.4.9 Punishment by the teacher .................................................................................. 121 4.5 Case law that shaped learner discipline in South Africa and their practical implications ............................................................................................................................... 122 4.5.1 Christian Education South Africa v Minister of Education 2000 (4) SA224 (ECG) 123 4.5.2 Western Cape Residents Association, William and another v Parow High school 2006 (3) SA 542 (C) Case 12009 .......................................................................................... 124 4.5.3 MEC-Eastern Cape Province V Queenstown Girls High School ZAECHC 100 (104/07) 2007 .............................................................................................................................. 125 4.5.4 MEC for Education, KZN and others v Navaneethum Pillay 2008 (1) SA 474 (CC) .... .............................................................................................................................. 126 4.5.5 HOD Department of Education, Free State Province v Welkom High School and others 2014 (2) SA 228 (CC) ................................................................................................ 127 4.5.6 Catherine and others v Diocesan School for Girls and others (1072/2012) ZAECHGC 21 (1 MAY 2012) ................................................................................................................. 128 4.5.7 George Randell Primary School v the Member of the Executive Council, Department of Education, Eastern Cape [2010] JOL 26 363 (ECB) .................................... 129 4.5.8 Tshona v Principal, Victoria Girls High School and others 2007 (5) SA (66) ........ 129 4.5.9 Jacobs v The Chairman of the Governing Body of Rhodes High School, The Principal and the MEC: Case no. 7953/2004 ..................................................................................... 131 4.5.10 Le Roux and others v Dey (Freedom of Expression Institute and Restorative Justice Centre as Amici Curiae) 2011 (3) SA 274 (CC) .................................................................... 131 4.5.11 Other relevant cases ............................................................................................ 132 4.6 Summary ............................................................................................................... 133 4.7 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 135 xii Chapter 5 : Research methodology ................................................................................ 136 5.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 136 5.1.1 The research approach ........................................................................................ 136 5.1.2 The paradigmatic basis ........................................................................................ 137 5.1.3 The theoretical framework .................................................................................. 138 5.1.4 Data generation ................................................................................................... 138 5.1.5 The research site: Joe Gqabi municipal district ................................................... 139 5.1.6 Selection of participants ...................................................................................... 143 5.1.7 The integrity of the study..................................................................................... 146 5.1.7.1 Ethical considerations ................................................................................... 146 5.1.7.2 Reliability and validity ................................................................................... 149 a) Credibility (internal validity) ................................................................................ 149 b) Consistency (reliability) ........................................................................................ 150 c) Transferability (external validity) ......................................................................... 152 5.2 Data capturing and analysis .................................................................................. 153 5.2.1 Data capturing through interviews ...................................................................... 153 5.2.1.1 How the views of participants were recorded in the semi-structured Interview process ...................................................................................................................... 154 5.2.1.2 The interview schedule ................................................................................. 155 5.2.1.3 The use of observation as data-generating tool .......................................... 156 5.2.1.4 How I observed ethical principles during data capturing and analysis ........ 156 5.2.2 Data analysis ........................................................................................................ 157 5.3 Summary ............................................................................................................... 158 5.4 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 160 Chapter 6 : The perceptions and experiences of role-players regarding adolescent learner behaviour ............................................................................................................. 161 6.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 161 6.2 Forms of adolescent learner behaviour ................................................................ 162 6.2.1 Gangsterism ......................................................................................................... 162 6.2.2 Drugs and alcohol abuse ...................................................................................... 164 6.2.3 Alcohol abuse ....................................................................................................... 167 6.2.4 The carrying of dangerous weapons .................................................................... 168 6.2.5 Reckless sexual behaviour ................................................................................... 168 6.2.6 Bullying ................................................................................................................. 169 6.2.7 Displaying a discriminatory attitude .................................................................... 170 6.2.8 Vandalism ............................................................................................................. 170 6.2.9 Other forms adolescent learner behaviour ......................................................... 171 6.3 Factors that influence adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies ............................................................................................................................... 173 6.3.1 Community-related factors .................................................................................. 174 6.3.2 Family-related Factors ......................................................................................... 175 xiii 6.3.2.1 Parents and how they treat initiates ............................................................ 175 6.3.2.2 Abusive homes and parents setting bad examples ...................................... 175 6.3.2.3 Parents not supporting their children’s schooling and child neglect ........... 178 6.3.2.4 Broken families ............................................................................................. 179 6.3.3 Factors related to Culture .................................................................................... 181 6.3.3.1 The Origins of the Initiation Ritual and how it changed ............................... 181 6.3.3.2 The initiation ritual and abuse in the mountain ........................................... 182 6.3.3.3 The Initiation Ritual and Alcohol abuse ........................................................ 182 6.3.3.4 Initiates’ behaviour in the school premises ................................................. 183 6.3.3.5 The Initiation Ritual and Bullying .................................................................. 184 6.3.3.6 Other references to culture that have a bearing on adolescent learner behaviour ...................................................................................................................... 185 6.3.4 Teacher-related Factors ....................................................................................... 186 6.3.5 The influence of Media ........................................................................................ 188 6.3.6 Peer Pressure ....................................................................................................... 188 6.3.7 Adolescent Learner Behaviour as a Way of Compensating for a Shortage of Skill ... .............................................................................................................................. 190 6.3.8 Socio-economic factors ........................................................................................ 191 6.3.8.1 Prostitution and Cross-generational love Affairs ......................................... 193 6.3.8.2 Taverns in School Proximities ....................................................................... 194 6.3.9 Psychological Factors ........................................................................................... 194 6.3.10 Magical thinking as a Contributory Factor ........................................................... 197 6.3.10.1 Witchcraft and Satanism .............................................................................. 199 6.3.10.2 Narratives about incidences on and around the school premises ............... 199 a) The story of girls who were walking in a daze on the school premises .............. 199 b) The story of an adolescent girl learner who declared herself a self-proclaimed witch .............................................................................................................................. 200 c) The story of a boy who used magical herbs for fights ......................................... 201 6.3.10.3 What Literature says about magical thinking and witchcraft ...................... 201 6.3.11 Factors related to the government ...................................................................... 204 6.4 Recommendations from the research participants .............................................. 206 6.4.1 Dealing with curriculum-related challenges ........................................................ 206 6.4.2 On Drug abuse and other social problems .......................................................... 207 6.4.3 Gangsterism ......................................................................................................... 208 6.4.4 Carrying dangerous weapons .............................................................................. 209 6.4.5 On reckless sexual behaviour............................................................................... 210 6.4.6 On the empowerment of SGBs ............................................................................ 211 6.4.7 Dealing with witchcraft ........................................................................................ 211 6.4.8 Suggestions on Policy Review by the Department of Education ......................... 212 6.5 Observations ......................................................................................................... 214 6.6 Discussions ............................................................................................................ 215 6.7 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 217 xiv Chapter 7 : Study summary, conclusion and recommendation ........................................ 218 7.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 218 7.2 Overview ............................................................................................................... 218 7.3 The complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies ............................................................................................................................... 221 7.4 Recommendations ................................................................................................ 225 7.4.1 Proposed framework ........................................................................................... 229 7.5 Reflections on the study........................................................................................ 232 7.5.1 The value of the study ......................................................................................... 233 7.5.2 Limitations of the study ....................................................................................... 234 7.5.2.1 Limitations based on conducting the research ............................................ 234 7.5.2.2 Limitations based on knowledge .................................................................. 235 7.5.3 Suggestions for further research ......................................................................... 235 7.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 236 Reference list ................................................................................................................. 238 Appendices .................................................................................................................... 256 Appendix A: Interview Schedules .................................................................................... 256 Appendix B: Permission from the Department of Education ......................................... 267 Appendix C: Consent forms for all participants .............................................................. 269 Appendix D: Parental consent ......................................................................................... 270 Appendix E: Letter of assent for minors.......................................................................... 274 xv LIST OF TABLES Table 1-1: Table indicating the links between objectives and chapters of the study ............. 11 Table 2-1: Attacking and defending behaviour ........................................................................ 37 Table 2-2: Synopsis of findings on the theoretical framework based on the Social Discipline Model, Psychosocial Theory, Theory of Lower Class Culture l ......................... 61 Table 3-1: People receiving treatment for drugs per province in 2015 (Zuma, 2016: 8-12). . 88 Table 3-2: Comparative crime statistics for the Eastern Cape for 2015/16 and 2016/17 (Simillie & Lepule, 2017: 5)............................................................................... 89 Table 3-3: Synopsis of the findings of the literature review on the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour ............................................................................................. 99 Table 4-1: Synopsis of findings on the South African legal framework for learner discipline ........................................................................................................................ 133 Table 5.1: The Gini Coefficient for different population groups of Joe Gqabi in 2006 and 2016 (Murray, 2017: 60). ........................................................................................ 141 Table 5.2: Percentage of people affected by poverty per population group (Murray, 2017: 62). .................................................................................................................. 142 Table 6-1: Synopsis of perceptions and experiences ............................................................ 216 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1-1: The Map of Elundini Local Municipality - adapted from https://www.google.co.za/maps/place/Mount+Fletcher ............................... 26 Figure 2-1: Diagrammatic representation of the three theories. ............................................ 60 Figure 5-1: The Annual per capita Income for Joe Gqabi in the Years 2006, 2011 and 2017 juxtaposed against that of the Eastern Cape Province and the country (Murray, 2017: 54). ........................................................................................ 140 Figure 7-1: Complexities of adolescent learner behaviour .................................................... 225 Figure 7-2: EPWC: SRDS as it complements the Theory of Lower Class Culture, Social Discipline Model and Psychosocial Development Theory ............................. 230 xvi LIST OF ACRONYMS ADRU: Alcohol and Drug Unit. MDC: Mama Don’t Cry. CES: Chief Education Specialist. MRC: Medical Research Council. CMC: Circuit Management Centre. NEPA: National Education Policy Act. COGTA: Co-operative Governance and PSSD: Psychosocial Development Theory. Traditional Affairs. RSA: Republic of South Africa. Cosas: Congress of South African SAPS: South African Police Service. Students. SASA: South African Schools Act. DBE: Department of Basic Education. SASAMS: South African Schools EPWC: SRDS: Equal Partnership for Administration and Management System. Winning Co-operation: Shared SBMP: School-Based Mentoring Responsibility in a Democratic Setting. Programme GC: Gini Coefficient. SDM: Social Discipline Model. GDP: Gross Domestic Product. SGB: School Governing Body. HEIs: Higher Education Institutions. TFLCC: Theory of Focus on Lower Class HIV/AIDS: Human Immunodeficiency Culture. Virus/ Acquired Immunodeficiency TLO: Teacher Liaison Officer. Syndrome. TVET: Technical, Vocational Education HSRC: Human Sciences Research Council. and Training. IBP: Index of Buying Power. UK: United Kingdom. LCC: Lower Class Culture USA: United States of America. LIF: Local Initiation Forum. WHO: World Health Organisation. LRC: Learner Representative Council. xvii Chapter 1: Overview CHAPTER 1: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY 1.1 INTRODUCTION Negative learner behaviour, and in particular negative behaviour by secondary school learners, is prevalent in many parts of the world, including the USA, Britain, the Caribbean, Nigeria, Kenya, Lesotho and South Africa (Ali, Dada, Isiaka & Salmon, 2014: 254; Jacobs & De Wet, 2009: 58; Kindiki, 2009: 252; Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 80). Such behaviour ranges from minor misbehaviour, such as noise making, leaving learning material at home, and talking out of turn, to more problematic behaviour (non-submission of work for assessment, swearing at other learners, graffiti on classroom and toilet walls, gang-related violence, substance abuse, etc.). Learner-on-learner violence sometimes takes the form of fights, assault and even murder on school premises. In some cases, learners burn down property, and engage in sexual violence. Learners also engage in behaviour where teachers are targeted, which includes swearing at teachers, stealing from teachers, damaging their vehicles and even the assault of teachers (De Wet & Jacobs, 2006:68; Jacobs, 2012: 187-195; LeeFon, Jacobs, Le Roux, & De Wet, 2013: 2; Maphosa & Mamen, 2011: 185-186). I elaborate more on such behaviour in the paragraphs that follow. A particular problem amongst adolescent learners is substance abuse. Gouws, Kruger and Burger (2010: 220-221) are of the view that dagga smoking is common among adolescents in South Africa, and parents see it as a better devil for their children than other drugs. Substance abuse is common in South Africa, as between 7.5% and 31% of South Africans are classified as drug abusers (Zuma, 2016:8). Research also shows that South Africa is among the leading nations when it comes to the drinking of alcohol (Booysens, 2006:24-25). Print media also corroborates as it reports that, South Africa is rated among the top ten of the world’s drunken nations, with one in every four South Africans being classified as a heavy drinker. On average more than 100 people die annually because of alcohol abuse resulting in drunken driving, violence and heart attacks. The economic cost of alcohol abuse in South Africa is between 10% and 12% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), amounting to R300 billion per year. Between 01 and 23 December 2015, 1 542 motorists were arrested for drunken driving. Pali Lehohla, the country’s Statistician-General, indicated that alcohol abuse is one of the main factors contributing to suicide rates in both the Northern and Western Cape. According to the 1 Chapter 1: Overview World Health Organization (WHO), South Africa has the highest number of drunken-driving accidents in the world, and around 58% of deaths on the road are linked to alcohol (Davids & Narsee, 2015: 2). Booysens (2006:24-25) furthermore states that South Africa is producing a nation of drunkards, as the youth gets involved in liquor at a very young age. Youth of between ages 14 and 17, the author bemoanes, attend school drunk and worse, in one example, a mother of a 14-year old boy brought alcohol for her son. When parents encourage alcoholism for their children, It is therefore not unexpected that learners also engage in alcohol usage despite it being illegal for minors. Another problem in schools is bullying. This is again exacerbated by what learners see in society, as fighting and bullying have become common and acceptable anti-social behaviour (Madisha, 2016: 2). Bullying is on the rise both in numbers and in severity, and it has both physical and emotional trauma associated with it. Bullying leaves an indelible mark on the victim, hence it should not be ignored (Madisha, 2016: 2). Confirming the prevalence of bullying in South African schools, Motshekga (2016: 5) states that the Human Sciences Research Council found bullying to be one of the negative factors affecting education in South African schools. Highlighting the negative impact of bullying, Reddy, Visser, Winnaar, Arends, Juan and Prinsloo (2016: 13) declare that schools lacking in discipline fail to provide an environment that is favourable to teachers and learners. Newspapers regularly report on violent altercations in public spaces, such as the infamous Spur incident (Citizen, 2017), the KFC incident (Cronje, 2017), as well as the incident where a Deputy Minister assaulted women in public (Business Live, 2017). Defiant behaviour that may impact negatively on learner behaviour is not only seen in communities where South African learners are brought up, but it is also prevalent in schools as practised by teachers against learners. Statistics revealed by the South Council for Educators (SACE) indicate that the council received a total of 609 complaints of misconduct against teachers in the year from April 2015 to March 2016. The statistical breakdown of the four most common complaints is as follows:  267 cases of the use of corporal punishment and assault (highest number in the Western Cape at 171)  97 cases of sexual misconduct and rape  95 cases of unprofessional conduct involving the use of improper language, alcohol abuse, absenteeism and insubordination 2 Chapter 1: Overview  89 cases of verbal abuse, victimisation, harassment and defamation. In six of the nine provinces, corporal punishment was the most prevalent complaint. Sexual offences or rape is the second most prevalent complaint in the country, and it appears to be the most common in two of the nine provinces (Free State and Mpumalanga). In four other provinces, it ranks as the second most common complaint (Brijraj, 2016: 30-33). Clearly, teachers involved in such unethical behaviour set a destructive example to the youth, and in particular to male learners. Young men returning from traditional initiation schools also contribute their fair share of learner indiscipline in schools. Research suggests that the traditional initiation rite of passage for boys is no longer what it was intended to be as there has been moral decline and a breakdown in discipline in this regard in recent years (Mohlaloka, Jacobs & De Wet, 2016a: 214; Ntombana, 2011: 636). Some of the criminal activities taking place during the traditional initiation period include drug abuse, fighting, and even allowing criminals to use the initiation location as a safe haven from the law (Ntombana, 2011: 636). When these boys come back from the mountain, they come back as men in the eyes of their communities, and are full of machismo. They are eager to display this by defying their elders, particularly older women and non-initiated men. They often also impose themselves sexually on girls (HSRC EPC, 2005: 62; Mohlaloka et al., 2016a: 716). The above example is an indication of some of the behavioural problems in society and in the schools, and more detail is provided in the rest of the thesis. There is no doubt, however, that learner misbehaviour presents itself in many forms. Such behaviour often reflects what is happening in society at large. It is important to note that disciplinary problems negatively affect the core business of schools, namely teaching and learning. These issues disrupt lesson delivery, which then leads to lower levels of learner academic performance (Ali, et al., 2014: 254; Kindiki, 2009: 252; LeeFon, et al., 2013: 2; Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 80). Authors concur that discipline and order, and a class with an environment fertile for teaching to take place, is the bedrock for effective learning (Kibet, Kindiki, Sang & Kitiliti, 2012: 112; Kindiki, 2009: 253; Maphosa & Mammen, 2011: 186; Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 80). When a teacher’s attention has to be focused on the behaviour of misbehaving learners, teaching time is wasted, and this distraction of attention drags the culture of the effective implementation of the curriculum to a downward spiral (Coetzee, Van Niekerk, & Wydeman, 2008: 91; Maphosa & Mammen, 2011: 185; Mohapi, 2014: 433; Mohlaloka, et al., 2016a: 709; 3 Chapter 1: Overview Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 81). Negative behaviour by learners demotivates teachers, affects teachers’ health and causes the teachers to consider resignation, to name but a few negative impacts (Jacobs & De Wet, 2009: 59; LeeFon et al., 2013: 6). At times the problem of learner behaviour is so serious that teachers are hesitant to impose their disciplinary authority on the learners for fear of court action against them (Kindiki, 2009: 252). Clearly, negative learner behaviour impacts significantly on the core function of the school. To confirm this contention, HSRC and EPC (2005: 84 & 93) made an important finding in their research on the negative impact of poor discipline on learner achievement by reporting that 60% of teachers in their research mentioned lack of co-operation by learners [learner indiscipline] as the main factor making achieving quality education very difficult. They further mention that, among reasons why learners get punished is late coming and absence from school, both of which have a bearing on learner performance. In corroboration of this point, research conducted by the National Education, Evaluation and Development Unit (NEEDU) at the behest of the Minister of Basic Education on what it is that the schools with good grade 12 results do, found that in the absence of order and discipline, there can be no teaching. Schools with discipline and order have more time to deal with improving teaching and learning (DBE, 2017: 29). Different opinions exist as explanation for negative learner behaviour. Some argue that it is attributable to the absence of communication, or else that the communication that is in place is ineffective between school authorities on the one side and learners on the other side. Authors also blame this violent behaviour on the reliance on carrot and stick interventions that take the form of incentive and punishment to curb indiscipline (Greene, 2011: 26; Kindiki, 2009: 252-253; Maphosa & Mammen, 2011: 186). Nevertheless, undesirable and often destructive behaviour displayed by learners in schools does not differ much from the behaviour shown by teachers, as cited above from statistics from SACE (Brijraj, 2016: 30-33). Furthermore, authors argue that one cannot divorce the leadership style of the principal from the learners’ discipline in secondary schools (Coetzee, et al., 2008: 91; Green, 2011: 27). As predictable as learner indiscipline is, principals of schools are inclined to react to learners’ misbehaviour rather than being proactive in an attempt to prevent it. The situation is made worse by the failure to successfully address misconduct such as smoking and alcohol use (Coetzee, et al., 2008: 91; Greene, 2011: 27; Kibet, et al., 2012: 112; Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 81; van Deventer & Kruger, 2012: 4), which contributes to a defiant attitude. Learner 4 Chapter 1: Overview insolent behaviour is so rife in South Africa that even School Governing Bodies (SGBs) are complaining. SGBs have a legal obligation to establish a healthy environment in schools, and by law have a role to play in controlling behaviour among learners through crafting a code of conduct as part of the school policy (RSA, 1996b: 20 (1) (d)). Through this code of conduct, the SGB of a school is tasked to ensure discipline in the school (RSA, 1996b: (8) (1)) 1996), by including all stakeholders in democratic processes, including secondary school learners (Botha, 2013: 187; Davidoff, Lazarus, & Moolla, 2014: 73; Slee, 1997: 8). In many cases, however, learners are often not part of the process, which violates their right to full democratic inclusion (Shushu, Jacobs & Teise, 2013: 29). It seems as if, in addition to social ills and teachers engaging in unacceptable behaviour, those responsible for the management and governance of the school are also failing to create a well-regulated, inviting and inclusive school environment for the learners to thrive in. Taking the above into account, and acknowledging that the mere tip of the iceberg was discussed, it is clear that the problems with learner behaviour is not a simple matter. This also affects my own work as one who should provide some kind of contribution to solve the problem. 1.2 RATIONALE AND STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM As the Chief Education Specialist for Curriculum Management in the Joe Gqabi District of the Eastern Cape Province, I am inundated with complaints from principals and teachers about the level of defiant behaviour among learners. I am inter alia responsible to ensure improvement in learner performance at all levels of the system, and therefore learner behaviour affects my job directly. Colleagues, for instance, confirm an emerging trend of male learners returning from their initiation and claiming to be men. And because they are men, they do not want to subject themselves to the disciplinary authority of teachers, especially those who have not undergone the culture of initiation and female teachers. These complaints are echoed in the research done by Mohlaloka, Jacobs and De Wet (2016: 715), who found that initiates “blatantly disregard female educators’ instructions”, and cause havoc in schools. The teachers and principals also complain that gangsterism in townships, an issue that regularly gets mentioned in the media (e.g. McCain, 2019; Payne, 2019), boils over to schools. Principals share that they are faced with a high rate of learner pregnancy, drug and alcohol abuse amongst learners, and also vandalism at school. According to the principals, learners in rural, semi-urban and township schools bring dangerous weapons to school, 5 Chapter 1: Overview engage in bullying behaviour and defy authority. These principals and teachers often complain that they feel frustrated and helpless because they are not allowed to mete out corporal punishment, which they still seem to deem essential. They feel powerless and forsaken, as the right to expel a learner from school is only in the hands of the Provincial Head of Department (HoD). The authority of the SGBs, who are tasked to support discipline in schools, ends at making recommendations to the HoD (RSA, Act 84, 1996b, 10 (1) (2), 12, (12.1) (b)). From my observation there is an apparent positive link between high levels of discipline and order in the school and good performance in the Grade 12 results. Likewise, the schools complaining most about learner indiscipline are on the bottom steps of the Grade 12 results ladder. As already mentioned above, there seems to be a negative influence of learner defiant behaviour on academic achievement (Coetzee, et al., 2008:91; HSRC & EPC, 2005:84). 1.2.1 POVERTY AS A CONTEXTUAL FACTOR IN THIS STUDY It is important to understand the context in which I place my study. The Mount Fletcher sub- district under the Elundini Local Municipality, which is part of the Joe Gqabi District Municipality, is composed of indigent communities. Of the 187 schools forming the sub- district of Mount Fletcher, 185 (98.9%) are so-called no fee schools, and are in Quintiles 1 and 21 because of the low socio-economic status of the communities in which they are located. In addition, some needy individual learners also attend the two fee-charging schools in the sub- district, and benefit through fee exemption. This is the redistributive policy through which parents who are able to pay subsidise learners from poorer families (Hall & Giese, 2015: 35). In an attempt to ensure that school fees are not an obstacle preventing learners from poor households from attending school, this policy allows schools to charge fees only from the parents who can afford to pay (DoE, 2006: 45). The Eastern Cape has the biggest share of Quintile 1 schools (the category of the poorest schools) in the country. Of the total number of schools in the province, 27.3% fall in this low category, and it is the biggest number compared to the other provinces (DBE, d. 2018: 5). The Eastern Cape province seems to be on average poorer than the rest of South Africa. 1 South African schools are divided into quintiles from Quintile 1 (the poorest) to Quintile 5 (most affluent) according to the communities in which they are located. This classification is done according to the poverty table from the national Treasury and the census, and takes into consideration factors such as the dependency ratio, income levels and literacy rates of the catchment area of the school. Schools in Quintiles 1 and 2 are no-fee-paying schools (Hall & Giese, 2015: 37). 6 Chapter 1: Overview Poverty in the Elundini Local Municipality is furthermore confirmed by the classification of local municipalities by the Municipal Infrastructure Investment Framework (MIIF), in line with the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (RSA, 1996a, 155 (1)), which categorises the Elundini Municipality under B4. This is a category of local municipalities that are mainly rural with communal tenure. Elundini has only three towns, namely Mount Fletcher, Maclear and Ugie2. In 2015, 75.5% of the total income of the Elundini municipality was constituted of grants and subsidies. The World Bank also provides indicators that measure poverty. The intensity of poverty, also called the poverty gap index, is the average by which individuals fall below the poverty line expressed as a percentage over the poverty line. On the other hand, poverty headcount is the percentage proportion of the poor population over the total population (World Bank, 2005: 69 & 71). The poverty headcount in the municipality was at 24.7% in 2011 and 19.1% in 2016. The intensity of poverty was at 41.1% in 2011 and at 43.7% in 2016 (Statistics South Africa, 2016: 7 & 9). As recently as 2016, electricity remained a challenge in the Elundini Local Municipality. According to the Municipal Manager, Mr K. Gashi, 65% of communities were without access to electricity at that time (Sokutu, 2016: 6). Seekings (2007: 17) argues that people in poor communities often suffer “systematic disadvantage”, with no real chance of escaping poverty. As an example, needy learners in the District of Mount Fletcher, located in the Elundini Local Municipality, cannot afford to apply for post-school studies. According to the Municipal Manager of the Elundini Local Municipality, in 2014 the local municipality provided financial support for application to higher education institutions to 61 Grade 12 learners, and for registration for the academic year 2015 (Sokutu, 2016: 35). Considering the information from this section, it would make sense to classify societies found within this local municipality as indigent. Unfortunately, research has shown that, in indigent societies, prestige is obtained by violating the law. This further promotes delinquent behaviour among adolescents from these societies (Miller, 1958: 8). 1.2.2 THE HETEROGENEITY OF CULTURES AS A CONTEXTUAL FACTOR IN THIS STUDY Even though this area is very poor, it is not homogenous. Inhabitants are mainly classified as African, Coloured 3 and White. Even the African population is not mono-cultural, as they 2 For more detail visit https://www.elundini.org.za/ 3 This term is a legacy of classification under Apartheid, and refers to persons of mixed race, with ancestral links with Khoisan, European colonisers, slaves and Black Africans 7 Chapter 1: Overview originate from different cultural backgrounds. People are of Basotho4, amaHlubi5, Xhosa and Mpondomise 6 backgrounds. The district is therefore multi-cultural in its composition, as people from different cultural backgrounds come together and share a living space. “Multicultural” as used in this study refers to different ways of life led by people. Ways of life include the way people from different ethnic groups such as those mentioned lead their life. These ways of life affect the behaviour of adolescent learners, as authors such as Berk (2006:18) and Miller (1958:5) emphasise the importance of culture in shaping the behaviour of adolescents. At the same time, with multiculturalism recognising cultural diversity, authors such as Lemmer, Meier and Van Wyk (2006:2), view the diversity of cultures as beneficial in the sense that it brings with it social enrichment by introducing a balance between social conformity and social diversity in the process of promoting acculturation. When considering the society that I focus on, learners from different cultures are exposed to different experiences, which includes different initiation practices in the Black African cultures. Another example is marriage by abduction. This can be a contributing factor to defiant behaviour as female learners saved from these marriages return to school with anger. Townships, which is one of the areas where I conducted this study, are melting pots for different cultures. Studies have shown that ethnocentrism (the belief that one’s culture is correct and normal, and other people’s cultures are deviant) presents divisive behaviour of residents of poverty-stricken townships. Ethnocentrism becomes a breeding ground for delinquent behaviour, which adolescents then display at school (Thompson & Bynum, 2012:103-104). Multiculturalism is also reflected in the ways different families, different school cultures and different societal cultures view corporal punishment. Dreikurs’ Theory of Social Discipline Model, in line with South African legislation (RSA, 1996b: 10 (1) (2)), leaves no room for corporal punishment, as it is seen as contributing to the escalation of defiant behaviour (Carrol & Hamilton, 2016: 60-63). Some cultures, however, perceive corporal punishment as an instruction from God. 4 Sesotho speaking, often originating from Lesotho 5 AmaHlubi are a Xhosa dialect speaking group with traditional leaders originating from Bhungane 6 AmaMpondomise are a Xhosa dialect speaking group with traditional leaders originating from Sibiside 8 Chapter 1: Overview Another aspect that adds to the complexity in multicultural societies is the matter of sexuality, how it is viewed, and how peers influence each other. Gumbi (2017:18) contends that there is a prevalence of sexual relationships between adult males and adolescent females in KwaZulu-Natal (a South African Province), some of whom are younger than 16. In some countries, like Zimbabwe, there are ethnic groups which train young girls on sexual skills (Mugabe & Maposa, 2013:112-113). In some instances, different cultures communicate messages to adolescent learners that differ from the messages communicated to learners. Culture is, however, not only linked with ethnicity, race and religion. It also refers to different cultures as displayed by people according to the geographic space they occupy. People staying in townships, semi-urban and rural areas, at face value, have different cultures defining their identities, values and practices. I assume that these might impact on the cultures of schools within these localities. In sub-sections above, problematic behaviour as reported by principals and teachers has been enunciated and how the SGBs feel helpless in dealing with the situation was also mentioned. Then the contextual situation of the area under study was also brought into light. The poverty of Mt Fletcher area under the Elundini Local Municipality was analysed through the classification of schools according to quintiles, analysing the poverty gap and the poverty headcount to indicate that the area is indeed an indigent society. Another contextual factor I discussed is multiculturalism of the area, in which I gave a brief description of population and cultural groups living in the area under study. The next sections are on research questions and research aim and objectives of the study. 1.2.3 THE RESEARCH QUESTION In concluding the section on the rationale for the study, I find myself in a position that I am unable to sufficiently provide guidance and support to principals and schools regarding difficult disciplinary issues. Although literature discusses learner misbehaviour extensively, it does not seem that any significant solutions are on the horizon. I draw from Comparative Educationists such as Steyn (2017: 46) and Torres (2003: 446-450), who emphasise the importance of the global, national and local contexts. They state that it is important to remember that a solution in one context might not work in another context. While it is important to acknowledge that adolescents are in any case at a difficult stage in life, and their strong need to identify with, and belong to, a social group regularly leads to delinquent 9 Chapter 1: Overview behaviour (Umra, 2017: 97), living in very poor communities and having their behaviour responding to shaping by different diverse cultural factors in society makes understanding adolescent learner behaviour in my context a challenge. The contextual gap I identified in literature is that there is not much literature on adolescent learner behaviour within the context of different cultures staying in the same geographic space and being influenced by the prevalence of poverty. Not much in literature is said on alternatives to corporal punishment that is outdated in our days. Literature also does not show the complex relationship and interaction of different forms of adolescent learner behaviour and factors influencing this behaviour and the complex impact of poverty, which exacerbates the situation. Theoretically, no where have the theorries that I use in this study have been used to form the theoretical framework to study the concept of complexities of adolescent learner behaviour. It is my contention that only a thorough understanding of the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural schools within indigent societies can guidelines be developed to appropriately address the problem. So in view of the complexity (in terms of race, class, and ethnicity to name but a few) in the vast majority of communities in South Africa, but in particular amongst the poor, I pose the following main research question: How can the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour be exposed and understood within multicultural indigent societies? 1.3 SECONDARY RESEARCH QUESTIONS In order to answer the above main research question, I pose the following secondary research questions as scaffolding: The sub-questions to be answered by the chapters of this research are: 1. What theoretical framework can be derived and used to analyse the complexities of learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies? 2. What knowledge exists on complexities of adolescent learner behaviour internationally? 3. What is the South African legal framework for dealing with learner behaviour in schools? 4. What research methodology and tools can be used to investigate complexities of adolescent learner behaviour? 10 Chapter 1: Overview 5. What are the perceptions and experiences of role-players in the Mt Fletcher District of the Eastern Cape regarding adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies? 6. What critical comments can be provided on the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies? 1.4 RESEARCH AIM AND OBJECTIVES In view of the exposition of the problem, and my own interest in the study as explained in 1.3, the main aim of the study is to comprehensively examine the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies. In order to achieve this aim, the following research objectives are stated: Table 1-1: Table indicating the links between objectives and chapters of the study Research Objective Chapter and method used  To derive a theoretical framework to make sense of the 2. Literature study complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies  To review literature on complexities of adolescent learner 3. Literature study behaviour internationally  To analyse the South African legal framework for dealing 4. Document analysis with learner behaviour in schools  To provide research methodology and tools to investigate 5. Literature study complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies  To understand the perceptions and experiences of role- 6. Interviews with role-players players in the Mt Fletcher District of the Eastern Cape including learners, regarding adolescent learner behaviour within a teachers, and community multicultural indigent society. members  To provide critical comments on dealing with complexities of 7. Analysing, summarising, adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent drawing conclusions and societies making recommendations In order to answer the questions and achieve the aims mentioned above, a particular research design was used. 11 Chapter 1: Overview 1.5 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY This section deals with the research approach I used in this study, the paradigmatic and theoretical framework, how I generated the data, the selection of research participants as well as how I analysed and interpreted the data. 1.5.1 THE RESEARCH APPROACH The research approach I used in this study is qualitative. Major features of the qualitative approach to research are that it studies phenomena in their natural setting. It seeks to study the complexities of phenomena with a view to gain an in-depth understanding. A qualitative approach to research is also about examining how humans make their choices in their natural and holistic way of occurrence. The qualitative approach to research further has as its aim to actually understand the actions of the people it studies within the context of the material conditions influencing their actions. It also wants to understand the social and cultural contexts backing the behaviour exhibited by the people (Johnson & Christensen, 2012: 35; Leedy & Ormrod, 2014: 141; Nieuwenhuis, 2016: 51; Walliman, 2009: 17). There are other purposes of qualitative research, and the relevant ones to this study are that the approach exposes the nature of the situation by describing it, and it uses interpretation to clearly reveal the nature of the situation under study. This gives the researcher an advantage of gaining insight about the situation that the researcher is studying. This approach further attempts to improve the understanding of complex issues and relationships (Bryman & Bell, 2014: 14; Davies, 2007: 137; Leedy & Ormrod, 2014: 142; Walliman, 2009: 17). Qualitative research moves from the premise that we create the view of the world around us through our own minds, personal experience and beliefs. The researcher’s beliefs, therefore, have an influence on the research process. Therefore, subjectivity is inescapable (Bryman & Bell, 2014: 14; Leedy & Ormrod, 2014: 142; Walliman, 2009: 17). The view of participants in the construction of reality in qualitative research is of paramount importance. Authors argue that qualitative research focuses on how individuals and groups make and understand meaning out of their own experience of their world, and the importance of the common ground between the researcher and the people being investigated (Johnson & Christensen, 2012: 36; Nieuwenhuis, 2016: 50; Walliman, 2009: 17). Experts further argue that qualitative research is also concerned with “understanding social and cultural contexts as 12 Chapter 1: Overview well as material conditions backing the behaviour people display” (Nieuwenhuis, 2016: 51; Walliman, 2009: 17). Because this study is about how people interact, and it attempts to find answers about how people interact, the qualitative research method becomes relevant. The relevance of the qualitative method is further strengthened by the fact that the study is about detailed description and identification of relevant facts (Ercikan & Roth, 2009: 52; Litchman, 2013: 33). Among the strategies of qualitative research, I have chosen the strategy Merriam (2009:22) calls generic or basic or interpretive qualitative reseach. This strategy fits well in studies like mine where individuals together with the researcher create and construct reality through interacting with participants’ social world. In this strategy, the researcher is interested in understanding meaning of a phenomenon under investigation and that meaning is constructed rather than having it waiting somewhere to be discovered (Merriam, 2009: 23). Merriam (2009: 23) also sates that this strategy is more commonly used in education where the interest is in interpreting experience, constructing knowledge and putting meaning into experience. In the case of my study, the phenomenon under spotlight is the complexities of learner behaviour. In this study, I will also used some elements of narrative analysis as well. In this strategy narrated stories that can be used as data (Merriam, 2009: 32). In this study, I allowed the participants to narrate stories that feed into answering the main question of the study. The next sections deal with the paradigmatic and theoretical frameworks of the study. 1.5.2 THE PARADIGMATIC FRAMEWORK Authors such as Litchman (2013: 24) and McMillan and Schumacher (2010: 6) associate qualitative research with the interpretivist paradigm. Indeed, I locate this study within the interpretivist paradigm based on my assumption that there are multiple realities around the behaviour of adolescent learners displaying defiant behaviour. This links with my earlier explanation that in order to understand a phenomenon, the context needs to be understood. The ultimate aim of researchers working within interpretivism is to work with people, as they are the subject matter in social sciences, and analyse their views of the social world around them in order to gain understanding of their situation (Bryman & Bell, 2014: 14; Jansen, 2016:4; Litchman, 2013: 24). Interpretivism challenges the view of the neutral stance by the 13 Chapter 1: Overview researcher, because the interpretation of knowledge that the researcher gains is subject to the researcher’s own personal experience, personal interpretation and set of beliefs. Subjectivity is therefore inevitable (Bryman & Bell, 2014: 14; Davies, 2007: 238; Walliman, 2009: 17). Indeed, I position myself subjectively within this study, as I grapple with this issue within my place of work. This interpretivist view demands of me as the researcher, inter alia to be very careful in interpreting findings. I should not allow my own views, beliefs and experience to dominate the interpretation of my findings, but that I must give voice to my participants who come from diverse categories. More detail will be discussed in Chapter 5. 1.5.3 THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The theoretical framework that guided this study is based on the following three theories: Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model, Erikson’s Psychosocial Development Theory and Miller’s Theory on Lower Class Culture. In the next section, I justify my decision to choose these theories and explain them briefly. A full discussion of the three theories will be presented in Chapter 2. 1.5.3.1 SOCIAL DISCIPLINE MODEL Rudolf Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model (SDM) views man as a social being whose behaviour has a purpose and goals to achieve. Of importance in this study is the view within the SDM that as social beings, humans need to belong and be part of a group. The subjective assessment that a person does of his/her reality, influences his/her actions. That assessment of reality may sometimes be troubled, hence we see certain antisocial behaviour (Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 82). The need to belong and be accepted makes man a social being (Knestrict, 2015:4-5). By this statement, this theory shows the power of the influence society has in influencing behaviour. This theory directly addresses the question of misbehaviour and its origins. There are four goals that authors, as part of this theory, identify as motivating misbehaviour. These goals are the need to get attention, the struggle for power and control, the need for revenge, and for displaying inadequacy (Soltesova, 2013:19). The theory discusses the consequences that may be meted out to misbehaving learners. These consequences are natural consequences, logical consequences and contrived consequences. Natural consequences are not man-made, but occur spontaneously as a result 14 Chapter 1: Overview of misbehaviour. Logical consequences are imposed and they relate to the misdemeanours the learner has committed, and contrived consequences are also imposed. The only difference between logical and contrived consequences is that the latter are not necessarily related to the misbehaviour the learner has committed (Tauber, 2007: 155-156). I am also of the view that learner misbehaviour does not always originate from the learners themselves. While learners may sometimes be intrinsically motivated to commits acts of misbehaviour, what is going on around them may have a tremendous influence on how learners behave at school. Society, home, family and the school itself may have some influence on learner behaviour. Based on my conviction and belief, I see this theory as being relevant to this study as it is able to give a convincing explanation of the origins and forms of misbehaviour, and how misbehaviour can be dealt with in the form of consequences. In the environment of our schools where corporal punishment is illegal (RSA, 1996b: 10 (1) (2), this theory emphasises the need for teachers to discipline learners through leading by example. Teachers should demonstrate democratic behaviour, where learners are part of developing the rules, with logical consequences if the rules are not adhered to (Tauber, 2007:147). 1.5.3.2 THEORY OF PSYCHOSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT The focus of the study is on high school learners who are at a particular stage of development, which is adolescence. Bergh and Theron (2010: 52), Simuforosa and Rosemary (2014: 86), and Weiten (2011: 21) are all of the view that certain physical, cognitive and psychological behaviours show themselves during certain stages of development, even though there is no absolute demarcation of one stage from another. During some stages, an imbalance occurs between physical and emotional maturity, which leads to retarded development. This retardation in development creates adjustment problems and psychological and social difficulties. This occurs particularly during the adolescent stage. At this stage, adolescent learners are sensitive, and that sensitivity causes conflict between them and the teachers as the adolescent learners impose rules and coerce learners to obey those rules. In his Theory of Psychosocial Development (PSSD), Erik Erikson categorises development into eight stages, and further asserts that every stage is characterised by the formation of identity. A human being develops by passing through various stages, and negotiates crises and tension in each stage in order to surmount the struggle to formulate identity. The successful creation of a clear sense of identity results in the development of a useful and satisfied adult. Resolving basic psychosocial conflict along a continuum from positive to negative is a characteristic of 15 Chapter 1: Overview each stage (Atkinson, Atkinson, Smith, Bem, & Hilgard, 1990: 108; Berk, 2006: 18; Mohlaloka, et al., 2016: 711; Weisten, 2011: 21; Weisten 2011:345). Culture becomes of paramount importance in understanding each stage of development, as psychological development cannot be divorced from social relations (Atkinson, et al., 1990:108; Berk, 2006:18; Louw & Edwards, 2007: 516). Erikson’s psychosocial development stages put children at adolescence at the stage of Identity versus Role Confusion. The prominent feature of this stage is the strengthening of identity. The main questions characterising what is to be achieved at this stage, are: “Who am I”? “Where am I going”? “What is my place in society and what role should I play as an adult”? “What is of value to me”? “What direction do I choose to pursue in life”? At this stage, children test their ego by trying to belong to a group or groups, and falling in love. Identity as perceived by themselves and identity as perceived by others leads to a confusion of their roles in life (Bergh & Theron, 2010: 64; Berk, 2006: 18; Louw & Edwards, 2007: 516; Mohlaloka, et al., 2016a: 711; Weisten, 2011:345). Identity formation revolves around thoughts concerning relationship, gender roles, marriage, religion, value systems, politics, autonomy from parents, work roles and social responsibility (Louw & Edwards, 2007: 516). Adolescents at this stage create an image of themselves as unique individuals. It is at this stage that, in advanced societies, children experience an identity crisis which results in distress. They do this by experimenting with various ways of being in an attempt to pave the way towards settling on their own values and goals (Atkinson, et al., 1990: 108; Berk, 2006: 456). In support of the use of this PSSD theory in this study, Greene (2011: 27) is of the view that challenging behaviour does not occur in a vacuum, but in the context of a child’s development. It may be as a result of lagging development of certain skills in the child. Learners at high school level who are the focus of this study are at this stage of Identity versus Role confusion, which justifies the decision to choose Erikson’s theory as one of the lenses I use to look through in this study. 1.5.3.3 THEORY ON LOWER CLASS CULTURE The theory on Lower Class Culture (LCC) by Walter Miller is one of the theories categorised under a group of theories called Cultural Transmission Theories. This category of theories was established in 1938, and it explains deviant behaviour as originating from competition 16 Chapter 1: Overview between different cultural groups (Thompson & Bynum, 2012: 103). These theories trace defiant behaviour in America where, after industrialisation, people from different backgrounds settled in urban areas. Coming together from different backgrounds, these people brought with them some ethnocentric tendencies of seeing other people’s cultures as deviant and delinquent, and seeing their own culture as exemplary (Thompson & Bynum, 2012: 103-104). Miller’s explanation of deviant behaviour by adolescents from lower classes is that it originates from the lower class itself as it comes from the values, norms and behavioural expectations of that class. The lower class has its own way of teaching its own culture, and ensuring that its values are passed to the next generation and internalised. In transmitting lower class values from one generation to the next, the lower class society ensures survival in harsh conditions such as unemployment and low-skilled labour. The transmission of lower class values then becomes the origin of aggression and anti-social conduct (Haralambos & Heald, 1989: 147; Thompson & Bynum, 2012: 106). Placing more emphasis on the important role that values play in ensuring the strengthening of identity within society, Miller (1958:5) contends that adolescents in lower class societies practice delinquent behaviour in order to adhere to and achieve standards defined by the community. The author further emphasises that cultural forces also have an influence on the delinquency of adolescents from lower class cultures. According to this theory, the sense of belonging in shaping the behaviour of adolescents is so important that these adolescents form peer groups along gender lines. Another mechanism to strengthen the sense of belonging, is for members of the peer group to gain status by conforming to the focal concerns (areas which demand attention) of the group (Miller, 1958: 13&15). Miller’s focus on the lower class is relevant to this study, as the study focuses on schools situated in indigent communities of the Elundini Local Municipality. The three theories mentioned above link well in the sense that they emphasise the important influence of society on personality formation. All three contend that misbehaviour does not just occur at random, but that it occurs in the context of the child’s development. They all see socialisation through identity as a vital part of behaviour. The theories mentioned above see misbehaviour as emanating from the need to identify, gain recognition and a sense of 17 Chapter 1: Overview belonging, and be accepted. The theories put emphasis on the importance of social acceptance and support in behaviour modification for adolescents. On the opposite side, the theories view lack of acceptance and support as a fertile ground for the rejection of authority. As the three theories deal directly with adolescent behaviour, they directly address both the main research question and the main aim of this study. More details on how the three theories link are discussed in chapter 2 and summarised diagrammatically in figure 2-1. Acts of wayward behaviour by adolescent learners are therefore viewed through the lenses provided by the three theories as stated above. The acts of defiant behaviour are analysed in terms of their manifestation and causes. The next section focuses on how I generated the data for this study. 1.5.4 DATA GENERATION Qualitative researchers use a variety of ways to generate data. These may include observation, in-depth interviews, field notes, objects, written documents, audio-visual material, participant observation, use of artefacts, records from the past and electronic documents. The researcher is in essence the “instrument” that collects data (Davies, 2007: 151; Johnson & Christensen, 2012: 34; Leedy & Ormrod, 2005: 135), and in this study I was the one who generated the data. For this study, I inter alia used individual interviews, focus group discussions, analysis of legislation and court rulings around learner discipline to generate my data. I collected data through note writing, and recording and transcribing discussions. 1.5.5 SELECTION OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS Qualitative researchers obtain data from a variety of sources such as textual material, people, objects, electronic records and audio-visual sources (Leedy & Ormrod, 2005: 144). For the purpose of this study, I used people as the main source of data. The sampling strategy I used in this study is non-probability sampling, as in line with my approach, the study never intended to generalise. I selected participants I believe have the requisite knowledge to contribute to the study and I conducted the study in the education district I work in. For this reason, my sampling method is convenient purposive sampling. I ensured that the categories of the population of schools in the district were represented, in other words rural and township schools, and schools in semi-urban areas. For this reason, my sampling method also took the form of stratified sampling (Cohen, Manion, & Morrison, 2007: 111-112). 18 Chapter 1: Overview I chose six high schools from the total of 21 high schools in the sub-district. Two are rural schools from different cultures, two are from two different townships and the other two are former Model C schools in two different semi-urban areas. From these schools, the participants are as follows:  Teacher liaison officers (TLOs). They are educators who have been elected by their peers to act as liaison between staff and learners  Life Orientation (LO) teachers. These teachers deal with the subject that exposes learners to the holistic study of self in society. This includes health, emotions, lifestyle and the citizenship aspects  Principals  Representative councils of learners (RCLs). These are the only recognised and legitimate representative learner bodies in a school situation  Parents from school governing bodies (SGBs) as custodians of governance in public schools (Edutel, 2015: 30, Ferguson, 2015: 2; RSA, Act 84 of 1996, 11 (1) 16 (1)). These are the people directly responsible for working with learners and who understand them well. The TLOs are teachers who have been identified by the school to liaise directly with learners. They deal with problems and challenges affecting learners, and they provide guidance and leadership to the LRCs. The Life Orientation teachers teach a subject that deals with the psychological aspects of learners, and for that reason they get very close to the learners. They usually have a good understanding of learner issues, and that is why they are relevant to this study. The LRC members are the leadership of the learners, and they will articulate the feelings of learners about different aspects of this study from the point of view of the learners themselves. The study also includes the principals, because the principal is the person who is in overall charge of the school. The principal is responsible for ensuring that the school has a sound school policy that gives direction on how to deal with disciplinary issues in the school. Lastly, the study included parent members of the SGB because they are representing parents in the school affairs. As members of the SGB, they (together with the other members of the SGB) craft school policies and deal with learner discipline. Based on the information that I received through interviewing the participants as explained above, I furthermore interviewed people in government offices and in the broader community. I therefore also interviewed the school safety co-ordinators, the district HIV/AIDS co-ordinator, social workers and an officer from the South African Police Services (SAPS). The 19 Chapter 1: Overview district school safety co-ordinator was selected because she is the official in charge of all the programmes that deal with social ills affecting learners. Her responsibilities include liaising with other departments. Social ills handled by the school safety co-ordinator include illegal activities such as bringing dangerous weapons and drugs to school, fighting and gangsterism. The district HIV/AIDS co-ordinator deals with social ills that are a health hazard, such as early debut to sex, unsafe sex and teenage pregnancy, as well as drug and alcohol abuse. Social workers and police are included in the study because of their responsibility to deal with social ills and crime prevention in schools. I also interviewed members of the Maclear Survivor Support group of the White Door Centre of Hope as they deal with support for abused family members within the geographic area of this study. This group is relevant for checking whether learners’ violent, belligerent and recalcitrant behaviour is not perpetuated at home and in society at large. I also interviewed two officials from the Local Initiation Forum (LIF), which included the secretary of the LIF. This forum is in charge of the custom of initiation in the area. They appoint traditional surgeons called iingcibi and traditional instructors called amakhankatha, and provide leadership and guidance to the initiation process as a whole. As in the study of Mohlaloka, Jacobs and De Wet (2016b), these officials responsible for the traditional initiation contributed valuable knowledge to this study, as the study deals inter alia with how initiates conduct themselves in the school situation after undergoing initiation. 1.5.6 DATA ANALYSIS, INTERPRETATION AND REPORTING Qualitative research involves the researcher moving back and forth rather than in a linear fashion, gathering and analysing data using selective coding to identify similar points in the text, and combining them into segments and organising segments into themes (Clark, 2008: 181, Davies, 2007: 234). From the audio recordings, written notes and read documents, data was analysed, interpreted and reported on. Qualitative researchers search for patterns, identify themes and look for similar themes appearing in the data. From common themes, they derive categories (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010: 96-99, Merriam, 2009: 223). After I collected data from the participants, I therefore categorised it into patterns according to similarity, then I categorised data according to themes. Themes such as forms of misbehaviour, factors leading to misbehaviour, its impact and how to deal with it emerged from this process. The collected data was then used to answer the main research question as well as the sub-questions of the study. 20 Chapter 1: Overview The reporting of the findings was one in line with the list of research objectives, while also considering the theoretical framework through which the study was done. I was also responsible for ensuring that the study met the acceptable standards of integrity. 1.6 INTEGRITY OF THE STUDY This section deals with all the aspects carried out to ensure the integrity of the study. Those aspects include ethical issues, reliability of data and findings, as well as the validity of the data in the form of both internal and external validity. 1.6.1 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Ethics is an important step for consideration in research to ensure that no physical or emotional harm comes to the participants. Regarding ethics, the researcher should display consideration for both human and non-human aspects. Human aspects include the participants, sponsors, fellow researchers, the public and the academic community. Non- human aspects refer to the academic institution and the discipline of science (De Vos, Strydom, Fouche’ & Delport, 2005: 56 & 64; Wagner, Kawulich & Garner, 2012: 62; Walliman, 2009: 337). Ethical consideration in research is about being guided by a set of morally acceptable principles and standards as a professional. This can be made possible through the knowledge of what is right and fair, and what is wrong and unfair, and ensuring that the researcher is always doing the right thing. The researcher should avoid putting people in danger, and should not treat them inconsiderately (Johnson & Christensen, 2012: 99; Litchman, 2013: 51). Different authors identified issues for ethical consideration as the following (Johnson & Christensen, 2012: 100-116; Litchman, 2013: 52-55; Walliman, 2009: 337-342): i. Ensure that society and science relate well and in a manner that will help society benefit from the research. ii. The researcher must act in a professional way and avoid research misconduct such as falsification, fabrication, plagiarism, presenting a fraudulent report after manipulating data, distorting data purposefully by reporting selectively, and by avoiding data that is contrary to the researcher’s belief in order to support a theory. The researcher must admit where there are limitations. 21 Chapter 1: Overview iii. Extra care must be taken when dealing with participants: There must be no physical or psychological harm. The researcher must obtain informed consent from the research participants. In the case of minors, the researcher must get consent to participate from parents. Participants should be free to withdraw from the research at any time if they want to. Confidentiality, privacy and anonymity should be guaranteed. The researcher should avoid intrusiveness, use terminology neutrally, avoid ethnocentric biases against other people’s cultures, and the researcher must be sensitive to gender and sexual orientation. De Vos, et al. (2005:57) argue that sometimes researchers take a superior position to the participants, and suggest a more egalitarian approach according to which participants are seen as core-researchers and equal partners. Qualitative researchers have no choice but to have a clear plan of how they are going to handle ethical dilemmas during data collection. By so doing, the researcher in a sense compensates participants for their co-operation and acceptance (McMillan & Schumacher, 2010: 338). For this study, I obtained permission from the relevant authorities to conduct the research. These include the Department of Education’s Ethics Committee as co-ordinated by the Directorate for Strategic Planning, Policy Research and Secretariat Services, the Ethics Committee of the University of Free State Faculty of Education, the heads of SAPS and the social worker in charge. The Ethics Committee of the UFS Faculty of Education granted ethical clearance, and my ethical clearance number is UFS-HSD2017/1008. Participants were given the objectives of the study, and they were assured that they could terminate their participation at any time if desired. In order to maintain confidentiality, the participants were given pseudonyms and codes were used. In all cases I read my transcriptions of the interviews back to the participants to ensure that it was captured accurately. The criteria for inclusion and exclusion in the study was also shared with the participants. I avoided falsification and fabrication of information. I acknowledged all sources of information and was honest about the limitations of the study. I did not distort or manipulate any information or data. In the selection on the research participants, I tried to limit the number of participants as they are directly affected by issues of learner behaviour. Learner information was only sought from the leadership of the learners, as part of the representative council for learners. 22 Chapter 1: Overview 1.6.2 RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY This section deals with how I tried to ensure internal validity or credibility, reliability or consistency of the research instrument, and external validity, trustworthiness or transferability of the research findings. 1.6.2.1 INTERNAL VALIDITY OR CREDIBILITY Internal validity concerns a researcher measuring or observing what he/she thinks they are observing, according to their plan. In this case the research findings are in alignment with reality, and with what the researcher was investigating. This is about the appropriateness and accuracy of the steps taken to reach the findings. Internal validity is also about the extent to which the research instrument accurately measures what it claims to measure. Because of the difficulty in assessing reality, particularly in qualitative research where the researcher deals with concepts such as attitudes, feelings, experiences and perceptions, it becomes better to evaluate data according to credibility (Kumar, 2014: 212-213; Merriam, 2009:213; Terre Blanche, Durrheim, & Painter, 2012: 147). Identifying the positive aspect of qualitative research, Leedy and Ormrod (2010: 96) and Merriam (2009: 215) argue that qualitative research has strength when it comes to the credibility of the findings. This is due to the fact that in qualitative research, the researcher becomes the instrument for collecting and interpreting data. The interpretation of data is also done through observations and interviews. Qualitative research takes on board views of people involved in a phenomenon, and interprets those views and perspectives within the context of the people themselves. One of the strategies recommended for the promotion of credibility in research is member checking, also called respondent validation. This is about interpreting data and taking the researcher’s interpretation back to the respondents to check accuracy by seeking their confirmation (Kumar, 2014: 219; Leedy & Ormrod, 2010: 101; Merriam, 2009: 217). In this study I used member checking to secure respondent validation. I did this by taking my interpretation of findings back to the respondents for amendment and confirmation. This ensures that the degree of error in the research instrument is lowered. 1.6.2.2 RELIABILITY OR CONSISTENCY Reliability is about the consistency, stability, predictability and dependability of the research instrument. This can be achieved when the instrument yields the same results when measurement is done repeatedly in the same or similar situations (Kumar, 2014: 215; Leedy 23 Chapter 1: Overview & Ormrod, 2010: 93; Terre Blanche, et al: 152). Merriam (2009: 220) argues that the repeatability of findings is problematic in social sciences, or when dealing with human behaviour. This is because of the dynamic nature of human behaviour, and the fact that numerous interpretations of the same data make reliability and yielding the same results impossible. To promote reliability, researchers suggest the consistent use of the research instrument by ensuring that the instrument is standardised. Criteria for judgement should also be clear in order to eliminate subjectivity. Triangulation is another strategy that researchers recommend for the enhancement of reliability, particularly in qualitative research (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010: 93). Kumar (2014: 215) summarises indicators that determine reliability in qualitative research as credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability. As recommended by Leedy and Ormrod (2010: 93 & 99) and Merriam (2009: 222), this study used test-retest and triangulation methods to enhance the dependability of its findings. The research instrument was administered repeatedly, and multiple sources of data were used to confirm findings, as is usually done in qualitative research. 1.6.2.3 EXTERNAL VALIDITY OR TRANSFERABILITY External validity focuses on the generalisability, transferability and applicability of research findings in similar situations. However, the main aim of studies based in qualitative research is to seek an in-depth understanding of phenomena and not necessarily to generalise findings. More relevant for qualitative research are terms such as confirmability, credibility, verifiability, transferability and trustworthiness. Qualitative research is built on extrapolation. This refers to speculations which are not sure about the probability of applying findings in similar situations under similar conditions (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010: 100; Merriam, 2009: 223- 225). According to Merriam (2009: 227), one way of enhancing transferability in qualitative research is to use thick and detailed descriptions of findings, so that readers in similar situations and contexts may assess their applicability. To enhance transferability in this study, I relied on thick and detailed descriptions to allow readers to determine whether they can apply the findings in similar situations. The next section is on the demarcation of the study. 1.7 DEMARCATION OF THE STUDY The study took place within a particular scientific and contextual domain. Below, I discuss the scientific and the geographic demarcation of the study. In the scientific demarcation I locate 24 Chapter 1: Overview the study under the relevant discipline and under geographic demarcation the geographic area where the study took place is clearly described. 1.7.1 SCIENTIFIC DEMARCATION This study is demarcated within the field of Psychology of Education, as it deals with behaviour within a particular stage of development of children. It is premised on Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model (cf. 1.5.3.1), Miller’s Theory on Lower Class Culture (cf. 1.5.3.2) and Erikson’s Psychosocial Development Theory (cf. 1.5.3.3) as it explores both the manifestation and possible causes of disruptive behaviour among learners. In this study, I also drew strongly from Education Law as a field in Chapter 4. The study takes into consideration both factors within the school and factors outside the school as it explores causes of defiant learner behaviour. 1.7.2 GEOGRAPHICAL DEMARCATION This study was conducted in the education district of Joe Gqabi in the sub-district of Mount Fletcher in the Elundini Local Municipality. Joe Gqabi is one of the 12 districts in the Eastern Cape Department of Education. The schools targeted for this study were two schools of different cultures from rural areas, two schools from different townships, and two former Model C schools from different semi-urban areas. The education district of Joe Gqabi is divided into four Circuit Management Centres (CMCs), which are Mount Fletcher, Ugie- Maclear, Sterkspruit and Aliwal North. I conducted the study in the CMCs of Mount Fletcher and Ugie-Maclear (both of which form the Mount Fletcher district). These CMCs form part of the Elundini Local Municipality, according to municipal demarcations. Figure 1-1 below shows a map of Elundini Local Municipality. The next section gives the operational definitions of terms I have used in this study. 25 Chapter 1: Overview Figure 1-1: The Map of Elundini Local Municipality - adapted from https://www.google.co.za/maps/place/Mount+Fletcher 1.8 THE OPERATIONAL DEFINITIONS OF TERMS USED The following are terms used in this study, and the context within which they have been used: Adolescence: This is a stage of life that begins with puberty at about 12 years of age, and continues up to 25 years. The duration of this stage is often culturally determined and may differ between societies. The stage can be visibly seen through physical changes that are 26 Chapter 1: Overview demonstrated by sexual maturity. This is the stage where identity is formed and consolidated (Meyer, Moore & Viljoen, 2012: 202). Discipline: Discipline is a way of emulating good character and teaching self-control, which results in acceptable behaviour, self-respect and respect for others. Discipline leads to the creation of an environment of safety and security for both staff and learners. A safe and secure environment is conducive to learning (Ali, et al., 2014: 255; Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 255). The term originates from the Latin word “disciplina” and the French word “discipline”, denoting other concepts such as order, method, to educate and to motivate (Polat, Kaya & Akdag, 2013: 885). Indiscipline: Indiscipline is displayed misbehaviour in any or all of the following areas: respect for school authority, obedience of rules and regulations and maintenance of established standards of behaviour. Common learner misbehaviour include, though is not limited to, the following: fighting, truancy, shouting, taking other learners’ property, bullying, threatening teachers and viewing pornographic material (Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 80). Learner indiscipline may also take the form of learners carrying out activities that are dangerous to their own health, and that are in violation of the interests of other learners (Maphosa & Mammen, 2011: 186). The term is used interchangeably with terms like “deviant behaviour”, “disruptive behaviour”, “defiant” and “unacceptable behaviour”. Leadership style: According to Kibet, et al. (2012: 112), leadership style is the way the leader approaches the task and people’s needs within a given situation. Custom of initiation: This is the custom that deals with the transition of male adolescents from childhood to adulthood. It involves seclusion and isolation, with lessons for survival in adulthood taught to the initiates. This custom is usually accompanied by male circumcision, although circumcision is not necessarily synonymous to initiation. Ingcibi: This is a traditional surgeon responsible for performing circumcision on boys in the Xhosa culture of initiation. Ikhankatha: This is a traditional teacher in the Xhosa culture, chosen from the grown men in society. He should be a man who can lead by example. His main responsibility is to sit with initiates in the initiation area, and share with them the wisdom of life and the do’s and don’ts 27 Chapter 1: Overview of being an adult man in society. An ikhankatha must have gone through the initiation ritual himself. Core business: The core business is the main responsibility of an institution or an individual. In the case of a school, the core business is quality teaching, resulting in learning as a product. Insubordination: This is a form of indiscipline that involves defiance of authority and a failure to carry out lawful instructions. Graffiti: This is one way in which learners display indiscipline. This form of indiscipline involves writing provocative messages and drawing pictures on the walls. Gang-related violence: This is constituted by a series of law-breaking activities meted out by a group of people belonging to the same syndicate with a common goal. It usually takes the form of fighting, murdering, assaulting, and alcohol and drug abuse. Bullying: This is an act of dominance done by a person who considers him/herself to be stronger than someone weaker. It involves forcing the weaker one to carry out instructions from the stronger one under duress. Joubert (2015: 179) defines bullying as “a premeditated, continuous, malicious and belittling action. Bullying can be described as a negative action when someone intentionally inflicts injury and discomfort upon another.” Common denominator: This is a factor that is common among many sites under study. In this case it refers to a common feature among all the schools where learner disruptive behaviour is prevalent. School Governing Body: This is the council in charge of governance of a school, and is established in line with the provisions of the South African Schools Act (Act 84 of 1996). It is made up of representatives of parents or guardians of learners in the school, representative of teaching and non-teaching staff, and representative of learners in case of a high school (RSA, Act 84 of 1996). Representative council for learners: This council is elected from the learners by the learners to look after the interests of the learners in a school. It is established in line with the South African Schools Act (RSA, Act 84 of1996). 28 Chapter 1: Overview Teacher liaison officer: This is a teacher nominated by the school from among the teaching staff to be a conduit connecting the management and teachers of the school with the learners. He/she works closely with the learner representative council. Litigation: An act of claiming damages from a person in a court of law. Sexual harassment: Jacobs (2012: 94) explains sexual harassment as “conduct of a sexual nature that is unwelcomed and unwanted”. This is an act of an unfair treatment of a person based on his/her gender. Sexual harassment may involve bra snapping, pulling down boys’ or girls’ trousers or pushing up girls’ skirts or name calling involving terms such as “slut, whore or lesbian” and it is one form of sexual abuse (Booysen, 2006: 37). Substance abuse: An act of consumption of drugs without prescription from a competent medical practitioner. Disruptive behaviour: This is an activity or a number of activities which, when carried out in the classroom, disturb teaching and learning of other learners in that particular learning environment. School Management Team: This is a team composed of the principal, the deputy principal (if there is one), the Heads of Department (HoDs) in charge of divisions, a senior teacher and any other co-opted member of the teaching staff. They are charged with the responsibility of providing management, leadership and guidance to the school in order to ensure its smooth running. Indigent societies: These are poor societies with the majority of households living below the poverty line. According to StatsSA (Statistics, 2016: 7), these are societies located in local municipalities classified as B4 by the MIIF. Behaviour: “Behaviour is any response made by an organism” (Mwamwenda, 1996: 509). As used in the context of this study, behaviour involves action or lack of action, words uttered, attitudes and beliefs displayed and expressed by adolescent learners. The next section is on the value of the study to possible beneficiaries. 29 Chapter 1: Overview 1.9 THE VALUE OF THE RESEARCH The assertion exists that since the prohibition of corporal punishment in South African schools (through Section 10 (1) of the South African Schools Act), the Department of Education has not put forth any clear and practicable alternatives to it. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa also states that “everyone has the right to freedom and security of the person which includes the right not to be tortured in any way; and not to be treated or punished in a cruel, inhuman or degrading way” (RSA 1996a, s12 (1) (d) and (e)). The prohibition of corporal punishment is perceived to have led to teachers experiencing all kinds of disciplinary challenges in schools (Kapueja, 2014:36). Through expanding the knowledge base, increasing understanding, sharpening insight and broadening the scope, this study will help people involved in education with more information on learner defiant behaviour as a problem. This will enable them to link it with theories previously thought to be unrelated to the issue. In essence, this study is meant to generate new knowledge and to contribute to scholarly debates. With knowledge that has been generated through this study, means and ways to curb learner disruptive behaviour will respond to the relevant developmental stage of learners. Theory and knowledge generated through this study may bridge the gap between the initiation schools as traditional schools, and the educational institutions as schools based on Western culture. The study will contribute to knowledge and theories associated with the study of human sciences in general and the moulding of behaviour in particular. It is envisioned that the first beneficiaries of the study will be learners, as defiant behaviour negatively affects learners who are at school to learn. Future learners will benefit from the study that focuses the attention of the people in charge of defiant behaviour by learners, and they in turn may take steps to curb it. The study will benefit teachers who are usually at school for five days a week and who come face-to-face with defiant learners on a daily basis. Departmental officials will also benefit from the study as it shows them the current situation in schools. The study will benefit everyone who is involved in education because studies such as the one by Maphosa and Mammen (2011: 185) indicate that defiant learner behaviour leads to a drop in educational standards. Based on inductive reasoning, the argument in this study is that, if learner behaviour is 30 Chapter 1: Overview brought under control, then it goes without saying that there will be improvement in the standard of education. Community members and leaders will also benefit, as this study will challenge their thoughts towards better child-rearing practices. If defiant learner behaviour is found to be originating from community members’ own anti-social behaviour, members of the community will have to keep their own behaviour in check. 1.10 OUTLAY OF THE STUDY I have demarcated this study into seven chapters with the following outlay:  Chapter 1: Overview of the study: This chapter provides the overview of the study. Here I analyse the problem under study by stating it, and giving the rationale for the study. The chapter also deals with the research questions, aims and objectives as well as the research design and methodology. The chapter further deals with the demarcation of the study, operational definitions of terms used, and the value of the study.  Chapter 2: The theoretical framework: This chapter deals with the theoretical framework: that will provide structure and key ideas to the entire study. The theoretical framework: is based on three theories: Rudolf Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model, Erik Erikson’s Psychosocial Development Theory and Walter Miller’s Theory of Lower Class Culture.  Chapter 3: Literature review: This chapter deals with the literature review done on the complexities of learner behaviour internationally.  Chapter 4: Document analysis and legal framework: This chapter is about the legal framework of dealing with indiscipline. I will did this chapter through analysing the court rulings on cases related to discipline in schools.  Chapter 5: This chapter gives a full description of the research methodology and research approach used in this study.  Chapter 6: Findings: This chapter deals with the perceptions and experiences of role players, both inside and outside of education on learner behaviour. 31 Chapter 1: Overview  Chapter 7: Sense-making, Recommendations, Summary and Conclusions: This is the last chapter and it provides critical comments on dealing with the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within the multicultural setting. 1.11 CONCLUSION In its introductory part, this chapter unpacked the topic of the study and gave meaning to the terms used as part of the topic. It also gave the outlay of the chapters by stating sub-topics that each chapter deals with. As part of the problem statement, this chapter explains the problem of learner behaviour. It also discusses the prevalence of learner defiant behaviour in areas like the U.S.A, U.K. and Caribbean, then it came closer to Africa and showed the prevalence of unacceptable learner behaviour in Kenya and Zimbabwe. Then the focus shifted to the South African context, where it unillustrated the prevalence of disruptive learner behaviour in the Western Cape, KwaZulu- Natal and the Eastern Cape. The chapter indicates the rationale for study. Research questions, aim and objectives, research design and methodology, as well as the integrity of the study also form part of this chapter. The chapter also deals with the demarcation of the study, the definitions of terms as used in this study, the value of the study to its beneficiaries and the last part of the chapter is the outlay of the study. The next chapter offers a review of related literature on the theoretical framework that I used in order to make sense of the study of the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in the multicultural set-up. 32 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework CHAPTER 2: THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 2.1 INTRODUCTION This study is about exposing the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in order to gain understanding of such behaviour within multicultural indigent societies. It will therefore focus on how adolescent learner misbehaviour manifests itself, as well as the possible causes thereof. My assumption is that adolescent learner behaviour, as learners display it at school, does not always emanate from the circumstances in the school. Some behaviour may be as a result of home, family or societal factors. In order to provide me with a lens to look at these issues, this chapter deals with the theoretical framework that I will use to view and explain complexities of adolescent learner behaviour among high school learners. I will therefore derive a theoretical framework through which to view the study of learner behaviour among high school learners, from the three theories, namely Rudolf Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model, Erik Erikson’s Psychosocial Development Theory and Walter Miller’s Theory on Lower Class Culture. The chapter deals with these theories in detail as they relate to learner behaviour among adolescent learners, after which I present the synthesised framework for this study. 2.2 THE SOCIAL DISCIPLINE MODEL This is the model advanced by Rudolf Dreikurs. Dreikurs was born in Vienna in Austria, and he later became a founder and medical director of the Child Community Guidance Centre in Chicago, USA. He spent much of his time working as a consultant for schools, explaining his Social Discipline Model, and how it could be applied to improve classroom practice. His belief that a human being is a social being with a need to belong, was derived and influenced by German social psychologist Alfred Adler’s work, and he became an associate of Adler (Malmgren, Trezek & Paul, 2005:37; Tauber, 2007:145,). With their emphasis on the need of human beings to belong and be accepted, Adler and Dreikurs integrated social values into theories of personality studies (Ferguson, 2001:326). Carrol and Hamilton, (2016: 60) claim that, according to Adler and Dreikurs, the need for belonging is a basic need. Failure to meet it can result in misbehaviour. These authors argue that the solution to misbehaviour lies in addressing its root cause, which is the unmet need for belonging. 33 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework The reason behind choosing this model as one of the theories to form the theoretical framework through which to view this study, is that this theory sees human or learner misbehaviour as not originating from the learner alone. It sees the learner as striving to belong and get accepted by peers, adults (including teachers) and significant others. I am of the view that behavioural practices happening in society have a direct bearing on the behaviour of learners at school. As such, behaviour can be traced back to the communities from which the learners come. The theory sees humans as social beings (Tauber, 2007: 145). By extension, this to me confirms that what happens in a society may influence how a learner behaves at school. Several authors argue that this model does not just look at an individual, but also looks at society as a whole, as the behaviour of an individual cannot be divorced from what is happening in society. Established relationships in the classroom reflect experiences from the community, and therefore the climate in a particular community does have an influence on the classroom atmosphere. This confirms the recognition of a crucial coming together of the values of society and those of an individual (Ferguson, 2001: 324, 236; Soheili, Alizadeh, Murphy, Bajestani & Ferguson, 2015: 441). In organising Adler’s theory and making it simpler and giving it more sense and logic, Dreikurs premised it on the belief that people are capable of changing, and that human problems are interpersonal and are influenced by society. His optimistic approach emphasises that all that the children want is to have their needs met. Children whose needs are met, or those who feel that there is a clear commitment towards having their needs met, are less likely to misbehave (Shulman & Dreikurs, 2003: 155; Tauber, 2007: 145-147). In this theory, Rudolf Dreikurs completely condemns corporal punishment in moulding human behaviour. He even states that teachers who administers corporal punishment should themselves be penalised for such behaviour (Tauber, 2007:147). In this theory, Dreikurs argues that, instead of administering punishment as a means of changing behaviour, teachers should set a good example of democratic behaviour. Democratic behaviour starts with transparently setting rules for behaviour in conjunction with the learners. Built into these rules should be the logical consequences following non-compliance. On the positive side, incentives for compliance should be stated. Those incentives should show commitment to meet the goals of individual learners. That will lead to higher learner satisfaction, because by nature children were created to survive within society. They therefore want their goals met through socially accepted means. It is only when their goals are not met that they start relying on anti-social 34 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework behaviour as an alternative means of survival. In a democratic classroom, children cooperate freely and share responsibility with a respectful teacher who accepts them unconditionally, including accepting their weaknesses. In such a classroom both good behaviour and the consequences for non-compliance are discussed and agreed upon in an open and participatory atmosphere where learners are seen as partners (Malmgren, Trezek & Paul, 2005: 37; Soheili, et al., 2015: 442; Tauber, 2007:147). Elaborating on the goals as stated in the Social Discipline Model, Shulman and Dreikurs (2003:155) categorise goals into three psychological processes. According to these authors, there are long range goals, immediate goals and hidden goals. Long range goals take a lifetime to meet. One example of a long range goal is a career goal. Immediate goals are achieved when a learner performs activities that lead to him/her getting instant gratification. An example is when a learner aims at working hard and getting a satisfactory mark in a particular test or assignment. Hidden goals focus on rationalising learner behaviour. They do this by providing explanations and justifications. An example is when a learner is late for class and gives a reason such as a mechanical breakdown to the public transport he/she was using as he/she was on the way to school. Goals dictate the moves we must make. This theory believes in the importance of expectations, and it states that if expectations are positive, then positive behaviour will follow as a logical outcome. This theory holds the view that if one anticipates mistakes then mistakes happen, but if one is optimistic, positive results follow because goals determine the course of action one will follow (Shulman & Dreikurs, 2003: 157). Concurring with the statement on the importance of meeting the innate goals of acceptance and belonging, Ferguson (2001: 329) and Malmgren, et al. (2005: 37) state that, according to Adler and Dreikurs, goals are associated with what they mean and stand for in society, and further relate them to the individual’s need for belonging and acceptance. Jacobs (2012: 306) also confirms the importance of the need for acceptance and belonging, by stating that school violence is promoted by the rejection experienced by the learner involved in school violence. The goals are about the individual, and not what the individual wants to have. Goals are therefore about being rather than about possessing resources. Other authors such as Knestrict, (2015: 4-5) and Simuforosa and Rosemary (2014:82) concur that Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model claims that a human being is a social being with the need to belong and be accepted. Behaviour has order, purpose and a goal to achieve. The main 35 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework goal of behaviour is gaining social approval. In the process of seeking social approval, human beings do not act according to the reality surrounding them. They instead act according to how they assess and interpret their reality. In the process of their own assessment and interpretation of the reality around them, mistaken assessments and interpretations occur. This can lead to misbehaviour. Misbehaviour can therefore occur due to individuals’ own mistaken perceptions of reality. This mistaken perception is referred to as maladaptation (Knestrict, 2015:4-5). Seeking recognition is a human need, such as the need for protection and for enhancing one’s self esteem. To guide learners to appropriate behaviour, one must fulfil their need for recognition. Positive reinforcement in the form of incentives such as rewards, recognition, praises and affirmation from adults, including the significant other, help learners improve their behaviour (Sun, 2014: 204). Confirming the need of learners for moulding good behaviour through positive reinforcement, Malmgren, et al. (2005:36) compare the Social Discipline Model with the Assertive Discipline Model by Canter, and find similarities in that they both put an emphasis on reinforcing good behaviour by rewarding such a learner. Positive feedback is a way of directing his/her behaviour to the right direction. Both models emphasise the development of a plan at the beginning of the year, and communication of the plan and its expectations and consequences for failure to conform. If learners have this plan they can direct their behaviour to the right path. The only difference is that the Assertive Discipline Model does not mention the involvement of learners in the development of the plan, its expectations and consequences. The Social Discipline Model expects learners to be involved all the way. Both models expect the teacher to apply praise and consequences consistently without fear, favour or prejudice. Malmgren, et al. (2005:37) further maintain that learners need positive feedback in the form of praise and consequences across the age spectrum. All this is about fulfilling the need for social acceptance and recognition. Emphasising this human need for social acceptance, Shulman and Dreikurs (2003:156) focus on the concepts of sibling rivalry and sibling competition. Sibling rivalry is when siblings display bickering, observable conflict and fierce competition, all in the name of getting parental attention. Sibling competition is when the siblings develop opposite personality traits while in the process of struggling to get a place in the family and get accepted as part of the family. 36 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework In line with the Social Discipline Model of Rudolf Dreikurs, several authors identify four types of goals that motivate misbehaviour by children (Bitter, 1991: 210; King, 1991: 265; Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014:82-83; Soltesova, 2013:19; Tauber, 2007:148). King (1991: 265) points out that a thorough understanding of these goals that lead to misbehaviour helps parents respond appropriately. These goals are 1) seeking attention, 2) power and control or power struggle, 3) revenge and 4) displaying inadequacy. According to Bitter (1991: 210), the four goals listed above are largely non-conscious, and as a result they prevent children from facing consequences and seeing the uselessness of their behaviour. Tauber (2007: 148) categorises learner behaviour into attacking and defending behaviour, based on their goals. Bitter (1991: 211) gives details of examples of attacking and defending behaviour as follows: Table 2-1: Attacking and defending behaviour Goal Attacking Behaviour Defending Behaviour Seeking attention Lazy Pest nuisance Power struggle Rebellious Stubborn Revenge Vicious and violent Violent passivity Assumed disability - Hopelessness Literature suggests that this categorisation of behaviour determines whether a learner actively or passively pursues his/her goals. It is important to note that, if parents do not address their misbehaving children promptly, the children tend to decline from lighter or less serious goals of misbehaviour to more serious ones (Malmgren, et al., 2005: 37; Tauber, 2007: 149). Different authors hold the view that learners desire social recognition. If this desire remains unfulfilled, it results in them exhibiting a hierarchy of misbehaviour or antisocial behaviour, which they (the authors) refer to as mistaken goals. These acts of misbehaviour are in a hierarchy, moving from the least to the most serious goals of misbehaviour. For instance, a learner moves from attention-seeking behaviour to power struggle, from there to revenge- seeking, and finally feelings of inadequacy, if their goals are not met. The stage of feeling 37 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework inadequate is characterised by giving up and disengaging (Malmgren, et al., 2005: 37; Tauber, 2007: 47). Malmgren, et al. (2005: 37) further clarify the Social Discipline Model by juxtaposing it against the Assertive Discipline Model. The authors state that the two differ in the sense that the former model is about assisting the learners to meet their innate need for recognition, while in the other rules are imposed on the learners. My reason for choosing the Social Discipline Model is that this study in its quest to understand the difficulties of learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies, intends to inter alia trace the possible causes and manifestations of behaviour back to the home and to society at large. The point of departure here is that I am convinced that unacceptable learner behaviour does not always emanate from what is happening on school premises. I believe that home and society do have an influence. Some of the misconduct the learners display is prevalent in their society. So by mimicking this behaviour they are displaying need to integrate, be recognised and be accepted in society. This fulfils their need to belong to society. The theory that there are goals that motivate learners to misbehave indicates that human behaviour, including misbehaviour, is orderly, purposeful and goal-directed. These goals of misbehaviour will be unpacked in the following sections. 2.2.1 SEEKING ATTENTION Literature suggests that learners display certain behaviour in order to attract the attention of adults, including teachers. Learners seeking attention will do anything to get it. If they do not get the attention they demand, they resort to increasingly problematic behaviour until the teacher gets annoyed and pays attention. They seek attention through misbehaviour (Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 82; Soltesova, 2013: 17). Lochan (2010: 27) further states that misbehaving learners have a desire to look good in front of their peers, as a way of seeking attention. This view is in line with the Social Discipline Model, because this author also emphasises attention-seeking, and the need to look good in front of peers. Looking good in front of peers confirms the need to belong, and the need for social acceptance. 38 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework Attention- seeking behaviour, according to Tauber (2007:148), is usually either attacking or defensive. Examples of attacking behaviour include a learner being a clown, being a nuisance, being a show-off and being obtrusive. On the other side, examples of defensive behaviour include anxiousness, speech problems, shyness, untidiness and being excessively pleasant. This learner is driven by the belief that if he/she cannot be best on the positive side, then he/she can still be the best on the negative side of life. Learners misbehave as a way of seeking attention from both teachers and other learners. They do this both overtly and covertly. Literature classifies overt behaviour as attacking behaviour and covert behaviour as defensive behaviour (Tauber, 2007: 148). 2.2.2 POWER AND CONTROL The second goal that the Social Discipline Model highlights is power and control. In the classroom, there is a particular power dynamic. Due to his/her professional position, the teacher is in a position of power and control over the learners. Indeed, Kapueja (2014: 22) emphasises that teachers possess power and authority, and this puts them in a better position to exert authority and control over learners. In line with her thinking, a good teacher is one who exercises control over learners. Teachers who concur with this view (as captured in the Political Management Theory) believe that the quality of a teacher is directly related to the degree to which he/she can exert control. On the other hand, learners often also want to control the situation and try to direct the outcome. They then use confrontational means to attain that, and in the process they intimidate teachers and peers into subjugation. If that happens, they feel satisfied as they see themselves as being in charge and everything being under their control (Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 82). In his analysis of the Montessori Model, Knestrict (2015: 8) likens it to the Social Discipline Model. He argues that deviations, which is behaviour that is contrary to what is expected, include barriers, referring to when a child is manipulated into doing something and the child builds a wall to keep an adult away. This, he argues, is due to the child’s desire for power which prompts him/her to misbehave in an effort to control the situation. The Montessori Model, like the Social Discipline Model, emphasises the need for power and control when analysing a child who misbehaves. 39 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework Shulman and Dreikurs (2003: 161) state that children indeed misbehave when the level of manipulation and control by the teacher becomes too much. In such a case it is normal that the child develops a natural tendency to defy authority. Parents and teachers often provoke this defiance of authority by unconsciously putting their prestige ahead of everything. They disguise their need for submission with wanting cooperation, and they claim to be looking for virtue when in fact they are exerting control over the children (also see Soltesova, 2013: 17). Power-seeking behaviour mainly involves attacking behaviour that takes the form of arguing, being rebellious, being defiant, throwing temper tantrums and being disobedient. On the defending side, the learner becomes uncooperative, stubborn, forgetful and disobedient (Tauber 2007: 148). This model strongly recommends that the teacher should at all costs avoid being dragged into a power struggle with the learner. Instead of the teacher trying to stop the power of conflict by controlling the learner’s behaviour, the teacher must control his/her own behaviour by not giving in to the child’s demands. After managing to control his/her own behaviour, the teacher can start looking for positive ways to make the learner feel powerful. The teacher may, for example, give the misbehaving learner power to control and lead a class team project (Malmgren, et al., 2005: 37; Shulman & Dreikur, 2003: 161). Confirming the need for the teacher not to be involved in power struggle with the learner, Dreikurs in King (1991: 265-268) suggests withdrawal in order for the child to have no one to fight with and enjoy victory over. Parents have a tendency of seeing this type of withdrawal as submission after defeat. To counter this, Dreikurs introduced the utilisation of “benign sabotage”. In “benign sabotage”, power struggle children are given the satisfaction of having defeated their parents but in such a way that the children do not enjoy it. Their power victory is delivered with a pinch, and they will not enjoy the victory. An example is a child who pests his/her parent to do the Maths homework for him/her. The parent deliberately gives all the wrong answers, and the child feels embarrassed at school, and he does his own homework from that day onwards. When using benign sabotage, however, there is a warning that parents should not use it with disrespect, malice or vengefulness. If parents apply the benign sabotage negatively, it can very easily be confused with punishment. Once benign sabotage looks like punishment, it easily elicits anger, resentment and the urge to retaliate. Punishment then escalates the display of power struggle instead of helping to resolve it (King, 1991: 265-268). 40 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework Adding his voice by also confirming that there are uncontrollable learners in the classrooms, Mohapi (2014: 436) advances a view that boy learners are more involved in making noise and being uncontrollable than girl learners. The authors stated above are of the contention that controlling learners and exerting more authority results in defiance on the part of learners, who then end up competing with the teacher for power and control in the class. 2.2.3 REVENGE Sources reveal that adolescent learners often attack fellow learners and teachers as a means of revenging themselves for hurt feelings. Those feelings may be real or imaginary. They display this need for revenge through attacking behaviour such as stealing, vicious behaviour, destructive or violent behaviour and delinquent behaviour. On the defending side, authors mention behavioural traits such as being sullen, moody, morose, cruel and refusing to participate (Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 82; Tauber 2007: 148). Shulman and Dreikurs (2003:157) come up with another way in which misbehaving learners lash out. They call it “passivity”. They argue that passivity is a powerful weapon that adolescent learners use by passively defying authority for the purpose of revenge. They refer to it as “violent passivity”. To deal with the goal of misbehaviour, authors advise that teachers should avoid criticising misbehaving learners, and instead look for slight improvements in learner behaviour and then acknowledging that effort through praise. The teacher must not despair of bringing about change. The teacher must also not retaliate, but display love and care through verbal statements and actions. Consistency in the application of praise, positive feedback and consequences is also key. All that, will leave the learner with little motivation to continue with misbehaviour (Malmgren, et al., 2005: 37; Tauber, 2007: 155). On the other hand, if the teacher does retaliate, he/she is reinforcing the repetition of misbehaviour, but without reinforcement, misbehaviour dwindles until it disappears. With this element of discouraging behaviour by not reinforcing it, the model displays similarities with B.F. Skinner’s Theory of Operant Conditioning, which argues that behaviour fades away when there is no reinforcement (Tauber, 2007: 152). 41 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework Again, in emphasising that the teacher should avoid being drawn into conflict by the learner, Shulman and Dreikurs (2003: 161) argue that parents and teachers unconsciously provoke the need for revenge. As in the case of unconsciously promoting the goal of power and control, teachers and parents tend to be unconsciously concerned with prestige. They claim to be promoting cooperation while they in fact want submission, and they use righteousness to justify their own need for control. This humiliates and provokes the child to the point of wanting to retaliate. The teacher should handle this by withdrawing from the conflict, thereby controlling his own behaviour rather than thinking that he can control the behaviour of the learner. That is the way to stop conflict. Dreikurs, like Adler, also emphasises the need for social harmony that can be accomplished through creating a workable democratic society instead of just a retaliating teacher. In the ideal democratic society, there would be harmonious relationships of mutual respect, a democratic leader leading through consensus, and group participation in decision-making, contributing to the general welfare. This democratic society is characterised by respect for the individual combined with respect for the group and broader society. This mutual respect has a positive impact on the actions of the individual and of the group (Ferguson, 2001: 330; Shulman & Dreikur, 2003: 162). In unpacking democratic relationships, Soheili, et al. (2015: 442) maintain that if the learner’s goals are understood, classroom interaction will be characterised by cooperation, freedom and responsibility shared by the learner and the teacher. Democratic relationships can be promoted through the teacher showing respect for the learners, by encouraging them and by thwarting non-compliant behaviour through the use of logical consequences. Soheili, et al. (2015: 451) also maintain that in a classroom with democratic relationships, learners perceive the environment as supportive, democratic and encouraging, and they further experience satisfaction with their school and teachers. This has a positive knock- on effect on their academic work. The Social Discipline Model furthermore encourages the use of group discussions as a powerful tool in promoting democratic relationships in the classroom. Dreikurs argues that group discussions are an important tool for developing democratic interpersonal relationships and mutual respect (Brigman, Villares & Webb, 2011: 409). From what the authors have written, one can conclude that a teacher needs to be positive when dealing with learners controlled by the need for revenge. Authors encourage positive 42 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework means such as reinforcing positive behaviour and forcing wayward behaviour to dwindle by ignoring it. 2.2.4 DISPLAYING INADEQUACY Literature suggests that some learners displaying disruptive behaviour may have feelings of inadequacy. They feel like they do not have the ability to succeed in class. They falsely believe that they cannot live up to expectations, and they always see failure as being inevitable. They do not believe in their own ability. Therefore, they do not want to attempt anything that may lead to failure. This is referred to as “learned helplessness”. Because of this, they resort to misbehaviour as a way of gaining social acceptance and earning their place in the group. The misbehaviour they resort to is usually passive and unresponsive. They lack confidence and become passive and unresponsive, and are paralysed by the fear of failure. Their inability to cope with difficult tasks is followed by frustration, and the decision to completely avoid tasks that are demanding (Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 83; Soltesova, 2013: 18). Adding his voice to the need to display inadequacy, Tauber (2007: 148) confirms the presence of this need among misbehaving learners, and he introduces his own term for this behaviour as “Escape by Withdrawal”. This author associates this need with defending behavioural traits such as incapability, idleness, hopelessness, juvenile ways, the tendency not to mix and activities they do in loneliness, while he gives no behavioural traits on the attacking side. Concurring with the Social Discipline Model, Greene (2011: 26) argues that challenging learner behaviour is about the lack of a particular skill needed by the learner to complete a particular task. Disruptive behaviour rears its ugly head when a task demands more skill from a learner than he/she has. To deal with this type of misbehaviour, Dreikurs suggests that the teacher should identify easier tasks for the learners, in a case like this. The teacher should also motivate them with encouraging words and acknowledging their ability (Tauber, 2007: 155). From my own experience, learners display learned helplessness by not handing in homework and assignments, not writing tests, not attending class and influencing others to go on strike, especially towards examination time. 43 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework When these goals of misbehaviour are rated from the least to the most serious, attention seeking is seen as the goal with the lowest impact, followed by power seeking. The second most serious goal is revenge-seeking, followed by displaying inadequacy as the most serious goal. This shows that displaying inadequacy is the most serious one of these four goals (Tauber, 2007: 148). All the discussed needs of misbehaving learners require an understanding teacher. From the authors’ point of view, teachers need to respond positively rather than vengeful towards the learners displaying these needs. Any negative response from the teacher can lead to the escalation of bad behaviour by the learner. 2.2.5 DISCUSSION Ferguson (2001: 332) maintains that in seeking these goals, a child may seek one goal from one parent while seeking a different goal or no goal at all from another parent. For example, it might be a power contest with one parent while it may be attention seeking with the other. He may also seek different goals at different points in time. For example, from the teacher he may seek revenge while on another occasion he may be seeking power. Like the Montessori Model, the Social Discipline Model sees a relationship between the social climate of the time, and the difficulties experienced between parents and children. With time, the Social Discipline Model sees society as evolving from autocracy to more democratic ways of child rearing. Traditional methods then do not fit well with dealing with today’s children, so Dreikurs advocated for new ways of dealing with behaviour among children in order to close the generation gap (Shulman & Dreikurs, 2003: 156). These new democratic ways will hopefully meet the needs of the child. The model refers to these democratic ways as the “crucial C’s”. The crucial C’s refer to feeling connected to the group and contributing, feeling capable, feeling that they count, have value, and have courage. This leads to mutual respect that results in learners feeling physically and emotionally safe (Brigman, et al., 2011: 409; Soheili, et al., 2015:452). As part of introducing new democratic ways of dealing with children who misbehave, Carrol and Hamilton (2016: 60-63) proclaim that Adler and Dreikurs’ work became the foundation for the work of Nelsen and Lott, who crafted a Positive Discipline Programme. This programme took the style of authoritative discipline in building positive relationships with children through encouragement, warm parenting, enforcing rational rules and stipulating limits. It is characterised by kindness mixed with firmness. The programme 44 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework involves solving problems with the child in a democratic way, where the parent has “power with” rather than “power over” the child. This refers to a parent and a child working in equal partnership with no one dominating the other. The programme introduces a positive view of mistakes as a good opportunity for learning, and using rewards and punishmenjhfdt, but leaving no room for corporal punishment. According to different authors, the Social Discipline Model also introduces means of dealing with wayward behaviour. They refer to these means as “consequences” (Malmgren, et al., 2005: 37; Tauber, 2007: 155-156). By putting emphasis on consequences, the Social Discipline Model shows some similarities with one of the three of Wolfgang’s Discipline Models, specifically the one called Rules and Consequences. This is about setting rules, and associating failure to comply with the rules with the disciplinary consequences that follow (Polat, Kaya & Akdag, 2013: 886). Polat, et al. (2013: 886) mention three types of consequences which they associate with the Social Discipline Model, namely natural consequences, logical consequences and contrived consequences. Natural consequences: These are consequences that are not brought about by any person, not even by the teacher. They just come naturally if a particular type of misconduct has been committed. These consequences are often not discussed with learners. For example, if children do not attend classes it is a natural consequence that they could fail at the end of the year, as they have missed much of the subject content. Logical consequences: These consequences are imposed by someone else. They are logical in the sense that they are related to the committed offense. There should be a relationship between learner behaviour and the consequences meted out by the teacher. The implementation of these consequences should be according to three R’s. They should be related to the offense, respectful in protecting and maintaining the dignity of the learner, and should be reasonable, in other words proportional in magnitude to the offence committed (Tauber, 2007: 156). Soheili, et al. (2015: 443) stress that these logical consequences must be reliably enforced and revealed. If learners have not done their homework they should remain in class during break and do their homework. In that way the dignity of the learner will not be affected, and the misbehaviour is addressed. 45 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework Contrived consequences: Like logical consequences, these consequences are imposed by someone else. Regarding these consequences, the relationship between the offence and the consequence is not necessarily clear. Because this category of consequences differs from logical consequences, it has its own R’s. It invokes resentment, revenge and retreat in the form of rebellion. It reduces self-esteem on the part of the learner (Tauber, 2007: 157). An example is if a learner is caught smoking, the consequence might be for him/her to work for one hour in the school garden under supervision. The action and consequence - smoking and working in the garden - are totally unrelated, and the dignity of the learner is not taken into consideration (Tauber, 2007: 157). Malmgren, et al. (2005: 36) compare the Social Discipline Model to Canter’s Assertive Discipline Model. They find them similar in that both of them emphasise using praise, encouraging words, positive feedback and rewards as means of moulding positive behaviour. The Social Discipline Model encourages the use of natural consequences in a controlled environment, but if natural consequences do not succeed, logical consequences should be applied. It is through these consequences that mistakes by learners can be converted into wonderful learning opportunities (Tauber, 2007: 158). This is because whenever learner behaviour is followed by an unpleasant experience, be it in the form of natural or logical consequences, it is more likely to dwindle and disappear. This teaches the learner to stop misbehaving. The use of contrived consequences is completely discouraged. By their very nature, these consequences resemble punishment, and punishment has no room in the Social Discipline Model as it negatively affects the child’s self-image (Tauber, 2007: 147). My personal view is that promoting the use of natural and logical consequences makes sense. It makes sense as long as natural consequences are used in a controlled environment. Natural consequences can be devastating to the learner if left uncontrolled. To me logical consequences could go a long way to discourage unwanted behaviour. This is because these consequences are fair, related to the offence and proportional to the size of offence. 2.2.6 CRITIQUE OF THE SOCIAL DISCIPLINE MODEL While I believe that the Social Discipline Model is the most relevant model for this study, it has some points of criticism, however. It locates the source of learner behaviour in the learners themselves. It traces their misbehaviour to the need for recognition, belonging and 46 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework acceptance by a bigger group, which may include the community and significant others. It argues that the origins of behaviour are social in nature. Actions are taken by learners due to their interpretation of reality, which may not necessarily be accurate. Learners do what they do in an attempt to gain recognition and acceptance, as well as a sense of belonging. Greene (2011: 26) criticises this model for focusing on incentives rather than on the development of skills. The problem with incentives is that the reinforced behaviour sometimes vanishes once the incentive stops. This can cause the adolescent learner to slip back to his/her old ways. Yet the development of skills can be helpful, especially to the learners displaying withdrawal, hopelessness and helplessness after being given a task they feel is beyond their ability. The model encourages teachers to praise adolescent learners when they observe them doing the right things. It does, however, not accommodate extreme cases of misconduct, where sometimes there is no good to be seen. Ferguson (2001: 325) maintains that the model lacks depth, and feels that it is too superficial. It is also criticised for being too concerned with inner motivation, while inner motivation may not be the only reason that learners display defiant behaviour. Also stressing lack of depth, Bitter (1991: 213-214) contributes to the criticism of this theory by advancing Ansbacher’s criticism of Dreikurs’ Theory. The criticism is that the four goals are immediate goals of misbehaving, and they do not take cognisance of lifestyle, which entails the possibility of tracing some elements of adult behaviour back to early childhood. He, however, accepts that the line of development from childhood to adulthood is not necessarily linear all the time, as there are some potential new influences. Dreikurs’ theory ignores that a child can behave without having any specific purpose in mind. Sometimes misbehaviour is unconsciously motivated, for example when a child tells lies, which is giving a false statement while knowing the truth, without any specific purpose. As a result of Ansbacher’s criticism as stated above, Bitter (1991: 217) brings to the picture Adler’s typology as an alternative to explaining misbehaviour. Adler’s typology introduces conscious goals of misbehaviour, which can sometimes be as immediate as “getting”. This takes the form of stealing, for example, which is the desire to get what you want. Other examples are throwing temper tantrums and fights among siblings in order to get what they want. The second conscious goal is “self-elevation”, which is about feeling good, the best, first or brightest at the expense of the other. The goal here is for the learner to shine while others get criticised. The third goal is “avoidance”, which is consciously working towards avoiding 47 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework failure. In this instance, the learner is trying to avoid either real or perceived failure. Avoidance even takes the form of dodging punishment by hiding behind lies. Confirming “getting” as the reason for school violence, Jacobs (2012: 306) identifies what she calls “possession” as one of the reasons behind school violence. Possession is wanting to obtain money, food and other valuables from the victim. The researcher, however, accepts that “possession” as the reason for school violence was mentioned by less than 10% of her respondents. Notwithstanding the criticisms stated above, Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model still holds some relevance to the study of learner misbehaviour, as it recommends practical and usable methods of dealing with unwanted behaviour. The next section of this chapter deals with Erik Erikson’s Psychosocial Development Theory, with special focus on adolescence. In this chapter, I analyse the features of this stage keeping learner behaviour in mind. 2.3 THE PSYCHOSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT THEORY I will use the Psychosocial Development Theory to attempt to explain the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour. This theory was originated, developed and established by Erik Erikson, and the next section discusses the origins of this theory. 2.3.1 THE ORIGINS OF THE PSYCHOSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT THEORY In narrating the life history of Erik Erikson, Koteskey (2005: 39) states that Erikson was born near Frankfurt in Germany. His parents divorced before he was born. When he was three, his mother re-married a Jewish paediatrician. After graduating from high school, he started moving from one school to the next in Europe. Erikson felt distant from both Jews and Germans. This, together with his wandering from school to school, made him feel that there was no community or culture he could identify with. At family level the environment was not conducive for a properly developed identity, with his biological parents having divorced and his mother re-marrying. This background is the reason why Erikson developed the concept “identity crisis”. Psychosocial studies as a field is seen as an explanation of the process of change during the process of personal development. It also examines the psychological benefits of both change 48 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework and resistance to change (Frosh, 2003: 22). In his Theory of Psychosocial Development, Erik Erikson categorises development into eight stages, and he sees development as a passage through those eight stages (Atkinson, Atkinson, Smith, Bem & Hilgard 1990: 108). Each stage is associated with its own particular goals and accomplishments, and is characterised by crisis (Weiten, 2011: 356). According to Erikson, personality development is influenced by genetic and social factors (Gouws, et al., 2010: 78). Erikson further asserts that in each of these stages there is search, formation and consolidation of identity (Mwamwenda, 1996: 71). As human beings develop, they pass through various stages. In each stage they negotiate crisis and tension to overcome the challenge of a struggle for the formulation of ego identity (Mohlaloka, et al., 2016: 711). It is the success of this struggle to create a clear sense of identity that leads to the development of a productive and satisfied adult. Each stage is characterised by psychosocial conflict which needs to be resolved along a continuum from positive to negative. It is the resolution of these conflicts that leads to the attainment of the ego identity. Important again is that various authors identify the adolescence stage as the stage when a person develops the ability to connect meaningfully with others (Bergh & Theron, 2010: 63-64; Berk, 2006: 18). Culture becomes of paramount importance in understanding each stage of development, as psychological development cannot be divorced from social relationships. The influence of society in addressing what role the adolescent is to play in society is important in personality formation (Berk, 2006: 18). Cultural rites also play a pivotal role in helping adolescents develop a sense of identity (Koteskey, 2005: 40; Krishnan, 2010: 4; Louw & Edwards, 2007: 516). The next section unpacks the adolescence stage in details. 2.3.2 THE ADOLESCENT STAGE High school learners, the target group for this study, are at a particular stage of development, namely adolescence. “Adolescence” is derived from a Latin word “adolescere”, which means “grow up” or “to grow to adulthood” or “the growing one,” or “the grown one”. It is a developmental phase located between childhood and adulthood. In other words, a child at this stage is neither a child nor an adult, as he/she is at the threshold of being an adult. At this stage, the physical appearance of a girl and a boy bears resemblance to the appearance of a woman and a man respectively, although they are still children, strictly speaking. This period lies somewhere between the time children become adults biologically, and the time society starts treating them as adults (Gouws, Kruger & Burger, 2010: 2; Koteskey, 2005: 6,9; Mwamwenda, 1996: 63). Adolescence marks the beginning of adulthood, as it starts puberty 49 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework (around 12 years of age) and lasts to about 18 or even 25 (Bergh & Theron, 2010: 64; Meyer, Moore & Vijoen, 2012: 203; Weiten, 2011: 21). Scholars agree that while stages of development are characterised by certain changes in physical, cognitive and psychological behaviours, the stages are not completely separate from one another. Furthermore, at adolescence, sometimes an imbalance occurs between physical and emotional maturity, and this retardation in development leads to problems of adjustment as well as psychological and social difficulties. Social difficulties may take the form of undesirable behaviour such as drug abuse, involvement in criminal activities, drinking alcohol and involvement in gangsterism, as a result of peer pressure. Conforming to peer pressure is particularly prevalent at the start of adolescence when teenagers have not yet developed their own identity. Turning to other adolescents and conforming to what they do is turning to other people who also have no identity. Adolescents indulge in this behaviour also as a means to prove their adulthood to themselves and to others. Sometimes they engage in unacceptable behaviour as a way of adopting an identity opposite to what their parents want, through the rejection of authority. This is called negative identity (Bergh & Theron, 2010: 52; Simuforosa & Rosemary; 2014: 86; Weiten, 2011: 21). This is a stage where adolescent learners become particularly sensitive and respond with direct confrontation to teachers imposing rules and forcing learners to abide by those rules. Adolescence is a stage characterised by physical changes such as body growth acceleration, functionality of the reproductive organs and appearance of secondary sexual characteristics. There are also emotional, social, physiological and psychological changes (Gouws, et al., 2010: 4; Koteskey, 2005: 44). Although peer pressure may lead to adolescents getting involved in undesirable behaviour, Mwamwenda, (1996: 71) identifies some advantages associated with identification with peers. Adolescents would, even in adulthood, proudly reminiscent about what they did as a group, especially if they feel that the values of their adolescent group are still similar to the values they internalised. Another advantage of association with peers is that it offers emancipation from parents. Lastly, in associating with peers, adolescents develop social skills that help them relate with colleagues in the workplace, family and people in the community. This section deals with the development of children through the adolescent stage as seen through the lens of Erik Erikson’s Psychosocial Development Theory. 50 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework 2.3.3 THE STAGE OF IDENTITY VERSUS ROLE CONFUSION Erikson’s psychosocial development stages put children in adolescence at the stage of Identity versus Role Confusion. The consolidation of identity is the main milestone that serves as a prominent feature of this stage, although this starts at earlier stages and continues to be refined beyond adolescence (Mohlaloka, et al., 2016: 711). Authors identify the main questions about what is to be achieved at this stage as: Who am I? Where am I going? What is my place in society and what role should I play as an adult? What is of value to me? What direction do I choose to pursue in life? How do images people have of me correlate with my self-image? How do my previously acquired roles correlate with my career and future plans? The search for identity impacts on many choices in the life of an adolescent, including political, vocational and religious choices, interpersonal relationships, ethnic group membership and sexual orientation. At this stage, children test their ego by trying to belong to a group or groups and falling in love. Adolescents start regarding themselves as unique individuals with their own identity and value system. It is failure to develop their own identity and value system that leads to confusion. Confusion regarding their roles in life comes also as a result of different perceptions of identity between their own perception and the perception of others. Another source of confusion are earlier conflicts which were not resolved (Berk, 2013: 470). To exacerbate the issue of identity confusion, adults sometimes limit the choices that adolescents have, and adolescents end up having to choose roles which they are not comfortable with (Meyer, et al., 2012: 203; Weisten, 2011: 345). Identity formation centres around themes such as gender roles, relationships, marriage, religion, politics, value systems, autonomy from parents, social responsibilities and work roles. The achievement of identity for adolescents is facilitated when there is proper alignment between their earlier identification and future plans and opportunities, and when institutions such as schools, initiation schools and initiation rituals support them towards achieving identity (Gouws, et al., 2010: 79; Louw & Edwards, 2007: 516). At this stage, adolescents develop an integrated image of self as a unique person. In complex societies, children experience identity crises resulting in distress as they experiment with various ways to pave the way towards identifying their own values and goals (Atkinson, et al., 1990: 108; Berk, 2006: 456). Setting one’s own goals and values leads to identity formation, and authors identify four paths associated with identity development (Berk, 2013: 470; Meyer, et al., 2012: 203). 51 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework 2.3.3.1 FOUR PATHS ASSOCIATED WITH IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT Authors identify four paths which the development of identity can follow. These are: Identity achievement: This is when the adolescent starts with exploring and follows with commitment to the values and beliefs he/she chooses after exploration. The adolescent on this path carefully considers different careers and chooses the one best suited to him or her. Identity moratorium: This is when the adolescent just explores and ends with exploration, without subsequently making any commitment. The adolescent delays commitment while trying different roles in order to see where they actually belong in society. Extending the debate on moratorium, authors refer to what Erikson calls a psychosocial moratorium. This is provided by society when the society is able to allow the adolescent to experiment with various identities undisturbed and with tolerance and support. This helps adolescents to resolve identity crises, and they are rewarded with an identity characterised by reliability or fidelity. Identity foreclosure: This is when the adolescent just commits to values and beliefs without exploring them first. Identity diffusion: This is when the adolescent is not involved in exploration, and as a result there is no commitment to any values and beliefs that he or she makes. Some adolescents hold on to one path while others move from one path to the other (Berk, 2013: 470; Koteskey, 2005: 12; Meyer, et al. 2012: 203). Berk (2013: 471) further argues that college attendance provides a fertile environment for identity progress, as it provides the opportunity for exploration of careers and different lifestyles. Identity achievement and identity moratorium represent a healthy route to a mature adult who can define himself with a well-developed identity. On the other hand, adolescents who have spent a long time in identity diffusion often become involved in anti- social behaviour such as drug abuse and hopelessness about the future. If adolescents on this path are not monitored carefully, their anti-social behaviour may culminate in depression, which may lead to suicide (Berk, 2013: 471-472). 52 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework 2.3.3.2 FACTORS AFFECTING IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT Berk (2013: 472-475) and Koteskey (2005: 53-56) identify a number of factors that affect identity development. These include: Personality: Compared to conformists, adolescents who are curious and open-minded and independent thinkers are more likely to achieve the status of identity achievement and identity moratorium. Family: Family influence is important for the adolescent in the formation of identity. Family identity is affected by factors associated with marriage status, such as divorce, especially where the mother re-marries. Other issues are unmarried couples living together, and the rise in illegitimate children. Some adolescents marry in order to have the identity of being someone’s spouse. Others give birth in order to be someone’s parent. Adolescents who feel sense of confidence, security and support in their families, and also have the freedom to voice their opinions, are more likely to reach the status of identity achievement and moratorium than those who grow up in families where there is lack of parental support and open communication. Peers: Peers who are warm, reliable and supportive help the adolescent to develop identity and make a sound career choice. School, community and culture: Identity development is highly encouraged in schools and communities that are warm and supportive. By that doing, they offer opportunities for growth and exploration. Urbanisation has affected community identity negatively as families get separated from their communities of origin. Culture also has an influence in identity development among adolescents and they should not lack culture. Adolescents from minority groups derive satisfaction from a strong ethnic identity. In support of the use of the Psychosocial Development Theory in the study such as this one, Greene (2011: 27) is of the view that challenging behaviour does not occur in a vacuum. It occurs in the context of a child’s development. It may be triggered by a lack of or delayed development of certain skills in the child. 53 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework High school learners, who are the focus of this study, are in the adolescent stage, identified by Erikson’s theory as the stage of Identity versus that of Role confusion. This is the main reason for utilising Erikson’s Theory as a lens through which to view this study. This study will view complexities of behaviour by adolescent learners through the lenses provided by the stated theories. I will use the theoretical framework emanating from these theories to analyse manifestations and causes of behaviour among adolescent learners. 2.3.4 CRITIQUE My critique of the Psychosocial Development Theory is, as Berk (2006:456) postulates, that adolescents in complex societies experience crises that lead to distress when making trial-and- error decisions towards settling on their values. This postulation assumes a homogeneous culture of complex societies, which is not necessarily the case. This view does not accommodate the argument of Louw and Edward (2007: 516), who categorically state that the task of establishing identity differs from one culture to the next. In its description of identity crisis, the theory is silent about the mitigating role of social institutions like schools, initiation schools and cultural rituals in general. Gouws, Kruger and Burgers (2010: 79) see these as being of vital importance in helping adolescents establish and consolidate their identity. The next section of this chapter deals with Walter Miller’s Theory of Lower Class Culture. 2.4 THE THEORY OF LOWER CLASS CULTURE There is a number of theories classified as Cultural Transmission Theories. This category of theories was established in 1938, and in explaining the origins of defiant behaviour they argue for the competition of cultural content between different social groups. The theories trace defiant behaviour that resulted from industrialisation in America, after people from different backgrounds, beliefs, norms, religions, and political and social class sub-cultures came together. Heterogeneity brought with it the ethnocentric belief that one’s sub-culture is correct and normal, while that of the other is seen as defiant and delinquent (Thompson & Bynum, 2012: 103-104). Walter Miller’s Theory on Lower Class Culture is one of the Cultural Transmission Theories. Haralambos and Heald (1989: 147) and Thompson and Bynum (2012: 106) agree that Miller’s 54 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework explanation of adolescent behaviour from lower classes is that lower class culture has its own cultural content made up of its own values, norms and behavioural expectations, which has nothing to do with what is happening in middle class societies. In other words, people from lower class cultures are by no means trying to compete with or emulate what is happening in middle class societies. Unlike what the social strain theories believe, Miller holds the view that lower class societies have their own unique way of helping their children internalise their values through a strong socialisation process. According to him, this is where aggressive and anti-social behaviour comes from. Miller concludes that adolescent misbehaviour is a product of a lower class cultural context. Lower class values do not conform with the more generally accepted middle class values. This theory rejects that delinquency among the lower class is an alternative to trying to achieve mainstream goals, or a reaction to failing to achieve mainstream goals as determined by the middle class society. The postulation is that lower class societies have a sub-culture of their own. Miller (1958: 5) states that people from lower classes have their own behavioural characteristics and values that form their way of life. This distinctive behaviour draws a line between what the author calls “lower class culture” and other cultures. To confirm that this culture is different from the middle class culture, lower class culture accords status and prestige according to law abiding, non-law abiding and law breaking rather than by achievement, as is the case in middle class culture (Miller, 1958: 8). In corroboration of Miller’s Theory, Bezuidenhout and Joubert (2009: 77-78) also attribute inflated chances of crime committed by youths and adolescents to economically-stressed families and communities. They take the argument further, and say that those youths and adolescents believe that they are not responsible for their crimes. This likelihood to commit crime is further exacerbated by a lack of educational opportunities, and a skills deficit. All this leads to adolescents committing crime such as drug and alcohol abuse. Risk factors associated with adolescent misbehaviour include neighbourhoods with a high crime rate, a history of poor academic performance, association with defiant peers as they struggle to satisfy their need to belong to a peer group, lack of parental guidance and support, as well as physical and emotional abuse. These authors further state that crime is associated with inner city, non- white and low economic populations. Peer influence is not unique to the so-called lower class only. Mwamwenda (1996: 71) states that adolescents in general tend to bow to peer influence, and in the process of trying to be popular and acceptable among their peers, they indulge in defiant behaviour such as drug and alcohol abuse, criminal activities and gangsterism. This author calls this “popularity neurosis”. 55 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework Another way in which this theory views the origins of delinquent behaviour from lower class societies, is that delinquent behaviour results from different factors. Delinquent behaviour becomes psychological when it emanates from organic pathology. This behaviour can manifest itself as behavioural disorders when it emanates from emotional disturbances such as a disturbed mother-to-child relationship. Delinquent behaviour can also result from social and physical factors in one’s environment (Miller, 1958: 5) In line with Miller’s Theory on Lower Class Culture, Haralambos and Heald (1989: 147-148) identify six highly regarded lower class cultural values associated with adolescent males, which they call focal concerns. These focal concerns are areas of interest and involvement. Miller (1958: 6) further throws light on these focal areas by defining them as areas which demand attention and emotional involvement. The next section unpacks these focal concerns. Adolescent males in lower class cultures are preoccupied by focal concerns (Miller, 1958: 7), and the next section addresses those focal concerns. 2.4.1 FOCAL CONCERNS OR VALUES FOR ADOLESCENT MALES The following have been identified as value and concerns that preoccupy the minds of male adolescents from low economic class communities (Haralambos & Heald, 1989: 147-148; Miller, 1958:7-12; Thompson & Bynum, 2012: 107). Trouble: Adolescent males from lower economic classes try to staying out of trouble with the authorities for fear of the consequences of their illegal behaviour. For them, trouble involves getting involved in sexual activity while under the influence liquor and fierce fighting. For females, trouble takes the form of involvement in unsafe sex with detrimental results. Toughness: They always want to display physical prowess, fearlessness and masculinity. This is more common among those who are brought up in single parent families headed by females. This drives them to want to prove their masculinity and manhood, and establish their identity in compensation of femininity, which they see as weakness. They involve themselves in violent behaviour such as assault and battery as a way of rejecting timidity and weakness. As part of displaying this toughness, male adolescent from lower classes view women as objects to be conquered. To these adolescent males, control by authorities is seen as an open invitation to defiance. Their defiance culminates in these males expressing hatred of authority towards their peers. 56 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework Smartness: Through verbal agility, they want to outsmart, outwit and outfox others, while wanting to appear wiser than them. Even though adolescent males from lower classes like to outwit, they do not want to be outwitted. In action, they express their smartness through using mental agility and less physical effort. They demonstrate mental agility by pickpocketing and petty theft. Excitement: They get involved in unacceptable behaviour such as fighting over women, gambling, sexual adventures and alcohol abuse as a way of searching for thrills and emotional stimulus, as they seek excitement. Fate: They believe that what was pre-determined to happen will indeed happen, and they put their trust on luck instead of relying on effort. Fate causes these adolescent males to perceive themselves to having little control over whether they are going to be lucky or unlucky. Autonomy: These adolescent boys want to be free from external bodies of authority, including parents. All this is attributable to the internalisation of their values as lower class young men, and the need to demonstrate manhood by defying authority (Thompson & Bynum, 2012: 107). Autonomy, in Miller’s terms (1958:7), is “freedom from external constraints”. Mwamwenda (1996: 71-72) confirms excitement and autonomy as he states that these adolescents like to go to parties where there are no adults. Their need for autonomy sometimes leads to conflict with parents as they seek to associate with peers. In many countries, a driving licence is obtainable at age 16 while a person is still in the adolescent stage. Adolescents are usually seen driving around with no specific destination. Adolescent males display excitement by driving very fast or very slow, and shouting and whistling at girls they see. These lower class values are transmitted from one generation to the next. Focal concerns are a means to survive the harsh conditions of lower class, such as unemployment and low skilled labour. The six focal concerns are used as a means of achieving manhood and respect from other lower class males (Haralambos & Heald, 1989: 148; Thompson & Bynum, 2012: 107). Miller (1958: 16-17) concludes by stating that, in this culture, belonging and status are determined by conforming to the focal concerns of a group. Adolescent males in this culture equate status with adultness. Like adults, they give themselves the freedom to drink alcohol, smoke and gamble, as opposed to gaining status through achievements such as amassing cash 57 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework and owning cars, as is the case in middle class. Belonging is so powerful that crime is motivated by a need to fulfil values acceptable to society. 2.4.2 CRITIQUE ON MILLER’S THEORY Although Miller’s Theory on Lower Class Culture has relevance to this study, it does have some weaknesses. In expressing their critical opinion of this theory, Thompson and Bynum (2012: 110-111) argue that Miller’s Theory, like all the Cultural Transmission Theories, views urban areas with high crime and delinquency rates as generators of crime. The theories ignore the possibility that some of the people involved in crime might have migrated to urban areas from different places. Defiant behaviour may be attributable to the issues that these people have brought with them to urban areas. All the urban environment does is to provide a supportive culture and like-minded people for their criminal tendencies to thrive in. The authors conclude that people displaying defiant behaviour might have been delinquent even before they migrated to urban areas. Thompson and Bynum (2012: 111) further argue that Miller’s Theory cannot be generalised to apply to delinquency among lower class residents across the racial spectrum. The theory incorrectly assumes that all lower class groups are homogeneous, and that there is no diversification within the group called lower class. Concurring with this view, Bezuidenhout and Joubert (2009: 78) identify risk factors associated with adolescent misbehaviour. Among these, they mention the non-white and low economic population. However, to take the debate further, Thompson and Bynum (2012: 111) express the view that some members of lower class black Americans demonstrate a culture of acceptable behaviour and economic achievement, which the theory struggles to accommodate. Miller’s focal concerns for lower classes are also applicable to the youth of the middle class and other affluent groups across the ethnic and racial spectrum, for example, staying out of trouble, toughness, smartness, excitement, fate and autonomy. Miller’s Theory sees the lower class as immune even from the influence of middle class institutions such as schools. Yet as adolescents get exposed to the values of such institutions they can be converted from their defiant behaviour (Haralambos & Heald, 1989: 148). In spite of all the criticisms stated above, Miller’s Theory of Lower Class Culture has relevance to this study. The study population includes learners from schools situated in townships 58 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework coming from communities who settled in the townships from different places, cultural backgrounds and beliefs, but who are poverty-stricken and characterised with high crime rates. Other schools involved in this study are schools in poor rural areas as well as former Model C schools in sub-urban areas but, with learners coming from poor family backgrounds. I will analyse the behaviour in these schools inter alia against the background provided by Miller’s Theory. 2.5 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The theories stated above are emphatic on looking after learners’ rights and welfare. The theories above ascribe learner misbehaviour to the authoritarian control of teachers and other adults. This leads to learners developing defiance of external authority. For learners to behave in a more positive way, the mentioned theories emphasise a supportive and warm environment in which learners feel a sense of acceptance and belonging. The theories advocate that rejection of authority should be discouraged through learner involvement. All the three theories stress the important influence that culture exerts in adolescent learner behaviour. Figure 2.1 below shows the relationship between the three theories, as well as my own framework. Miller’s theory is presented as TLCC, Erikson’s theory is PSSD and Dreikurs’ theory is SDM. 59 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework Behaviour is goal oriented – acceptance, power & revenge Learner - a social being with a basic Social need to belong Development Societal values and gain Model influence children recognition and (SDM) acceptance. Adolescent Without acceptance and learners in Crime and support, they delinquency is reject authority indigent internalized through negative through identity, resulting multicultural socialization in crisis. societies Personality, family, Theory on Psychosocial Lack of education school, peers and Lower Class Development and skills lead to culture influence Culture (PSSD) crimeidentity (TLCC) Boys display Identity With physical and toughness, Identity vs role development in emotional abuse, smartness, Need confusion adolescent adolescents reject excitement, learners is key. external authority. autonomy Figure 2-1: Diagrammatic representation of the three theories. 2.6 SYNOPSIS The next section summarises the principles of each of the three theories I discussed in this chapter, specifically regarding adolescent behaviour. 60 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework Table 2-2: Synopsis of findings on the theoretical framework based on the Social Discipline Model, Psychosocial Theory, Theory of Lower Class Culture l Issues Literature suggests that: References Social discipline  Behaviour is orderly, purposeful and goal directed – 2.2. Model also negative behaviour  Children act according to their interpretation of reality  Humans are social beings who need to belong  Learners have a need to belong and be acceptable by peers, adults and significant others  Behaviour of an individual links with what is happening in society  Children misbehave because they want their needs to be met - also to gain social approval  Teachers should mould learner behaviour through modelling democratic classroom behaviour - class rules are discussed with earners - cooperation and responsibility are shared with earners  Punishment should not be administered Goals for Seeking attention: 2.2.1. misbehaviour  Learners misbehave in order to get attention. If they are not spotted when doing good, they resort to misbehaviour to get attention.  They display behaviour such as becoming a clown, a nuisance or a show-off, being anxious, bashful, excessively pleasant or obstructive.  To mould behaviour teachers should notice the learner being good and reward good behaviour. Misbehaviour will vanish due to not being rewarded. Power and control: 2.2.2.  Misbehaving learners don’t like too much control and manipulation by teachers.  If they are overly controlled, they resort to confrontational means and intimidation to subjugate teachers and peers.  They defy authority, throw temper tantrums and become argumentative, rebellious, uncooperative and stubborn.  They want things to go their way and feel in control. Revenge: 2.2.3.  Adolescent learners lash out to fellow learners and teachers as a means of compensating for hurt feelings, which are either real or imagined.  They display behaviour like stealing, vicious behaviour, violent and delinquent behaviour as well as passivity.  The teacher should not retaliate, and should instead display love and care. Displaying inadequacy: 2.2.4.  These learners falsely believe that they cannot succeed and that failure is inevitable. 61 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework  They don’t believe in their own ability due to a lack of skills to successfully complete the task at hand.  They display learned helplessness by being passive and unresponsive.  The teacher must identify easier tasks for them, motivate them, say encouraging words and acknowledge them. Critique: 2.2.5.  Too much focus on rewards for behaviour modification. Once rewards stop, behaviour extinguishes. The model lacks depth and it is superficial. The Psychosocial  Adolescence is a stage of searching for, formulating and 2.3. Development Theory consolidating identity.  Adolescents are in the stage called Identity versus Role Confusion.  This stage is characterised by basic psychosocial conflict, the resolution of which leads to the attainment of ego identity.  Search for identity affects many choices in life, including political, vocational, religious, interpersonal relationships and sexual orientation.  Personality development is influenced by genetic and social factors. The establishment,  Erikson’s family background was not conducive to 2.3.1. development and identity development. consolidation of  He developed the concept “identity crisis”. He identity categorised human development into eight stages, and each stage was characterised by the search for identity.  He saw development as a passage through eight stages.  He put emphasis on the important influence of genetic and social factors to personality development.  He saw the resolution of crisis in each stage as being of paramount importance in the formulation of ego identity. The adolescent stage  Changes associated with adolescence: 2.3.2.  Physical, cognitive and psychological behaviour change. Imbalance between physical and emotional maturity.  Social difficulties leading to undesirable behaviour such as drug and alcohol abuse.  Identity vs Role confusion: Occurs during of adolescence.  There are questions around identity. A stage of identity formation and consolidation. Paths associated with Four paths associated with identity: 2.3.3.1. identity  Identity achievement, identity moratorium, identity foreclosure and identity diffusion. Factors affecting  Personality, family, peers and school and community 2.3.3.2. identity development culture. The Theory on Lower  A Cultural Transmission theory. 2.4. Class Culture  The lower class has its own cultural content. 62 Chapter 2: The theoretical framework  Values including crime and delinquency are internalised through a strong socialisation process.  Adolescent misbehaviour is a product of lower class culture.  Lack of education and skills deficits lead to adolescents committing crimes such as drug and alcohol abuse.  Risk factors associated with crime and delinquency are a crime-infested neighbourhood, a history of poor academic performance, need to belong to a peer group, lack of parental guidance, and physical and emotional abuse. Focal concerns Focal concerns for adolescent boys are trouble, toughness, 2.4.1. smartness, excitement, fate and autonomy. 2.7 CONCLUSION This chapter dealt with the theoretical framework that guides this study. The theoretical framework I discussed is based on three theories, namely Rudolf Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model, Erik Erikson’s Psychosocial Development Theory and Walter Miller’s Theory of Lower Class Culture. The next chapter deals with the review of the literature. The chapter looks in detail at learner behaviour as it manifests itself in different countries of the world, in African countries and in South Africa. 63 Chapter 3: Literature review CHAPTER 3: LITERATURE REVIEW 3.1 INTRODUCTION There is no doubt that negative learner behaviour impacts on quality teaching and learning, as it competes for attention with teaching and learning which is the core function of schools. Where discipline is a problem, teachers spend more time managing behaviour at the expense of teaching, and lesson delivery cannot take place smoothly. This affects both the perpetrator and the learners who are actually well-behaved (Balazi, 2012: 3; Stapleton, 2001: 115). Without discipline, the academic performance of learners declines (Ali, Dada, Isiaka, & Salmon, 2014: 254; Kindiki, 2009: 252; Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 80). In a school where there is a lack of discipline, a poor culture of learning and teaching becomes a logical consequence, and all this is associated with poor leadership, management and administration (Van Deventer & Kruger, 2011: 4). There seems to be a reciprocal relationship between good behaviour and effective teaching. Balazi (2012: 2) confirms this when he states that behaviour management as part of classroom management is a sine qua non in ensuring quality teaching. Modisaotsile (2012: 8), on the other hand, argues that a disciplined environment, conducive to learning results, from good teaching, and thus creates a climate that is nurturing to learning. Whichever way you look at it, the importance of skills to manage the classroom is important, as a disciplined environment is good for teachers and learners alike. Boyd (2012: 62-63) argues that adolescents can perform better if adults provide a safe and secure environment with order in which they can feel loved and supported. Teachers themselves cannot fully accomplish their academic priorities in an environment engulfed with chaos. Teachers therefore need to be supported in this, as sending teachers to go and teach without dealing with the scourge of learners’ misbehaviour is just like teaching in darkness (Boyd, 2012: 62-63). Not only is classroom management and good teaching important, but good management and leadership by principals instil discipline and yield good learner outcomes even in poorly- resourced schools (Arum & Ford, 2012: 56; Modisaotsile, 2012: 8). A study was commissioned by the Minister of Education, Honourable Angie Motshekga, on circumstances and factors that contribute to some schools achieving good results in the National Senior Certificate (NSC) examinations, while others do not achieve. This study was conducted by the National Education Evaluation and Development Unit (NEEDU). The study found, amongst other things, 64 Chapter 3: Literature review that even the best teacher in the world cannot teach successfully and produce results in a disorderly environment that lacks discipline (DBEc, 2017: 4). However, this might seem simpler than it actually is. In order to make sense of the complexities of learner behaviour in indigent societies, the previous chapter dealt with the theories from which I built the theoretical framework to guide this study. In this chapter I review literature on the behaviour of high school learners of different countries, and also of learners in South Africa. This is in line with the objective that guides this chapter, namely to give a synopsis of the knowledge that exists regarding the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour internationally. I will first focus on literature from different countries, and then move to literature specifically on learner behaviour in South Africa, and the steps taken curb ill behaviour. 3.2 OVERVIEW OF ADOLESCENT BEHAVIOUR The negative aspects of adolescent learner behaviour in South Africa and other countries can take different forms. These include bullying, drug and alcohol abuse (Peleg-Oren, Hospital, Morris, & Wagner, 2013: 143), and violence (Mothibi, Mathapo & Mofokeng, 2017: 70). In the worst cases bullying, substance abuse and violence are gangster-related (Pyne, 2019). Taking the issue of violent behaviour by adolescents further, Yablonska (2013: 38) stresses the role of parents in the upbringing of an adolescent, and gives an example of how the hostility of the mother and father leads to problematic behaviour of the adolescent. To that effect, this author recommends what he calls a “democratic style of parenting”. Concurring with the view that parenting has an important influence on adolescent behaviour, Oshri, Carlson, Kwon, Zeichner and Wickrama (2017:151) assert that child neglect is a very important factor when it comes to drug use and abuse by adolescents. Parental neglect exposes a child to stress from a very early age. This in itself causes vulnerability to a child’s self-concept. A vulnerable self-concept is a fertile breeding ground for substance abuse. Negative adolescent learner behaviour, as stated by authors such as Mothibi, et al. (2017: 70) and Peleg-Oren, et al. (2013: 143), is taking place despite learner discipline and a learner code of conduct being in place in schools. These are two important components of the education system (Steyn, 2015: 44). In supporting the importance of learner discipline, Jacobs (2016: 65 Chapter 3: Literature review 15) reports that, even in Lesotho, schools that were found to have good discipline, which also goes with good results, have an influx of applicants from which to pick and choose. The next section deals with factors that contribute towards learner behaviour. 3.3 CONTRIBUTORY FACTORS TOWARDS ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR Different authors attribute adolescent learner behaviour to different factors. The origins of learner behaviour may be from the child, the society, the curriculum, the teachers or the parents (Mwamwenda, 1996: 311). In stressing teacher and curriculum-related causes of defiant behaviour, Stapleton (2001: 115) points out that disruptive behaviour is attributable to the learners’ lack of interest in the topic being taught and to the teacher’s failure to raise learners’ interest in the topic being taught. The author further contends that minor disruptive behaviour may be attributable to the teacher’s failure to manage the classroom environment (Stapleton, 2001: 118). Stressing the important role that the teacher plays in maintaining discipline in the classroom, Boyd (2012: 63-65) argues that a teacher should take charge of the class without fear of conflict in order to prevent the misbehaviour of the few from disrupting and interfering with learning by the rest of the class. This author further contends that the teacher must not generalise misbehaviour to the whole class. Good teacher disciplinarians, this author further argues, do not avoid conflict and power struggles with the learners by striving to be loved by misbehaving learners. This is so because they know that striving to be loved by misbehaving learners does not contribute to building a learner’s lifelong skills. 3.3.1 THE INFLUENCE OF PEER PRESSURE ON ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR In line with Erikson’s Theory of Psychosocial Development, researchers blame adolescent learner behaviour on peer pressure and conformity to what other adolescents do because of their own lack of identity. Turning to other adolescents is like turning to other people with no identity. Teenagers conform most at the beginning of adolescence, at the ages 11-13, when they have not yet developed identity. However, for boys, conformity becomes dominant around the age of 15. Weak attachment to family may result in an adolescent getting attached to peers who may be mischievous, and this gives birth to anti-social behaviour. Adolescents even engage in sexual intercourse because they succumb to peer pressure as they seek the 66 Chapter 3: Literature review approval of their peers, and also engage in anti-social behaviour such as criminal activities, gangsterism, and drug and alcohol abuse. They do all this for the sake of gaining popularity and acceptance among their peers (de Graaf, Van Wesenbeeck, Meijer, Woertman, & Meeus, 2007: 280; Koteskey, 2005: 44-45). According to Boyd (2012: 63), engaging and interesting school lessons can reduce defiant learner behaviour, but they cannot completely eliminate it as there are other factors at play. These include peer influence, attitude towards the teacher, and past performance of the learner in the subject. Loneliness is also associated with anti-social behaviour such as substance abuse. Research shows that the level of acceptance by peers and peer victimisation are good predictors of loneliness among secondary school learners (Koteskey, 2005: 44-57; Petts, 2009: 468; Vanhalst, Luyckx, & Goossens, 2014: 100-118). Further highlighting the issue of conformity, Bester (2013: 394-396) introduces the concept of “adolescent egocentrism,” characterised by an imaginary audience. In such a case the adolescent thinks that people are doing nothing but watching him/her. There is also the issue of the “personal fable”, which is about the adolescent’s unique nature. In this “fable”, the adolescent exaggerates his/her capabilities through imagination, and over-estimates the responsibilities given to him/her. They believe that tasks given to them are more difficult and demanding, and they contribute more to the success of the work given to them in the form of group work without anybody recognising and appreciating it. Because they believe that nobody, including parents, can understand and advise them, these adolescents tend to fall victim to conformity and peer pressure, as opposed to individuality and autonomy. Conformity leads them to risky behaviour such as alcohol consumption, unsafe sex, cigarette smoking and drug use. Petts (2009: 465) takes the argument one step further and confirms Erikson’s theory on identity crisis by stating that the willingness to commit acts of delinquency reaches a climax during adolescence, and declines as one grows into adulthood. Delinquency such as vandalism, theft and assault, emanate from the influence of events that occurred to an individual early in life, as well as the influence of the family and religion. The author further argues that while delinquency trajectories differ from one individual to the next, some people become delinquent as adolescents and stop as they approach early adulthood. Others, on the other hand, continue with anti-social behaviour throughout life, while some never get involved in delinquency at all. 67 Chapter 3: Literature review 3.3.2 LACK OF FAMILY IDENTITY Identity development is an important milestone during adolescence (Peterse, Grobler & Botha, 2018: 2-3). Identity does not end with the identity of the adolescent only, as it proceeds to the importance of family identity. Family identity is one of the factors blamed for adolescent anti-social behaviour. Family violence can therefore negatively impact on the adolescent’s development of identity, self-concept and self-control. Family identity is further affected by factors such as divorce, especially when a mother re- marries. Other issues include unmarried couples living together and the increase in children born out of wedlock. Some adolescents actively adopt a behavioural identity directly opposite to what is promoted by their parents. Be that as it may, family support and religious affiliation, which strengthen parent-child relationships, reduce levels of delinquency. The family is the first social institution that influences the child’s chances of committing acts of delinquency. When the family-child relationship is hostile, rejecting and aggressive, adolescents tend to identify with the aggressive parent by modelling the feared parent with anti-social behaviour. Family support reduces the chances of delinquency among adolescents. Where there is a lack of family supervision and control over children, as is often the case in single-parent families and step families, children become more susceptible to anti-social behaviour than in two- parent families. Adolescents need attachment to supportive parents who allow them to engage and interact, rather than authoritarian parents (Gouws, Kruger, & Burger 2010: 129; Koteskey, 2005: 53-57; Petts, 2009: 465-467). 3.3.3 SOCIO-ECONOMIC, CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS FACTORS Adolescent anti-social behaviour is also attributed to socio-economic, cultural and religious factors in line with Erikson’s theory, which puts emphasis on the importance of societal influence on personality formation (Krishnan, 2010: 4). In line with Miller’s Theory of Lower Class Culture, Petts (2009: 467) proclaims that socio-economic conditions have an influence on adolescent anti-social behaviour, as younger parents are more likely to have children who engage in anti-social behaviour than older employed parents who have more resources. According to Petts (2009: 467-468), religion also provides an opportunity for positive socialisation to the youth, and also encourages attachment to members of the same religious group. 68 Chapter 3: Literature review Religion has a set of standards, norms and values which members live by. This reduces the chances of engaging in delinquent behaviour. Interaction between family and religion also has positive results, as a family that is religious encourages religious norms and values at the level of the family. Such parents usually practise good child-rearing practices. Papalia, Olds and Feldman (2010: 476) concur, as they also state the importance of religion. They mention the morals and values associated with it as one of the reasons other than fear of falling pregnant, for teenagers with warm relations with their parents to delay engaging in sexual relations. Cultural factors also have an influence in adolescent anti-social behaviour. Mohlaloka, Jacobs, and De Wet (2016: 711), when explaining defiant behaviour by male initiates at school, assert that crime is the product of a conflict between the values of a sub-culture and those of the main culture. Initiates practise their sub-culture within the school that has its own main culture, defined as acceptable according to Western norms. This leads to culture conflict, resulting in defiant behaviour by initiates. The authors further argue that where culture is the same, there is no cultural conflict. In schools there is a diversity of cultures, with initiates bringing traditional culture to the Western culture of the school. The learners themselves come from different cultural backgrounds and ethnic groups, so there is conflict reflected in the form of defiant behaviour. Confirming Erikson’s Theory of Psychosocial Development, these authors associate defiant behaviour with passing through stages negotiating crisis in the formation of identity, which then results in identity versus role confusion during adolescence. At times anti-social behaviour such as drug abuse, common among adolescents, can be attributed to curiosity, desire for sensation and desire to forget about problems (Gouws et al., 2010: 129). The next section discusses learner behaviour in different countries outside of South Africa. 3.4 ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR INTERNATIONALLY Research findings show that defiant behaviour by learners in general and by secondary school learners in particular is an international phenomenon that affects many countries of the world, regardless of the level of economic development (Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 80). This section of the study focuses on adolescent learner behaviour as displayed in non-African countries as well as learner behaviour in African countries. The section focuses on the 69 Chapter 3: Literature review manifestation of learner behaviour, and steps taken to bring it under control for the sake of protecting teaching and learning in the countries under study. 3.4.1 ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR IN NON-AFRICAN COUNTRIES Studies conducted in America and European countries show that even developed countries are not spared from the evil brought to schools by insolent learner behaviour. One example of adolescent misbehaviour is stalking, as seen in California (Ybarra, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, & Mitchell, 2016: 2). Stalking cannot be ignored, as it involves male adolescents victimising female adolescents. Activities include lying in wait, malicious and repeated following, telephone harassment, making people commit under duress, threat to harm, and vandalism (Ybarra, et al., 2016: 2-3). Other forms of misbehaviour include interpersonal and partner aggression, culminating in males graduating to male batterers and consuming drugs as commonly seen in the USA (Arum & Ford, 2012: 59; Ybarra, et al., 2016: 2-3). In some instances, adolescents display loose sexual behaviour. Studies found adolescents to be progressing from lighter forms of sexual behaviour, such as kissing, to more serious behaviour such as sexual intercourse. This is commonly found in the Netherland (de Graaf, Van Wesenbeeck, Meijer, Woertman & Meeus, 2007: 277). The study also found that females get involved in sexual intercourse earlier than males, and are more likely to start with less sexual behaviour. They see sexual intercourse as good for meaningful, intimate relationships. The study also found that females are sometimes coerced into succumbing to the sexual demands of their partners. Adolescents from low income families, families with less education, those with less sexual knowledge, less parental guidance and those from immigrant families, were more commonly involved in risky sexual behaviour (de Graaf, et al., 2007: 277-280). This contention is in line with Miller’s Theory of Lower Class Culture, which believes that societies from low socio-economic status have their own culture with their own way of socialising their youth into that culture (Haralambos & Heald, 1989: 147). Adding their voice to the powerful influence of socialisation to how learners behave, some authors assert that norms and values of a society cannot be underestimated as factors affecting how learners behave in the school situation. For instance, Israeli culture does not value obedience to authority, and this finds expression in school discipline. In Israel, teachers have less authority to deal with defiant learner behaviour (Arum & Ford, 2012: 57-58; Thompson & Bynum, 2012: 104). Drug abuse (including smoking marijuana), peer pressure and alcohol abuse seem to be common in countries such as the USA (Koteskey, 2005: 44) and Russia (Arum & Ford, 2012: 70 Chapter 3: Literature review 59) as adolescents’ way of proving their adulthood to themselves and to others. A survey conducted by the National Institute on Drug Abuse found that 19 out of 20 adolescents aged between 18 and 25 years had drunk alcohol in the USA. Three out of four had smoked tobacco and two thirds of them have smoked marijuana in the USA. The National Youth Polydrug Study found that men started smoking marijuana at the average age of 12.8 years and women at the average age of 13.1 years, and both groups started drinking alcohol much earlier. These adolescents, the study found, use smoking as their way of announcing entrance to adulthood as there is no formal rite of passage in America. For that reason, some adolescents use sexual intercourse or breaking the law as informal rites of passage (Koteskey, 2005: 44). Research conducted in the USA found that adolescents with fathers who are heavy drinkers often have problems communicating with their mothers. Alcoholism by the father depletes the maternal resources meant for child rearing, which leads to reduced maternal communication. Over and above leading to poor social and emotional functioning, problematic maternal communication leads to self-blame. Such self-blame was found to be a predictor of alcohol abuse by adolescents. Research further traces family use or abuse of alcohol to genetic and psychological factors, which reflect adolescent alcohol abuse. Parents who communicate negatively rather than using open communication, praise and affection to their adolescents (Peleg-Oren, et al., 2013: 143-144), and an autocratic and negligent parenting style (Yazdi- Feyzabadi, Mehrolhassa, Zolala, Haghdoost & Oroomiei, 2019: 5), are more likely to lead adolescents to alcohol and drug abuse. Research also found that in Iran, drug abuse has a negative impact on academic performance, even though some learners think that they take drugs in order to improve academic performance (Yazdi-Feyzabadi, 2019: 7). Arum and Ford (2012: 58-59) also make an observation that countries in which teachers are given more authority to exercise discipline, such as Japan and South Korea, tend to have fewer disciplinary problems and higher scores in Trends in Mathematics and Science Studies (TIMSS) compared to countries such as the USA and Canada. Even though corporal punishment has been abolished in the USA and South Korea, many areas in those countries still heavily rely on it. Another factor affecting discipline across countries is that there are areas with a high legal and regulatory climate. In countries such as the USA and Canada, where litigation is not only a threat but a common practice, teachers and administrators are left with feelings of helplessness. 71 Chapter 3: Literature review Frustrated by high levels of misbehaviour among learners, the USA decided to adopt what they called a “Zero Tolerance to Discipline” approach, and Britain also followed suit (Arum & Ford, 2012: 58). According to this approach, learner discipline is regulated through severe punishment such as suspension and expulsion, as the approach prescribes the punishment to be meted out for particular offences. This attempt proved to be futile, as misbehaviour seems to be escalating, especially among blacks and children from low-income families both in the USA and Britain. Black learners were much more likely to be suspended and received more of other forms of punishment than their white counterparts, although they represented only 37% of the learner population. With the expansion of the Zero Tolerance approach, the incidence of expulsion and suspension of blacks and other economically disadvantaged groups increased both in number and in percentage. Blacks have also displayed reading levels two to three years below expectation, and their school problems continued into male adults who are unemployed, under-employed, and more likely to do long prison sentences (Hoffman, 2014: 82-83). Another important discovery which also negatively affected black male students is that they tended to not have father figures as role models (Kafele, 2012: 68). This shows that punishments meted out through this policy negatively affected those who had already been negatively affected by racism, poverty, academic failure and other factors. These economic inequalities have led the USA to using police and security guards in its implementation of the Zero Tolerance approach. This in effect exacerbated the problem, and eroded the teachers’ disciplinary authority. Canada used to follow the Zero Tolerance approach in the 1990s but now they are following progressive discipline programmes (Arum & Ford, 2012: 58-60; Hoffman, 2014: 72-83; Kafele, 2012: 67-68). In view of the fact that the Zero Tolerance approach to learner discipline dismally failed to bring about the intended outcomes, it follows that researchers had to find an alternative method of punishment to curb defiant behaviour. One alternative way suggested in the literature is the “Broken Window Theory”. James Q. Wilson, a social scientist, developed this theory. Its essence is that you can prevent serious crime by fixing minor disorders (Aiyer, 2012: 3). This theory can be transferred to the school situation. When the school environment is disorderly, it signals that no one cares. This inflicts fear and feelings of an unsafe environment among adolescents. This disorderliness can take the form of graffiti, unfixed lockers, class cutting and even smoking. Put together, these form “broken windows” (Mijanovich & Weitzman, 2003: 401). Research has proven that there is a positive relationship between a highly disorderly school environment and feelings of insecurity (Mijanovich & Weitzman, 72 Chapter 3: Literature review 2003: 405). These authors further argue that the level of school disorderliness even extends to the learners’ perception of fairness by teachers, and the respect the teachers have for learners. Learners’ perception of fairness and respect by teachers is a predictor of serious offences by learners, as the two factors lead to feelings of insecurity in the school environment. Feelings of unsafety by adolescents lead to poor academic performance and recalcitrant behaviour (Mijanovich & Weitzman, 2003: 413). On the positive side, the “Broken Window Theory” is about consciously improving, maintaining and caring for the school environment. The school environment includes buildings, school grounds and the environment in general. This care conveys to leaners a sense of commitment to education, and at the same time the care inculcates pride for their school in the learners (Le Roux & Mokhele, 2011: 136). Another positive side of the “Broken Window Theory” is that it promotes a healthy school climate that protects the safety of adolescents. The theory also promotes the protection of adolescents’ feelings, as it allows open communication between learners and teachers. This leads to more trust, and the promotion of connectedness with their school, as well as consistently and fairly enforced school rules. Put together, all these positives make learners less likely to engage in defiant behaviour (Mijanovich & Weitzman, 2003: 414). In this section, the situation of learner negative bebahaviour was discussed and countries from different continents outside of the African continent and different levels of economic development were chosen. These are countries like Netherlands, USA, Israel, Carlifonia, South Korea, Japan, Britain and Canada. This is to show that learner discipline is a challenge throughout the world and regardless of the level of economic development. My conclusion then is that punishment aggravates learner behaviour. This was shown by what happened in countries that executed a Zero Tolerance approach to learner discipline. It therefore follows that exposing adolescent learners to an orderly, warm, loving and caring environment with open communication, is a more effective way of dealing with recalcitrant behaviour. The next section provides a closer look at learner behaviour in African countries with a special focus on Nigeria, Kenya, Zimbabwe and Lesotho. I chose the four countries because I wanted a fair mix of countries closer to South Africa i.e. those in the Southern African Development 73 Chapter 3: Literature review Community region and those in other parts of Africa in order to make a fairly distributed comparison of what obtains on the African continent. 3.4.2 LEARNER BEHAVIOUR IN AFRICAN COUNTRIES In African countries, as it is the case elsewhere in the world, researchers state that establishing an environment that is orderly and characterised by discipline, is an absolute essential for effective curriculum delivery. The responsibility of ensuring an orderly and disciplined teaching environment which respects human rights, is placed squarely on the shoulders of the school principals. This is because defiant behaviour negatively encroaches on teachers’ teaching time, which prevents the class from learning (Jacobs, De Wet, & Ferreira, 2013: 324; Stapleton, 2001: 115). Concurring with this statement, Uzoechina, Akachukwu and Nwasor (2015: 143) point out that it is imperative for teachers to maintain orderliness in the learning environment if education is to positively influence the behaviour of those who are exposed to it. According to Uzoechina, et al. (2015: 143-144), learner misconduct is on the rise in Nigerian secondary schools in spite of rules, regulations and sanctions put in place regarding failure to comply. Defiant behaviour is at such a high level that it leads to learner drop out, other social ills, teacher stress and attrition. In Southwest Nigeria, defiant learner behaviour takes the form of absenteeism, indolence, fighting, carrying dangerous weapons, disrespect for authority, bullying, vandalism, use of improper language and leaving school without permission. Learner behaviour in Nigeria is blamed on peer group influence, where an adolescent has to conform to peer behaviour, even if this includes problematic behaviour. The situation is exacerbated by parental or home factors, such as parents who shun away from the responsibility of disciplining their children, with the hope that the school will do it for them. Single parenthood, television and differing values between the school and the home are blamed for learner behaviour. Lawlessness on the part of the school, taking the form of a lack of mutual respect between teachers, parents and children, is a fertile ground for brewing misbehaviour. Researchers also mention a boring curriculum, with no relevance to community needs, no co-curricular activities, and an over-emphasis on children’s rights while undermining teachers’ authority as contributory factors to defiant behaviour by adolescent learners. This leads to teachers unwilling to exercise discipline. Children from poor 74 Chapter 3: Literature review backgrounds resort to defiant behaviour as a defence mechanism against social stereotypes. Learners may practise defiant behaviour because they come from homes where there is no psychological balance. Interestingly, research shows that Nigerian teachers are aware of non- violent means of discipline, but these are not commonly used (Uzoechina, et al., 2015: 145- 149). Comparing the situation of learner behaviour in Nigeria with that of Kenya, authors assert that even in Kenya learner behaviour is a problem. It takes the form of violent learner unrests, sometimes leading to death and damage to property. A number of learner strikes took place from June to August 2008, and the common denominator among the schools affected by unrests was change in leadership. Because teaching and learning is affected negatively by defiant learner behaviour, teachers respond with sanctions such as caning, kneeling, expulsion, reprimand and counselling. All this is happening despite corporal punishment becoming illegal in 2001 (Kibet, Kindiki, Sang & Kitilit, 2012: 112; Kindiki, 2009: 253; Uzoechina, et al., 2015: 144). In the context of Zimbabwe, defiant behaviour refers to any behaviour that prevents learners from feeling safe, secure and respected in the school environment. Defiant behaviour also prevents the school from fulfilling the contract of learning between the school and the learner. Learner misbehaviour includes criminal offences and acts such as bullying, fighting, sharing pornographic material, insubordination, unacceptable sexual association, vandalism, drug abuse, and truancy. These forms of misconduct seriously disrupt teaching as a process in that country (Mugabe & Maposa, 2013, p. 112). Mugabe and Maposa (2013: 112) further make the point that the enforcement of discipline in Zimbabwe is governed by Policy Circular No. 35. This circular allows the use of corporal punishment, which remains the most popular strategy among parents, teachers and administrators. They use it to curb misconduct and keep large classes under control. By virtue of this circular, the method of curbing misconduct must correspond with the magnitude of the offence. Researchers also found that some ethnic groups in that country inadvertently contribute towards their children’s behaviour. For example, they end up promoting pregnancy by training young girls on sexual skills, hiring pornographic tapes for their children, and general misconduct by failing to punish their children when found smoking or drinking alcohol. Schools rely on preventive measures such as crafting rules, codes of conduct, disciplinary committees and prefect system. Teachers and principals see parental involvement as an effective means of curbing misbehaviour. Methods 75 Chapter 3: Literature review to curb learner misbehaviour are categorised into corrective measures and punishment. Corrective measures include reprimands, rewarding good behaviour, counselling and supervision. Punishment includes corporal punishment, expulsion, manual work, detention and exclusion (Kibet, et al., 2012: 112; Mugabe & Maposa, 2013: 112-113). Research shows a plethora of challenges that make curbing defiant behaviour a serious challenge in Zimbabwe. These challenges include a lack of parental support, as Zimbabwean parents leave their children to the care of teachers and forget about them. To exacerbate the matter, parents have a tendency of siding with their children when the school disciplines the child for misbehaviour. Another issue is ineffective socialisation by parents. Parents send their children to buy them cigarettes and alcohol, thereby exposing them to the temptation of smoking and consuming alcohol. Zimbabwean teachers should also take their fair share of blame around learner discipline. Teacher members of Disciplinary Committees pretend to be too busy to attend disciplinary hearings. This shows that to them, disciplining learners involved in misconduct and bringing them to order is not a priority. This leads to delayed justice. To aggravate the situation, corrupt elements among the teachers have a tendency of siding with the offending learners. Some corrupt teachers have sexual relations with learners, while others consume alcohol with the learners. Some teachers use inappropriate language when dealing with learners, which sets a bad example for the learners. Teachers also have a tendency of punishing learners through giving them manual work, which causes learners to develop a negative attitude towards manual work. Offending learners who do manual work must have a teacher to act as overseer and supervisor. In that case the teacher also ends up feeling the pinch of the punishment. Through Policy Circular 35, the Zimbabwean Department of Education allows the administering of corporal punishment in schools, and this method has since become the most popular way of dealing with defiant behaviour. There are no qualified teacher counsellors, and counselling could be an alternative way of dealing with defiant behaviour other than corporal punishment. The system itself makes no provision for rewarding non- offenders, and then well-behaved learners end up suffering neglect and a lack of attention. The situation is made worse by the interference of human rights activists. They have a tendency to side with offending learners to the detriment of the disciplinary process (Mugabe & Maposa, 2013: 115-116). 76 Chapter 3: Literature review Lesotho is also not spared from the negative effects that learner misbehaviour brings to teaching and learning. Research conducted by Jacobs, et al. (2013: 324) shows that the abolition of corporal punishment through the Education Act of 2010, without putting any alternatives in place, is a source of problems in Lesotho. Respondents in this study showed that both traditional and progressive strategies are in use at schools at all levels of the system in that country. The most frequently used traditional strategy across all schools is “proper preparation by the teacher”, with mentions of 85.09%, 80.87% and 76.92% in primary, secondary schools and combined schools respectively. This strategy is followed by “thorough knowledge by the teacher” at 76.40, 73.04% and 69.23% by primary, secondary and combined schools respectively. These points further confirm the argument stated by Mwamwenda (1996: 311) and Stapleton (2001: 115), both of whom put emphasis on the important influence of teacher and curriculum-related factors in causing learner misbehaviour. Among the points they mention regarding learner misbehaviour are the teacher’s failure to raise interest in the topic being taught, and the teacher’s failure to effectively manage the classroom. Invariably, a teacher who fails to prepare before going to the class cannot raise interest in the topic being taught, and cannot manage the classroom properly. Interestingly, as already mentioned, corporal punishment was abolished in that country, but it was still in full use when the study was conducted. It was used as one of the traditional strategies, especially at secondary school level at 60% frequency compared to 36.65% and 30.77% frequency for primary and combined schools respectively (Jacobs, et al., 2013: 329- 335). Expanding on the strategies for maintaining discipline in Lesotho, Jacobs, et al., (2013: 329- 335) state that, among progressive strategies used in Lesotho, “positive discipline” is the most commonly used. The frequency of respondents is at 78.88%, 77.39% and 76.92% for primary, secondary and combined schools respectively. The second most commonly used progressive strategy is “emphasis on values” at 70.81%, 60.87% and 53.85% frequency at primary schools, secondary and combined school respectively. The study further shows that secondary school teachers use more traditional strategies than teachers at the other two levels of schools. Primary school teachers use more progressive strategies than the other two levels. Traditional strategies are more frequently used in government-controlled schools, and progressive strategies are more frequently used in church-controlled schools (Jacobs, et al., 2013: 332 & 334). 77 Chapter 3: Literature review This section indicated that defiant learner behaviour is a problem that African countries also have to grapple with in the teaching and learning environment. South Africa, as an African country, is also not spared from the effects of adolescent learner behaviour on teaching and learning. 3.5 ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT This section begins with forms of adolescent learner behaviour, followed by factors contributing to these, and concludes with its effects. 3.5.1 FORMS OF ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR IN SOUTH AFRICA South African authors and politicians unanimously agree that a safe, secure and positive environment in which a learner feels safe and nurtured, which has order and structure, without disruption and chaos, is a key essential in making learners free to absorb and think about what is being presented in the classroom (Lombo, 2017: 15; Mestry & Khumalo, 2012: 97). This freedom to absorb leads to successful teaching and learning. Unfortunately, school safety and a degree of order are scarce in South African schools. Discipline is such a serious problem in South African schools that only half the time is used for imparting knowledge, while and the other half is used for dealing with disruptive behaviour. Effective discipline is as a result of effective management, both at school and classroom level. Wherever a lack of discipline prevails, a poor culture of teaching and learning is the logical outcome if not the inevitable consequence (Coetzee, Van Niekerk, & Wydeman, 2008: 91; Van Deventer, et al., 2011: 4). Stressing the significant impact of learner behaviour in South African schools compared to other countries participating in Trends In Mathematics and Science Studies (TIMSS), Lombo (2017: 15) asserts that as high as 41% of South African principals mention school discipline as a threat to the teaching programme, while only 18% from other countries say so. Only 21% of South African mathematics teachers rate their schools as safe, compared to 45% of international mathematics teachers. Concurring with this contention, Modisaotsile (2012: 2-3) blames the drop in standards of education on violence in South African schools. Modisaotsile (2012: 8) shows the terrible situation of the South African education system by citing the Honourable Minister of Basic Education, Ms Angie Motshekga, as having declared the education for blacks as being in crisis in February 2011. The minister attributed the situation to a lack of discipline and focus on the part of the teachers. 78 Chapter 3: Literature review 3.5.1.1 VIOLENCE AS A FORM OF ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR Former President Zuma, in his address to the nation on the 40th commemoration of the June 16 (1976) Learners’ Uprising, raised the issue of violent attacks on teachers by learners, resulting in deaths at times (Zuma, 2016: 8-12). In addition, Mestry and Khumalo (2012: 98) maintain that disruptive behaviour in South African schools ranges from learner-on-learner and learner-on- teacher violence, carrying dangerous weapons and unlawful substances such as drugs and alcohol, to vandalism and theft. As expressed by many stakeholders, learner behaviour is a serious problem in South Africa, rendering many institutions ineffective when it comes to teaching and learning. Studies confirm that there is a serious breakdown in discipline in South African schools, and teachers feel disempowered to deal with the problem. School governing bodies (SGBs) are also not effective in enforcing the code of conduct, due to a lack of capacity because of illiteracy, and lack of co-operation between some members of the SGBs and principals (Mestry & Khumalo, 2012: 98). Societal violence is a common occurrence in South Africa, and violence from society has an influence on school violence. Violence then becomes “synonymous with normality” (Mothibi, et al., 2017: 70). At family level, research shows a relationship between violent adolescent behaviour and an authoritarian parenting style, on one hand, and emotional regulation on the other. Findings emphasise the important effect of both the father and the mother in determining the adolescent’s ability to control emotions and engaging in adolescent dating violence (Cucci, & O’Leary, 2019: 16-17). In emphasising the importance of societal and family influence on adolescent behaviour, these authors cite the social theory as basis for the family and societal influence on adolescent behaviour. Adolescents, argue the two authors, have a tendency to observe and imitate behaviour. They even observe the parenting style of parents, and the parenting style affects the adolescent’s ability to regulate and control his/her emotional and social development (Cucci & O’Leary, 2019: 19). So rife is violence in the South African society in general that violence even captures media attention. To this effect, Mc Cain (2019) narrates a story of a 6-year old girl who was hit by a stray bullet while playing outside her Lavender Hill home in Cape Town. The story goes on to say that the target was a 24-year old youth who was taken to hospital together with the girl. Mc Cain further reports that there was a report of three murders and one attempted murder in the area before the day of the shooting. 79 Chapter 3: Literature review Payne (2019) reports that 300 women came together in Cape Town to commemorate deaths of young children, innocent people and families who died from shooting by gangsters. The reporter describes this as a daily occurrence in Cape Town. Mottee and Kelly (2017: 53-54) sum up the contributory factors to school violence as poverty, a home environment not conducive to discipline, youth having been desensitised socially to the culture of violence, and learners putting more emphasis on their rights and overlooking their corresponding responsibilities. Schools in poorer communities have more incidences of learner violence due to, among others, having older learners because of a high repetition rate, and also due to violence in the neighbourhood (Meyer & Chetty, 2017: 123). Tracing the origins of gangster violence in South Africa, Mothibi, et al. (2017: 82) assert that violent behaviour of gangsters and sexual harassment by male learners originate from families and communities. There are taverns in communities, and easy access to weapons. These learners learn from the community that violent behaviour elicits rewards, and as a means of solving problems it brings feelings of being “powerful and worthy”. These authors also mention poverty at home, being discriminated against by teachers on the grounds of poor academic performance, and being over-aged as fertile grounds for violent behaviour by adolescent learners (Mothibi, et al. 2017: 80-82). The study conducted by Chetty (2017: 91) in the Cape Flats in South Africa, reveal that a culture of disregard for women is embedded within gangsterism. This disregard manifests itself through the behaviour of celebrating rape, sexual exploitation and other forms of violence. This violent dominance by males can also lead to under-age pregnancy. Gangster leaders encourage violence by recruiting young children and encouraging them to prove their worth by violently attacking their peers. Further findings include that the youth identifies gangs and drugs as a rite of passage from childhood to adolescence to adulthood. Their brotherhood is strengthened by carrying dangerous weapons and demanding what they want at gunpoint. This forceful behaviour helps these adolescents to feel powerful, purposeful and acceptable to their gangs. This behaviour is in line with the Social Discipline Model of Dreikurs Tauber (2007: 145). The effect of learner violence on teachers is that it makes it very difficult for teachers to institute disciplinary measures to learners who have no respect for them or for the school rules. Teacher victimisation through learner violence has a negative effect on teacher stress and teacher performance, both of which negatively affect learner performance. The commitment level of teachers also drops as a result of learner violence, and teacher 80 Chapter 3: Literature review attendance also drops. Learner violence also has a negative effect on the learner-teacher relationship (Mottee & Kelly, 2017:51 & 52). 3.5.1.2 DRUGS AND ALCOHOL ABUSE IN SOUTH AFRICAN SCHOOLS Among other ways, defiant learner behaviour manifests itself through drug and alcohol abuse in South African schools. The situation in South Africa has deteriorated after 1994, as authors state that with the arrival of different types of drugs from around the world, South Africa has become a headquarter for trafficking drugs and a site for dumping drugs and narcotics in the southern hemisphere. This has had a negative impact on the youth in particular, and drug abuse is associated with poverty, crime, unemployment and dysfunctional families. A survey conducted by the Medical Research Council (MRC) in 2006, shows the social consequences of alcohol and drug abuse for learners is absenteeism, truancy, poor academic performance, declining grades and ultimately dropping out of school (Gouws, et al., 2010: 222-224). According to Modisaotsile (2012: 8-9), easy access to drugs makes substance abuse by learners a common practice, and that gives birth to a high failure rate. Drug abuse has become common even in primary schools. The most popular substance used by learners is alcohol, followed by tobacco and marijuana. The author further cites in the 2011 report of the Bureau of Justice that 85% of teenage learners know where to obtain marijuana, while 29% have experienced being offered an illegal substance at school. This is happening against the background of known effects of drugs, such as impacting on mood, and damaging the brain by changing the way neurons receive, transmit and process information. A study by the Human Sciences Research Council also reveals a relationship between drugs and alcohol abuse on the one hand, and poverty on the other, and both were found to be prevalent among the school-going youth of South Africa (HSRC & EPC, 2005: 64). Drug abuse can have disastrous effects. Ngoepe (2016: 1) reports on a memorial service held in honour of television personality Hope Zinde. She was murdered by her son, 23-year old Warona Zinde. He was also found to be in possession of drugs. Speakers at the memorial stated the seriousness of the problem of drugs in South Africa. They blamed the South African society for embracing the problem of drug abuse, ease with which drugs are accessed, and their use in the country. They also pleaded that parents come together in the fight against drugs in schools, instead of judging one another. The issue of drug and alcohol abuse also featured prominently in President Zuma’s address in the 40th anniversary of the June 16, 1976 Learner Uprising. He stated that learners are not only involved in drug and alcohol abuse, but they are also found in taverns in full school uniform drinking alcohol (Zuma, 2016: 8). 81 Chapter 3: Literature review In South Africa, research shows that adolescents are susceptible to mental health issues due to being exposed to substance abuse coupled with violence (Petersen, et al., 2018: 2). 3.5.1.3 BULLYING AND ABUSE Mothibi, et al. (2017: 69) define bullying as any act in which a learner forcefully exerts power and influence over another learner in a negative way. As an anti-social behaviour, bullying can be distinguished from other anti-social behaviours by the fact that one does it willingly and repetitively, and that power differences exist between the perpetrator and the victim (Lets’opha & Jacobs, 2017: 87; Mothibi, et al., 2017: 69). Both Lets’opha and Jacobs (2017: 90-91) and Mothibi (2017: 70) agree that forms of bullying include spreading rumours, electronic bullying, verbal bullying, relational bullying by ostracising the victim, and exploiting victims by obtaining their resources (including money) by force. In further analysing the forms of bullying, Lets’opha and Jacobs (2017: 90) note that verbal bullying where there are no witnesses is the most convenient form for the perpetrator, as it defeats any sort of accountability since there is no evidence. In analysing both the perpetrator and victim, Lets’opha and Jacobs (2017: 91-94) conclude that victims are often learners who are new in the school environment, those who are submissive in nature, those who do not report bullying, those with an unusual physical appearance, a learner from a different religious affiliation, and poor performers in class. On the other hand, bullies are learners who like to feel powerful and in charge, those who like to play to the gallery, and those who carry the baggage of anger and hate from home. Bullying and sexual abuse are also a force to be reckoned with in South African schools. Lombo (2017: 15) contends that 75% of South African learners report having been victims of bullying at some stage of their schooling, compared to only 45% of learners from other countries. Bullying can be a major barrier to learning. A study by the Human Sciences Research Council linked bullying to poverty and the need for food. The study further reveals that violence, particularly against girls, is a problem as it exposes girl learners to risks of rape, harassment and assault on their way to school and on school premises (HSRC & EPC, 2005: 60-61). A new type of bullying takes place via electronic devices, and is called cyberbullying (Du Preez & Prinsloo, 2017:104). Research shows cyberbullying to be prevalent in South Africa, and it is common among urban rather than rural schools. In the South African context, cyberbullying 82 Chapter 3: Literature review mostly takes place via text message, cellular calls and websites (Du Preez & Prinsloo, 2017: 106-109). Studies show that bullying in general may have far-reaching effects. These may take the form of anxiety, depression, low self-esteem, victims being unemployable, academic incompetence, substance abuse and criminality for adolescent bullies (Lets’opha & Jacobs, 2017: 87-88). Cyberbullying, in particular, has very bad consequences, which include the development of a low self-esteem, withdrawal, change of personality and absence from school (Du Preez & Prinsloo, 2017: 113). To successfully deal with and decisively uproot bullying for the scourge which it is, authors suggest a restorative approach characterised with providing full support for both the victim and the perpetrator, rather than a retributive approach, which is punitive in nature (Lets’opha & Jacobs, 2017: 100). 3.5.1.4 SEXUAL ABUSE AND SEXUAL ACTIVITIES TAKING PLACE IN THE SCHOOL PREMISES Sexual abuse of school girls in the form of rape, and general sexual abuse affecting boys and girls, are often meted out by teachers. This, together with poverty and pregnancy, are the main contributors to learners dropping out of school. Teachers are reported to be sexually assaulting and sexually abusing girl learners, and threatening them with corporal punishment if they do not co-operate. Sexual abuse sometimes goes hand-in-hand with teenage pregnancy, which is a very serious problem affecting girl learners in South African schools. In the South African context, pregnancy is intertwined with absenteeism, poverty and unemployment, and was found to be prevalent in poverty-stricken rural communities. This results in schools not being safe havens for learners (HSRC & EPC, 2005: 60-61; Meyer & Chetty, 2017: 122; Modisaotsile, 2012: 2-9). To show that sexual assault by teachers causes learners to also engage in sexual activities, a report shows that there is a scourge of sexual activities taking place on school grounds in KwaZulu-Natal, resulting in a high teenage pregnancy rate. On average 15 girls fall pregnant in rural schools every year, and the worst scenario is that of Kanye-kanye High school in eDumbe District. In this school more than 20 girls fell pregnant in the 2016 academic year. In 2015, teachers in the Pongola district were complaining that they were battling to discourage 12-year old learners from having sex. Some learners were being impregnated by members of the community, as adults dated children and had sex with them. This is blamed on, among others, poverty, lack of parenting, lack of good 83 Chapter 3: Literature review role models, poor schooling and inadequate sex education (Gumbi, 2017: 18). Drawing our attention to the gruesome situation of learner pregnancy in South Africa, Mvelase (2017: 5) reports on a survey conducted on ordinary primary schools. The findings were that more than 1 400 primary school girls in Grades 3 to 7 fell pregnant in the past two years. The Department of Basic Education reported that 8 732 girls nationally fell pregnant in the last two years. This is happening despite South African legislation prohibiting sex with a person under the age of 16, as this constitutes statutory rape. The Department of Basic Education, by its own admission, does not know if anyone has been brought to justice for statutory rape. People blame the situation on different aspects, such as exposure to technology and television programmes. President Zuma also added his voice on the issue of bullying and sexual abuse as he reported that bullying and sexual exploitation are prevalent in South African schools where learners carry dangerous weapons on school grounds (Zuma, 2016: 10). South African authors and politicians attribute defiant learner behaviour to various factors, which include but are not limited to the following: teacher-related factors, cultural differences (Du Plessis, Conley & Du Plessis, 2011: 152), apathy, abdication of responsibility by parents, lack of role models, poor schooling that lacks when it comes to sex education (Gumbi, 2017: 18), anti-social behaviour in the community, peer influence and the traditional ritual of male initiation (Mestry & Khumalo, 2012: 98; Zuma, 2016: 8-12; Zuma, 2017: 4). The next section elaborates in detail on the factors above and how each factor contributes towards defiant learner behaviour. 3.5.2 FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TOWARDS NEGATIVE LEARNER BEHAVIOUR Literature mentions many factors that contribute to defiant behaviour in South African schools. I have categorised the factors into teacher-related factors, cultural differences, apathy and abdication of responsibility by parents, anti-social behaviour in communities, peer influence and the traditional ritual of male initiation. The next section unpacks each one of these factors. 3.5.2.1 TEACHER-RELATED FACTORS Literature and media attribute a number of factors that negatively affect learner behaviour at school to teachers. These include sexual misconduct towards learners (Modisaotsile, 2012: 2), teacher violence against learners (Masweneng, 2017: 1-2), corporal punishment (HSRC & 84 Chapter 3: Literature review EPC, 2005: 92), teachers not working with school governing bodies (SGBs) to deal with defiant learner behaviour, and teachers not being good examples to learners because of the easy- going manner with which they do their work (Mestry & Khumalo, 2012: 98). Specifically regarding the sexual abuse of learners, research shows that teachers are part of this problem. Sexual harassment of girl learners goes hand in hand with bullying. Sexual relations between girl learners and teachers is a common anti-social behaviour in South Africa, and it is usually coupled with the general treatment of girls as inferior to boys. The situation in poverty-stricken rural areas of South Africa is compounded by difficult access to the criminal justice system. South Africa follows the trend of countries like Malawi where teachers sexually harass school girls even in the presence of observers (Modisaotsile, 2012: 2-8; HSRC & EPC, 2005: 61). A report by SAfm also shows that even female teachers are guilty when it comes to sexual relations with boy learners. It was reported that a 19-year old boy, together with an accomplice, killed a 67-year old woman by strangling her. By the father of the boy’s admission, his son, the 19-year old boy, was in love with his teacher - the deceased 67-year old woman (SAfm, 2017: 1). Adding his voice to the issue of teacher-related violence in schools as a cause of misbehaviour, Masweneng (2017: 1-2) reports that the family of a 14-year-old boy, Siphamandla Choma from Middleburg in Mpumalanga, plans to sue the Department of Education. This is because the principal of Manyano Primary School allegedly assaulted the boy for allegedly stealing R150 from a teacher. The principal took the boy to hospital and the family opened a case with police. This represents violence meted out by teachers to learners in full view of others. Even though corporal punishment is illegal, it seems to be what teachers, with the permission of parents, resort to, in the absence of alternatives to deal with unwanted behaviour. Some teachers are even accused by learners of using corporal punishment excessively and violently. Teachers are even reported as practising ukupakanyela (when they all team up and beat one learner at the same time) (HSRC & EPC, 2005: 92-93; Mestry & Khumalo, 2012: 103). In his address on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the June 16, 1976 Learners’ Uprising, President Zuma also raised the issue of violent attacks of learners by teachers, at times even resulting in death (Zuma, 2016: 8-12). This shows that corporal punishment continues to take place in South African schools despite it being illegal. Confirming the use of corporal punishment in South African schools, Mottee and Kelly (2017: 56) contend that, against the 85 Chapter 3: Literature review model of “positive discipline method”, corporal punishment is still in use in schools, leading learners to adopt aggressive and violent means of solving problems. Some principals contribute to learner misbehaviour by failing to cooperate with parents in the school governing body when dealing with learner misbehaviour. Many teachers are not good role models to learners. They go to class unprepared or late, and sometimes even under the influence of alcohol. Some teachers also lack behaviour management skills (Mestry & Khumalo, 2012: 98-108). Shocking statistics by the South African Council of Educators reveal that the council received 609 complaints of misconduct against teachers in the year from April 2015 to March 2016. As many as 267 complaints were for corporal punishment and assault. In the Western Cape there were 171 complaints, of which 97 involved sexual misconduct and rape. About 95 complaints were for unprofessional conduct involving the use of improper language, alcohol abuse and absenteeism. Corporal punishment is the most prevalent complaint in six of nine provinces. The exceptions were the Northern Cape, Free State and Mpumalanga (Brijraj, 2016: 30-33). Confirming teacher-related discipline problems, Lombo (2017: 24) states that during the administration of TIMSS, a lack of discipline was demonstrated by learners through high levels of noise, playing, and gross absenteeism by both teachers and learners. When comparing teachers and learners regarding the violence they mete out towards each other, Mottee and Kelly (2017: 49) also confirm that teachers mete out more violence to learners This section has clearly demonstrated that teachers are also part of the problem when it comes to negative learner behaviour. Some teachers set a very bad example for learners, and as such learners misbehave because of the behaviour of these teachers. The next section deals with the influence of cultural differences on learner behaviour. 3.5.2.2 CULTURAL DIFFERENCES Du Plessis, et al. (2011: 152) proclaim that cultural differences lead among other things to cultural isolation, cultural erosion and conflict. The teacher has the responsibility of bridging the gap between many cultures in the classroom. Each individual brings his/her own set of beliefs, values and attitudes to build a very complex and unique classroom culture. Culture therefore influences learning in the classroom, and culture is learned through socialisation. 86 Chapter 3: Literature review Socialisation means the acquisition of values and attitudes to help the child integrate into society. Because these values differ from learner to learner, they may impact on the socialisation that takes place in the classroom. Failure to understand what learners bring from different cultures to the classroom may lead to conflict that impacts negatively on the teaching-learning process. Concurring with the assertion that different cultures may bring about conflict, Mohlaloka, Jacobs and De Wet (2016a: 711) argue that crime is a product of a culture conflict between the values of a sub-culture and those of the main culture, and this can be used as an explanation for defiant behaviour. My assertion from the above discussion is that the teacher has the responsibility to understand, accept and integrate the different cultures brought into the classrooms by learners in order to prevent unwanted behaviour. The next section deals with parents’ apathy and abdication of responsibility as a factor influencing learner behaviour. 3.5.2.3 APATHY AND ABDICATION OF RESPONSIBILITY BY PARENTS Weak parental involvement and a lack of parental support in the adolescent’s life is one of the factors blamed for anti-social behaviour by adolescents. Children suffering from a lack of parental support end up seeking attention through anti-social behaviour. While even the high teenage pregnancy rate is blamed on factors such as poor schooling, inadequate sex education and poverty on the part of families, authors also mention poor parenting and the absence of good role models as contributing towards adolescent learners’ wayward behaviour. Parents are also not doing enough to discourage their children from drug abuse as research shows that, in the South African context, parents are even said to prefer dagga for their children than stronger drugs (Gouws, et al., 2010: 220-225; Gumbi, 2017: 18). My conclusion therefore is that parents need to support their children’s schooling by working closely with the school and understanding the values that the school promotes, so that the school and home convey a united message to the learners. The next section deals with how communities influence learner behaviour through anti-social behaviour. 87 Chapter 3: Literature review 3.5.2.4 ANTI-SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR IN COMMUNITIES Literature shows that adults as role models in the community are not doing what they are supposed to, and that might explain some of the behaviour learners display at school (Mothibi, et al., 2017: 80). Alcohol and drug abuse do not originate from schools. President Zuma proclaimed in his address on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Soweto Students’ Uprising of 1976, that drug and alcohol abuse are a very serious problem in South Africa. To substantiate on this, he claims that between 7.5% and 31% of South Africans have an alcohol problem. He further cited the United Nations Drugs and Crime report of 2014 as indicating that more than 270 000 South Africans were classified as drug abusers. To put the problem more vividly, he cites the South African Epidemiology Network on Drug Use report on statistics of people who were receiving treatment for drug abuse in 2015 per province for ages 10-39 is as follows: Table 3-1: People receiving treatment for drugs per province in 2015 (Zuma, 2016: 8-12). Age Province People treated for drug abuse 10-39 Gauteng 3 677 10-39 Western Cape 2 869 10-39 Limpopo 93 10-39 Mpumalanga 93 10-39 Eastern Cape 29 Changing his attention to the problem of sexual abuse and violence, the president proclaimed that sexual exploitation of young women and girls in sex parties (parties where men and women have sex without the commitment of a relationship), and sex stokvels (where men reciprocally give one another favours through exchanging women for sex), is prevalent in the country. Violent community protests result in communities burning schools, trains, factories, clinics and universities, just to communicate their dissatisfaction about something (Zuma, 2016: 8-12). In 2017, President Zuma mentioned crime as the biggest threat to South African human rights in his Human Rights Day address. Crime in the form of gangsterism, bullying and taxi violence are serious matters that cannot be ignored. He urged South Africans to work with government to fight crime (Zuma, 2017: 4). Also confirming that crime and violence are serious problems 88 Chapter 3: Literature review in this country, Ncokazi and Manjaza (2017: 2) reported that two burnt bodies were said to belong to members of a gang called Amavondo. This gang is made up of learners who terrorise the community and other learners living in the area around Lusikisiki Technical Vocational Education and Training (TVET) College. The community of Mcobothini hunted the gangsters down and torched and killed them for crimes committed in the area. The two deceased are believed to be learners. To see the gruesome picture of crime in our communities more clearly, Simillie and Lepule (2017: 5) present the following breakdown of crime statistics in the Eastern Cape, comparing 2015/16 and 2016/17: Table 3-2: Comparative crime statistics for the Eastern Cape for 2015/16 and 2016/17 (Simillie & Lepule, 2017: 5) Type of Crime Year Crime Year Crime Deviation Statistics Statistics Attempted 2015/16 1 526 2016/17 1 570 2.9% murder Murder 2015/16 2 882 2016/17 2 831 -1.8% Carjacking 2015/16 735 2016/17 745 1.4% Drug-related 2015/16 11 960 2016/17 12 979 8.5% crime Sexual Offences 2015/16 6 908 2016/17 6 154 -10.9% The table shows that there is no significant impact of crime fighting strategies, as there is not much difference in crime statistics over the two financial years. Lehotla (2017: 7) gives a clearer picture on the situation in South Africa. He reports that the overall individual crime affecting individuals aged 16 years and above, has been declining, but very slowly. Violent crimes such as assault and sexual offence totalled 365 745 in 2016/17 year only (Lehotla, 2017: 10). When it comes to murder, Lehotla (2017: 25) reports that a total of 5 847 males and a total of 10 354 females were murdered, adding up to a total of 16 201 murders in 2016/17. To show that crime by community members is continuing, Feni (2017: 2) reported on a case where a sangoma (traditional healer) led police to a grave from which he unravel the head and female body parts which were stolen. These body parts were of a murdered 18-year old 89 Chapter 3: Literature review Grade 10 girl, Sinoyolo Mgaga of AB Tshayingca High School in Bizana in the Eastern Cape. The police investigating team led by Captain Arnold Freemantle arrested the 30-year old sangoma of KwaNikwe in Bizana, who led them to where the body parts were buried. In another incident, a 56-year old security guard of AB Xuma Primary School has allegedly sexually molested 87 learners. He lured them by allowing them to play with his cellular phone, and gave them sweets, so that they would come to his guard house. The guard touched these young girls inappropriately, gave them sweets in exchange for them not to report the matter to their parents, and also threatened to kill them if they reported. The school transport driver reported the matter after overhearing children talking about it. The guard was arrested after two parents opened a sexual assault cases against him (Ndabeni, 2017: 7). There is a correlation between anti-social behaviour in the community as reported by authors and politicians such as Zuma (2016: 8-12), (2017: 7), Feni (2017: 2) and Simillie and Lepule (2017: 5), and learner misbehaviour in South African schools, as reported by authors such as Gouws, et al (2010: 222-223) and Modisaotsile (2012: 2-9). The next section is on peer influence. 3.5.2.5 PEER INFLUENCE IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT In South Africa, as it is the case internationally, peer influence also has a significant impact on promoting adolescent learner misbehaviour. The area where this impact is most glaring is on drug abuse. Adolescents have a tendency of attaching to peers who, when they are disobedient, may influence one another towards anti-social behaviour. Drug abuse is common among adolescents, and is mostly often blamed on peer influence among other factors (Gouws, et al., 2010: 214; Petts, 2009: 468). Peer pressure and influence also go a long way to influence adolescent participation in organised crime, like violent behaviour. Negative peer influence is exacerbated by the absence of role models in society, and the opportunity for material rewards that they see as quick to obtain (Mothibi & Phago, 2018: 51). Peer pressure is so powerful in South African schools that authors such as Mothibi, et al, (2017:78) are of the view that it supersedes and influences even children who were brought up well at home to participate in school violence. The same peer pressure leads to adolescent learners joining gangs and getting involved in gangsterism and violence. These adolescents 90 Chapter 3: Literature review adopt violent behaviour in order to appear good and be accepted by others. This falls in with the Social Discipline Model. My conclusion is that adolescent learners, as social beings, fall into the trap of drug abuse in order to be accepted, to belong and to fit into a group of peers, as Rudolph Druikers’ Social Discipline Model advocates (Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 82). 3.5.2.6 THE TRADITIONAL RITUAL OF MALE INITIATION Young men go through a rite of passage called initiation. This is a transition ceremony from boyhood to manhood in some societies, both inside and outside of South Africa. This section seeks to explore the impact that this ritual has on adolescent learner behaviour, as the new initiates integrate back into the school culture. The ritual of initiation is about continuing the belief system, values, memories, myths and traditions of a specific culture. The ritual goes through three categories of rites of passage, which are: the separation rites which is isolation, marginal rites which are about seclusion and marginality, and aggregation rites, when the initiate is aggregated back into society. It is a way to cross to adulthood and as such it elevates the status of the initiate. Uninitiated people are treated with disdain by both males and females in societies that practise the initiation ritual, and by extension newly initiated young men bring this mind-set to the school situation. The ritual itself is meant to be a remedy for mischievous behaviour, as mischief is an indication that it is time for the rite of passage to manhood. Initiation is an institution of values and good morals from the stage of irresponsibility of boyhood to the responsible stage of manhood (Booyse, Le Roux, Seroto, & Wolhuter, 2011: 46; Mgqolozane, 2010: 17-29; Ntombana, 2011: 635). The ritual has good intentions of instilling good moral values. The whole process teaches men the values of endurance, perseverance, obedience and patience. It teaches the initiates how, via a step-by-step process, they can manoeuvre their way through difficult processes and situations and overcome difficulties. The ritual helps adolescents develop a sense of identity (Koteskey, 2005: 40; Mgqolozane, 2010: 65; Ntombana, 2011: 632). As the boys move from the anti-social behaviour of boyhood to manhood, they are taught to live not for themselves but for the common good of families and communities. Through initiation they also earn the right to marriage. They are given instruction on cultural knowledge, courtship, how to take care of their genitals, tribal loyalty, rights and obligations, political, religious and legal knowledge, how bad sexual promiscuity is, and marriage practices. All teachings in the initiation school are treated with secrecy of the highest order, and information may not be 91 Chapter 3: Literature review shared with the uninitiated. Women and uninitiated men are not allowed to intrude into men’s initiation lodges. In societies where female initiation is practised, girls are taught tribal values, sex education, marriage and agricultural duties during seclusion. In most societies that practise initiation, there is a deliberate formal teaching by adults as boys are transformed to manhood in order to become reliable members of society. Authors and researchers therefore conclude that initiation is an institution of formal education (Booyse, et al., 2011: 47; Meissner & Buso, 2007: 372; Ntombana, 2011: 636). So strict is the ritual that people involved in it are supposed to observe a professional code of conduct, like being sober when performing the circumcision and not using the same blade to cut more than one initiate (Meissner & Buso, 2007: 373). Research shows that, as in South Africa, the culture of initiation also has good intentions in Lesotho. In that kingdom, traditional instructors are in agreement that the initiation culture is the initial law of the Basothos that has been passed from one generation to the next. The rites of passage teach the initiates humanity, respect not only for their parents but for all adults, and prepare initiates for the future. All these teachings bring dignity to the initiates (Mohlaloka & Jacobs, 2016b: 25). Researchers of the ritual believe that the custom is different from what it used to be. With the emergence of new and inexperienced surgeons, it has been tainted with moral decline in recent years. This moral decline takes the form of drug abuse, criminal activities and inhuman behaviour. One way of demonstrating this moral decline is when boys who are instructed to guard the initiates are given a tin can full of beer while they are on guard. There have also been fatalities resulting from the negligence of the amakhankatha (traditional instructors). All of these issues have a negative impact on the building of society. The initiates are abused during initiation under the cover that what happens at the mountain stays at the mountain. Men from the village have the power to do anything to the initiates, to punish them as they will for small mistakes and to revenge themselves for past behaviours. Violence in the mountain even leads to deaths at times. Causes of death include deaths as a result of assault by traditional nurses, and clashes between initiates and community members. Presently, the custom is characterised by death, botched circumcisions leading to amputation and sometimes even death, moral decline in the form of alcohol abuse, and general misconduct by initiates. There are legal and illegal initiation schools, and deaths occur in both of them. Initiates commit crimes and sometimes community members commit crimes and run for cover 92 Chapter 3: Literature review in the initiation school. The traditional guardians are responsible for this moral decline as they promote alcohol and drug abuse. They also inadvertently promote rape and women abuse as they encourage initiates, when they come out of the ritual, to sleep with women who are not their girlfriends in order to cleanse bad luck supposedly acquired during the seclusion period (Meissner & Buso, 2007: 371-372; Mgqolozane, 2010: 105; Ntombana, 2011: 636). Booyse, et al. (2011: 47) state that in the Tsonga, Pedi and Venda cultures, boys are subjected to harsh discipline and suffering, and they get beaten for minor offences. They are made to sleep on their backs on the ground with no blankets. They are taught stick fighting by expert adults. The essence is that the initiation school prepares them for soldiering in defence of their communities. They learn the good fighting techniques of warriors. It becomes easy to draw parallels between violence, drug and alcohol abuse, fighting, crime and general misconduct committed by and to the initiates in the initiation school, as reported by authors such as Mgqolozane (2010: 74) and Ntombana (2011: 636) and violence in schools on the other hand. Other transgressions include drug and alcohol abuse, learner-on-learner violence, sexual abuse, carrying of dangerous weapons, learner-on-teacher violence, and bullying, as cited by authors such as Gouws, et al., (2010: 222-223), Lombo (2017: 15) and Mestry and Khumalo (2012: 98). Anti-social behaviour in the mountain is relevant to what is taking place in schools. When the initiates return from the mountain as amakrwala (the new initiates), they come back with emphatic masculinity, demanding respect from those who have not yet gone to the mountain. They also assert themselves sexually on girls (HSRC & EPC, 2005: 62). Adding on the impact of the initiation ritual on schooling, Mohlaloka, et al. (2016a: 711) argue that crime is a product of a culture conflict between the values of the sub-culture and those of the main culture. This explains the defiant behaviour of male initiates at school. They come with their sub-culture to the school while the school has its own culture. The conflict between the two cultures results in conflict leading to defiant behaviour. Researchers point out that, contrary to the good moral values the culture of initiation is trying to inculcate in young initiates, some of the initiates return from the mountain displaying defiant behaviour, even in Lesotho (Jacobs, 2016: 15-16; Mohlaloka, Jacobs & De Wet, 2016b: 26). Authors attribute this defiant behaviour to various factors such as initiates seeing themselves as men and the community recognising them as such (Jacobs, 2016: 15-16). Another issue is undergoing the ceremony when a boy is not yet of a suitable age, as different cultures and legislations prescribe different ages for this rite of passage. The availability of 93 Chapter 3: Literature review alcohol in the mountain and the shorter duration of the seclusion period is also an issue. Authors believe that if the initiation process is too short, the young men return without fully grasping the moral values that the ritual wants to imbue them with (Mohlaloka, et al., 2016b: 26-27). Mohlaloka, et al. (2016b: 27) sum it up by pointing out that these young men return from the mountain with an arrogant attitude of seeing themselves as men. They expect the school rules not to apply to them. They are however taught in the mountain that they will still be seen as children when they return to school. They will only be men when they start their own families. My contention, based on the issues as discussed above, is that even though there are laws in place to deal with wayward behaviour in South Africa, the laws are not necessarily effective in dealing with anti-social behaviour within and outside school premises. My argument is that weak law enforcement in the country makes laws seem ineffective. For instance, sexual relationships between teachers and learners are prohibited through the Employment of Educators’ Act, where it is stated that a teacher is guilty of serious misconduct if they have a sexual relationship with a learner of the school where he or she is employed (RSA, Act 76, 1998 (17) (c)). Yet SAfm (2017: 1) reports on the 67-year old teacher who was strangled to death by her 19-year old lover, who was also her learner. Furthermore, research conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council reveals that South African teachers rely on corporal punishment to deal with unwanted behaviour at school, at times even with the permission of the parents (HSRC & EPC, 2005: 92). Corporal punishment is taking place despite the law being clear on its abolition. The South African Schools Act states that no person may administer corporal punishment at a public school to a learner (RSA, Act, 84, 1996b (10) (1)). Research in schools in KwaZulu-Natal indicates that learner pregnancy is a very serious problem. According to the teachers in the Pongola district, some learners become pregnant by members of the community, as adults date children and have sex with them. Relationships between adults and under-aged children is happening despite the law prohibiting sexual relationship with any child under the age of 16 (Gumbi, 2017: 18). Regarding the initiation ritual specifically, Meissner and Buso (2007: 373) proclaim that due to the failure to observe the code of conduct by people involved in initiation, Parliament passed 94 Chapter 3: Literature review a piece of legislation called the Applications of Health Standards in Traditional Circumcision Act to control and regulate the ritual. The Customary Male Initiation Practice Act (Act no. 5 of 2016) is also in place, and among its objectives is to provide for the protection of life and the prevention of physical and mental abuse of initiates (Province of the Eastern Cape, 2016, (2)(1)). According to this act, monitoring the male initiation programme is the responsibility of the Provincial Initiation Co-ordinating Committee (PICC), which administers and oversees it (Province of the Eastern Cape, 2016, (3)(2)). The act ensures the development and adoption of a code of conduct for any persons or stakeholders involved in the initiation programme (Province of the Eastern Cape, 2016, (5)(1)(g)). The Local Initiation Forum, established in line with the provisions of the Act (Province of the Eastern Cape, 2016, (10) (1)(2) (a) and (b)), is also there to reinforce the regulation and control of the ritual. The act is straightforward when it comes to alcohol or drug use, and states that “a traditional surgeon must not perform circumcision under the influence of alcohol or any substance that will impair judgement” (Province of the Eastern Cape, 2016, (4)(g)). A traditional nurse must not provide or offer to provide alcohol or drugs to the initiates (Province of the Eastern Cape, 2016, (3)(c)). The Traditional Health Practitioners Act (Act no. 22 of 2007) is also in place to regulate and control traditional health practitioners. The act states that a person who is not registered as a traditional health practitioner, is guilty of an offence if he or she pretends to be so registered in respect of such an occupation (RSA, Act 22, 2007, (3)(a)). Initiation school practitioners are also covered by this act. All these laws are in place but they are broken every now and again with no consequences. Conclusively, from the six factors associated with adolescent learner behaviour discussed, only teacher-related factors and peer influence originate from within the school. The rest of the other factors come from outside the school, but they have a bearing on the behaviour adolescent learners display at school. The next section looks into how adolescent learner behaviour affects schooling. 3.5.3 EFFECTS OF ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR ON SCHOOLING IN SOUTH AFRICA Adolescent learner behaviour has far-reaching effects on schooling and education at large. Studies confirm that all stakeholders in education share the view that learner behaviour is a very serious problem in South African schools, and it renders many institutions ineffective 95 Chapter 3: Literature review when it comes to teaching and learning (Mestry & Khumalo, 2012: 98). Mwamwenda (1996: 311) concurs as he states that discipline is important, as the purpose of the school cannot be achieved without it. Without control brought about by discipline, there would be anarchy and chaos in the school, with no effective learning taking place. A decline in the standard of education is blamed on violence as a key issue in schools (Modisaotsile, 2012: 2-3). Learner behaviour is a time waster that consumes teaching time. As a result of unwanted learner behaviour, teachers spend as much as half of their teaching time dealing with disruptive behaviour, and only use the remaining half of the time for teaching. By extension, this therefore means that a school that lacks discipline is associated with a poor culture of teaching and learning, as well as weak management and administration (Coetzee, et al., 2008: 91; Van Deventer & Kruger, 2011: 4). Putting more emphasis on the negative effects of learner behaviour, Reddy, Visser, Winnaar, Arends, Juan and Prinsloo (2016: 13) state that schools lacking in discipline fail to provide an environment that is favourable to teachers and learners. High performance is positively correlated to a safe environment in which there is discipline for both teachers and learners. According to Motshekga (2016: 5), research conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council found bullying to be the most disturbing factor in South African schools. It undermines the safety of the school environment and negatively affects learner achievement of learner outcomes. Coming specifically to the problem of drug and alcohol abuse, research shows that drug abuse has a negative impact on the youth as it is associated with poverty, crime, unemployment and dysfunctional families. A survey conducted by the Medical Research Council in 2006 indicated the social consequences of alcohol and drug abuse to learners, such as absenteeism, truancy, poor academic performance, declining grades and ultimately dropping out of school (Gouws, et al., 2010: 224). Research on drug abuse shows that drugs such as marijuana are easily attainable to South African teenagers. As mood-altering drugs, however, they damage the brain by changing the way neurons that receive, transmit and process information (Modisaotsile, 2012: 9). In terms of the initiation culture, authors are in agreement that the behaviour of initiates is a problem in schools. When initiates return from the initiation process, they return with emphatic masculinity, demanding respect from those who have not yet gone to the mountain. They also assert themselves sexually over girls (HSRC & EPC, 2005: 62). They even sexually abuse girls who are not necessarily their girlfriends in the name of cleansing bad luck, 96 Chapter 3: Literature review supposedly left over from the initiation ritual (Ntombana, 2011: 636). In cultures that practise initiation, the initiates treat everyone who has not gone to the mountain with disdain (HSRC & EPC, 2005: 62). They cause culture conflict by imposing the values of their sub-culture on the main culture of the school (Mohlaloka, et al., 2016a: 711). Another problem brought about by the initiation ritual is conflict between those that were successful in the ritual and those who suffered botched circumcisions. Non-completion of the ritual has a stigma attached to it. Initiates who did not successfully complete initiation are rejected and alienated by the successful initiates. This leads to crime and gangsterism, with those not successfully completing the process aiming to revenge themselves for this non-acceptance (Meissner & Buso, 2007: 373). This fits well with Miller’s Theory of Lower Class Culture and Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model. Among Miller’s six focal points, there is a point where he states that adolescent males always want to display toughness. This is characterised by displaying physical prowess, fearlessness and masculinity. They see femininity as a weakness, and want to prove their manhood through aggression. On the other hand, Dreikurs identifies four goals that motivate learners to misbehave. Among the four goals there is a need for a revenge, where he states that ill-disciplined learners lash out to fellow learners in compensating for hurt feelings. Abuse in the mountain may result in such hurt feelings. Ill-disciplined learners revenge themselves through attacks and violent behaviour (Simuforosa & Rosemary, 2014: 82; Thompson & Bynum, 2012: 107). 3.6 MEDIATING NEGATIVE ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR Various authors advance various strategies to bring adolescent learner behaviour under control. The USA, Britain and subsequently Canada introduced the Zero Tolerance approach to discipline, as discussed in 3.4.1 above. This approach is about predetermined punishments that need to be meted out for particular offences. Unfortunately, this approach failed as it ended up resulting in disciplinary gaps between whites and those who were already affected by racism, poverty, academic failure and other factors. The southern parts of the USA and South Korea still resort to corporal punishment as a legal strategy to deal with unwanted behaviour in schools (Arum & Ford, 2012: 58; Hoffman, 2014: 73). African countries such as Nigeria, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Lesotho and South Africa rely on corporal punishment, though it is illegal in countries like South Africa, Lesotho and Kenya. In some of the countries, teachers hide behind the permission granted by parents for the use of corporal punishment. However, corporal punishment is not successful in curbing unwanted behaviour 97 Chapter 3: Literature review in schools (HSRC & EPC, 2005: 92-93; Jacobs, et al., 2013: 329-335; Mugabe & Maposa, 2013: 112; Uzoechina, et al., 2015: 144). In an attempt to bring learner behaviour under control, Kafele (2012: 68-69) advances what he calls Power Mondays. This is an attempt to change adolescent behaviour. On Mondays all learners dress like professionals, and speakers from all walks of life are organised to talk to the learners about black male learners’ current roles and their future roles as leaders. Older black male learners are made guest speakers to motivate junior male learners in their own and other schools. In the process, these older learners are under pressure to lead by example. This has led to a drop in disciplinary problems in those schools, while school achievement rose. The schools did all this as a response to the black male learners’ exceedingly high rate of expulsion and suspension and low reading levels in the USA. Similarly, Gordon, Downey, and Bangert (2013: 229-230) advocate for the use of what they call the School-Based Mentoring Programme (SBMP) as established by an organisation called Thrive, to deal with wayward behaviour by children and adolescents. The method moulds behaviour and promotes connectedness by mentoring, collaboration, parent engagement and education, and professional development. A study found that learners who participated in the SBMP had less disciplinary problems and less unauthorised absences than those who did not participate. In South Africa, other than relying on corporal punishment, there is also a reliance on school governing bodies (SGBs) for school discipline. The SGBs have a legal obligation to establish a healthy environment in the school through establishing a school policy as authorised by the South African Schools Act (RSA, Act 84 of 1996b:18 (a)(2)). SGBs, together with school management teams (SMTs), have an obligation to ensure the implementation of the school Policy (Botha, 2013: 187). Oosthuizen (2010: 19) concurs as he states that the SGB should be used as an intermediary to take learners to task in a disciplinary committee. Research from among learners themselves indicates that the use of the SGB becomes a deterrent for unwanted behaviour. However, it should be used sparingly so that it does not become a breach of trust between learners and educators. Be that as it may, Mestry and Khumalo (2012: 98) express some reservations with the reliance on SGBs. They argue that SGBs are not effective in enforcing discipline in schools due to illiteracy and a lack of cooperation between principals and some SGB members. 98 Chapter 3: Literature review My conclusion from the above is that there seems to be no apparent panacea for the multitude of problems associated with adolescent learner behaviour, as different countries use different strategies which do not seem to be fully effective in curbing unwanted behaviour. Table 3-3: Synopsis of the findings of the literature review on the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour Issues Literature suggests that: Reference Contributing factors  Adolescent learner behaviour is attributable to the 3.3 towards adolescent child, the society, the teacher and the parent. learner behaviour  Peer influence. 3.3.1  In line with Erikson’s Psychosocial Theory, peer 3.3.2 pressure and the need to conform because of lack of identity, weak family attachment and lack of family identity.  Societal influence in the form of socio-economic, 3.3.3 cultural, and religious factors are also to blame for misconduct among adolescent learners. Adolescent learner  Stalking behaviour is common in California (USA) 3.4.1 Behaviour in non- and it involves interpersonal and partner African countries aggression, battering and drug abuse.  In the Netherlands adolescents experimenting with 3.4.1 sex is common.  In line with Walter’s Theory on Lower Class Culture, 3.4.1 children from low income families, families with less education, less sexual knowledge and parental guidance jump into sexual intercourse without taking precautionary measures.  In the Netherlands, peer pressure is used to 3.4.1 enforce discipline by team members on their fellow learners.  In the USA, Britain and Canada they adopted a Zero 3.4.1 Tolerance approach to discipline, but it failed among black and other economically disadvantaged population groups.  In the USA it was made worse by involving police 3.4.1 and security guards in the implementation of the Zero Tolerance approach, thereby undermining the authority of teachers.  In countries such as Japan and Korea, where 3.4.1 teachers are given more authority to exercise discipline, learners tend to be more disciplined and score better in TIMSS. Learner discipline in  In Nigeria, disruptive behaviour among learners is 3.4.2 other African countries on the rise despite rules, regulations and sanctions in place to curb it. In the south-western parts of Nigeria, behaviour takes the form of absenteeism, 99 Chapter 3: Literature review Issues Literature suggests that: Reference indolence, fighting, carrying dangerous weapons, disrespect for authority, bullying, vandalism and use of improper language. All this is blamed on peer influence.  In Kenya, behaviour takes the form of unrests 3.4.2 leading to damage to property and at times death  In Zimbabwe, learner behaviour includes bullying, 3.4.2 fighting, sharing pornographic material, insubordination, sexual association that is not acceptable, drug abuse and truancy. Corporal punishment is legal in Zimbabwe.  In Lesotho, corporal punishment has been 3.4.2 abolished but it is in full use as a strategy to deal with learner behaviour. Learner behaviour is attributable to teachers and curriculum-related factors. Learner behaviour in 3.5 South Africa Forms of adolescent Adolescent leaner behaviour takes different forms such 3.5.1 learner behaviour as:  Drug and alcohol abuse, sexual harassment of girl 3.5.1.1 learners and bullying.  Drug and alcohol abuse. 3.5.1.2  Bullying 3.5.1.3  Sexual harassment of girl learners. 3.5.1.4 Causes of behaviour in Learner behaviour is attributed to different factors 3.5.2 South Africa including teacher-related factors, cultural differences, apathy and abdication of responsibility by parents, anti-social behaviour in communities, peer influence and male initiation rituals.  Teacher-related causes: Sexual abuse of girls, 3.5.2.1 corporal punishment and assault. Teacher-related complaints brought to SACE include corporal punishment and assault, sexual misbehaviour and rape, unprofessional conduct, use of improper language and alcohol abuse.  Cultural differences can cause cultural isolation 3.5.2.2 and conflict. Conflict sometimes emanates from the clash between a sub-culture and the main culture.  Abdication of responsibility by parents 3.5.2.3  Anti-social behaviour by community members 3.5.2.4  Peer influence 3.5.2.5  Traditional ritual of male initiation 3.5.2.6 Effects of learner  Affects the safety of the school environment 3.5.3 behaviour in South negatively. Affects teaching and learning Africa negatively with bad learner outcomes. Leads to a drop in educational standards. 100 Chapter 3: Literature review Issues Literature suggests that: Reference Strategies to deal with  In the USA and Canada, a Zero Tolerance approach 3.6 adolescent learner to discipline was adopted. However, it failed as it behaviour made behaviour worse among economically disadvantaged population groups.  Power Mondays were adopted in certain schools in 3.6 the USA, where black male learners dressed like professional on Mondays and motivational speakers were invited to speak to them.  School-based mentoring was also used with its 3.6 emphasis on connectedness through mentoring and parent engagement.  African countries such as Nigeria, Lesotho, 3.6 Zimbabwe and South Africa rely much on corporal punishment although it is illegal in countries such as South Africa and Lesotho.  South Africa also relies on SGBs through the 3.6 crafting of code of conduct and its enforcement with the assistance of SMTs.  One challenge with this strategy is the illiteracy of 3.6 some of the SGB members, and also the non- cooperation of some principals. In some schools, the parent component of the SGB does not feel accepted. 3.7 CONCLUSION The objective of this chapter was to review literature on the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour internationally. From literature, it has become clear that the issue of adolescent learner behaviour is a universal challenge with far reaching consequences for effective teaching and learning. From literature, it has become clear that parents and communities play a big part in negatively influencing adolescent learner behaviour and that cannot be ignored. This negative impact ranges from abusive parenting styles (Mothibi, et al., 2017:82), parental neglect (Oshri, et al., 2017: 151), authoritarian parenting (Cucci & O’Leary, 2019: 16) and parents drinking alcohol with adolescent male leaners (Mohlaloka, et al., 2016b: 28). Abusive parenting leads to adolescents carrying a burden of anger and hurt to the school, which then becomes a fertile ground for creating bullies at school (Lets’opha & Jacobs, 2017:94). Communities contribute inter alia by teaching adolescents that violence solves problems and brings about rewards (Mothibi, et al., 2017: 82). When it comes to adolescent learner behaviour, poverty also plays a role in breeding anger that causes adolescents to affiliate to gangs (Chetty, 2017: 92). 101 Chapter 3: Literature review While teachers bear the brunt of violent behaviour by adolescent learners, literature shows that girl learners bear the biggest brunt. They become victims of disregard, rape and other forms of sexual abuse in societies, some of which even celebrate rape (Chetty, 2017: 92). This shows that the origins of what is called “gender-based violence” or “violence against women”, which is currently a serious problem in our country, can be found in violent adolescent behaviour, and the level of tolerance by communities of such behaviour. What literature also brings to surface is the complex nature in which the causes of adolescent learner violence relate to one another. Peer pressure directly relates to gangsterism, substance abuse and violent behaviour. Gangsterism also relates to rape. Parent neglect also directly ties to drug abuse. In all these factors, the over-arching factor is poverty, as it affects all other complexities of adolescent learner behaviour. Bringing to surface this complex relationship between the forms of adolescent learner behaviour and factors contributing towards them throws light to the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour, which is the main item in both the research question, the main aim of the study and the statement of the problem. The levels of poverty in some of the areas under study make them very similar to the district of Mt Fletcher in the Elundini Local Municipality within the Joe Gqabi Municipal District. In trying to look into the means of dealing with the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour, the next chapter will focus on the South African legal framework regarding learner discipline. 102 Chapter 4: Legal framework CHAPTER 4: THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR LEARNER DISCIPLINE IN SOUTH AFRICA 4.1 INTRODUCTION The previous chapter dealt with a review of the literature on learner discipline in different countries. It became clear that although certain behaviours are specific to particular countries, there are also similarities in many parts of the world regarding the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour. Context remains important, however, and in my own context, namely a very poor district in the Eastern Cape, it is essential to gain an understanding about the details of the situation, in an attempt towards finding solutions. Although this study is in the field of Educational Psychology, one cannot consider learner behaviour, and solutions to learner behaviour, without considering the legal framework within which the learner behaviour must be managed. I am no Education Law expert, but was guided in this process by my co-promotor. Indeed, Liwane (2017: 247) asserts that, according to research findings, educators are not well versed with the laws that govern education. The few fortunate ones who are somewhat informed, only have a basic knowledge of the applicable laws. When it comes to their application, however, they are also found wanting. There is thus a definite need, in any study, to understand the legal framework that guides role players with regard to what should happen, and what should not, and in this lies the value of this chapter. Roos (2003: 500) states that the beginning of democracy in 1994 brought with it the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, as the supreme law of the land. Soon after followed the South African Schools Act (Act 84 of 1996). This hailed a new dispensation in education in South Africa, which inadvertently includes legal provisions on learner discipline. In addition to these two documents, I will draw from other legislation pertaining to learner discipline, the legal procedure for disciplining learners, case law that shaped learner discipline in South Africa and the practical implications of court rulings for learner discipline. All of these are relevant as they contribute to regulate how learner discipline should be managed in schools. The implementation of laws provides the structure for order wherever there are people. In the case of this study, there has to be order for effective education to take place in a school situation. Order regulates the interaction among all the stakeholders that have interest in education. This includes learners, teachers, SGBs, Department of Education 103 Chapter 4: Legal framework officials and organised labour. Law in education helps to preserve peace and safety, and helps to resolve conflicts of interest (Joubert, 2015a: 29). 4.2 WHAT A LEGAL FRAMEWORK IS A legal framework draws from sources of law such as the Constitution, legislation, common law, case law and regulations (as subordinate legislation) (Joubert, 2015a: 2-3; Kleyn & Viljoen, 2010: 40) to provide a summary of all the statutes relating to a specific issue. Legislation is promulgated by Parliament as the legislative power, and must be in line with the Constitution (Kleyn & Viljoen, 2010: 45). Courts, as the judicial power, interpret legislation when cases are brought before them, and court rulings then become case law as a source of law (Kleyn & Viljoen, 2010: 60). Policies are not regarded as pieces of legislation, but are promulgated under the National Education Policy Act (NEPA) (RSA, 1996c). They act as directives from the executive powers (such as the Department of Basic Education) and provide detail on how to deal with specific issues. Although not legal documents, they are enforceable within the specific executive realm, and are usually clear in stating their scope of application. As such, in the school context, certain policies strengthen the legal framework. The legal framework for discipline, therefore, is a section of the broader field of education law, which relates the relevant provisions in the sources of law to regulate learner discipline (Joubert, 2015c: 119-122). In addition to the meaning of “discipline” as defined in Chapter 1 under the heading “Definition of terms” (cf.1.8), authors also contend that humans have a natural instinct for wayward behaviour, which takes the form of being selfish, lethargic and obstinate. The educator must acknowledge these features when disciplining a learner, especially since the learner is still immature. The educator is said to be exercising learner discipline when he/she gets involved in the process of assisting the learner build his/her own system of values, and showing disapproval of wayward behaviour (Oosthuizen, Smit, & Roos, 2012: 154). By doing this, the educator is creating a school environment characterised by security. This type of environment promotes orderliness, lawfulness and protection, and directs learners towards the future while raising the standard of learners (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 155). Education itself does not exist in a space outside the ambit of law, as discipline practised in education must be within the parameters of the law. Discipline ensures that all participants in the education system must, like everyone else, be protected equally by the law and accrue 104 Chapter 4: Legal framework the benefits brought by the law (RSA, 1996a: s 9(1)). This is because participants in education are also legal subjects and as such they have certain rights. The infringement of rights of one legal subject by another is unlawful and unconstitutional, hence the need for the legal framework for learner discipline (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 155). Emphasising the importance of learner discipline within the legal framework, Otto (2016: 129), rates learner discipline as being only second to adequate financial support in importance when it comes to impacting on the effective management of schools. The author further argues that, when carrying out their managerial responsibilities, principals need to ensure the safety of learners while they are at school by implementing appropriate policies and legal imperatives in line with the expectations of the Department (Otto, 2016: 2). Not only should educators and other practitioners know how to deal with indiscipline within the legal framework with regard to learner behaviour, but they should also act within the legal framework for educators, and at times these two overlap. Educators and other education practitioners themselves often act wrongfully when they themselves deal with learner discipline. There are frequent reports in the media confirming Mestry and Khumalo’s research findings (2012: 103) that there are educators who still use corporal punishment in South Africa (also see Joubert, 2015a: 31). Indeed, the spokesperson for the Eastern Cape Department of Education emphasised that corporal punishment is a criminal offence, and he urged parents to open cases with the police when it occurs (Dayimani & Linden, 2017: 1). Teachers furthermore continue to act unlawfully and infringe on the rights of learners, by pulling their hair or smacking them with exercise books in the face, hitting them with iron rods in the ribs (Dayimani & Linden, 2017: 1). Other extreme incidents included beating a pregnant learner until she miscarried, beating a learner until she lost a finger and a principal expelling learners for refusing to be beaten (Majangaza, 2017: 1). Understanding what the law prescribes in terms of behaviour, and sensitising educators about it, could prevent such situations in future. Furthermore, the SGBs should also be knowledgeable about the legal framework to be able to fulfil their legal responsibility to create a disciplined and purposeful school environment through the adoption of a school code of conduct for learners, as enshrined in the South African Schools Act of 1996 (Bray, 2005: 133; Joubert, 2015b: 103; RSA, 1996b: s 8 (1); Oosthuizen, et al., 2012: 290). This code should reflect societal rules, values and norms, and should be explicit about the consequences of failure to comply (Bray, 2005: 133-134; Mestry & Khumalo, 2012: 98). 105 Chapter 4: Legal framework The expectation is that organs of state, including schools, should work towards the protection of rights, those rights include the rights of learners, and yet, on the ground, this does not seem to be the case. A classic example of a discrepancy between school rules and the laws of the land is the prohibition of pregnant learners from attending school by some schools’ codes of conduct. In these codes of conduct, a pregnant learner is suspended until she has given birth, after which she can return to school. Schools have these codes of conduct despite the fact that section 28 of the Constitution emphasises the paramountcy of the learner’s best interests in every matter which affects him/her (RSA, 1996a: s 28 (2); Roos, 2003: 507). Research conducted in six secondary schools in the North-West province shows that, by their own admission, the parent component of SGBs did not feel empowered and equipped with sufficient knowledge of legislation governing learner discipline to enable them to craft a code of conduct for learners. They blamed this on insufficient formal education on their part. Consequently, they wanted to outsource the responsibility for crafting the code of conduct to the educators and reduce their own role to supporting its implementation and enforcement (Mestry & Khumalo, 2012: 102). Confirming the need for the exposure of education practitioners to the legal framework for learner discipline, Liwane (2017: 13-14) identifies ignorance and reluctance as two of the reasons why education officials, teachers and union representatives ignore the law. She further contends that school managers are scared of carrying out their legal mandate because they are afraid of being victimised by teacher unions. The author also recommends that the Department of Education should investigate the possibility of including a module on Education Law as part of the educator training (Liwane, 2017: 257). Corroborating this need to empower education stakeholders on matters pertaining to learner discipline, Roos (2003: 507) is of the view that, when exercising discipline, schools must comply with all the laws and other regulations from Parliament, Provincial Legislatures, the Minister of Education and Provincial Members of Executive Councils (i.e. the legal framework). To create a stable disciplined environment and ensure compliance with all the legal requirements, the author is of the view that the Department of Education should capacitate and empower educators, parents and other stakeholders involved in education with the legal requirements for disciplining learners (Roos, 2003: 518). To summarise, from the above it is clear that all role players should have a definite understanding of the legal framework, towards addressing learner behaviour. What follows 106 Chapter 4: Legal framework is an unpacking of this framework, by focusing on pieces of legislation that make up the legal framework, after which I discuss matters pertaining to legal procedures and case law. 4.3 PIECES OF LEGISLATION THAT INFORM LEARNER DISCIPLINE. As Arum and Ford (2012: 56) correctly put it, other than the values and beliefs that teachers and learners hold in a specific country, the legal framework is also a determining factor when it comes to learner discipline. 4.3.1 THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA (1996) The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (RSA, 1996a) came into operation on 4 February 1997. The Constitution is the supreme law of the country (Joubert, 2015a: 7; RSA, 1996a: s2) and it is the law against which the validity and legitimacy of all other laws of the Republic of South Africa is tested. One of the highlights of the Constitution is Chapter 2, which deals with the Bill of Rights. Values such as human dignity, equality and freedom are some of the values enshrined in the Constitution (RSA, 1996a: S1(a)). Human dignity is emphasised as a key value referred to as the primary or nuclear value, while equality and freedom are supporting values to strengthen the nuclear value (Oosthuizen, Roos, Smit & Rossouw, 2012: 26-27). There are also derived values, such as non-racism and non-sexism, which are meant to strengthen the value of equality. Values such as the supremacy of the Constitution and universal adult suffrage are procedural and structural values (Joubert, 2015a: 7; Oosthuizen, et. al., 2012: 27). Kleyn and Viljoen (2010: 35 & 37) concur, and further contend that human rights guarantee equality and human dignity for all the people of the country. However, Prinsloo (2015: 53-54) argues that the very nature of the school situation shows unequal relationship where children are minors, defenceless and vulnerable. It then becomes easy for their inherent rights to be violated through harsh discipline being meted out. Newspaper headlines (e.g. CNS Reporter, 2018; Petersen, 2019) also frequently cite cases of violent and harsh punishment of learners. Some instances of violence against learners are dealt with in court, such as the case of Dowling v Diocesan College and others Case no. 8560/98. The parents of a boy who was bullied and terribly assaulted by prefects took the matter to court and the court ruled in the parents’ favour. The court found that the school is obliged to protect the human dignity of learners, and that the prefects acted unlawfully. According to the judgement, the school failed to provide proper care for the boy, thereby exposing him to being repeatedly assaulted, degraded, humiliated and insulted. In other 107 Chapter 4: Legal framework words, no reasonable steps were taken by the school to ensure the boy’s safety from harm (par. 13.1 & 13.2). According to this judgement, the school and its prefects acted ultra vires. Before the 1996 Constitution the situation was different, and even courts of law were allowed to impose corporal punishment as a penalty for juvenile offenders. Before the finalisation of the Constitution, Mr A.P. Dippenaar, who presided over the State v Henry Williams and others CCT/20/94, showed an element of doubting the correctness of the implementation of juvenile whipping, even though he included it as part of his judgement. He therefore requested a delay in the implementation of the judgement until it was reviewed in terms of section 304 (4) of the Criminal Procedure Act (The State v Henry Williams, Jonathan Koopman, Tommy Mampa, Gareth Papier, Jacobus Goliath, Samuel Witbooi, 1995: 2, par. 5). In this case, the judge criticised juvenile whipping for being severe and brutal in nature, severely assaulting towards the person and human dignity of its recipient, and being cruel and inhuman. Juvenile whipping was furthermore found to be infringing on the recipient’s “right to security and not to be subjected to abuse”, and lastly this type of punishment offends the notions of decency in society (The State v Henry Williams, Jonathan Koopman, Tommy Mampa, Gareth Papier, Jacobus Goliath, Samuel Witbooi, 1995: 4, 7, 14, par. 11, 18, 49). The Constitution states that “everyone has the right to a basic education, including adult basic education” (RSA, 1996a: 29). Schools and teachers should therefore go the extra mile to make sure that learners are not suspended or chased away from class. To emphasise the importance of protecting human rights, the Constitution reads: “the state must respect, protect, promote and fulfil the rights in the Bill of Rights” (RSA, 1996a: s 7 (2)). The school as a state organ is therefore also by implication expected to respect, fulfil and respect all the fundamental rights (Oosthuizen et al. 2012: 27). Human rights are not absolute. In terms of section 36 of the Constitution, rights may be limited in terms of law and general application (RSA, 1996a: s 36). Section 36 states that: “(1) The rights in the Bill of Rights may be limited only in terms of law of general application to the extent that the limitation is reasonable and justifiable in an open and democratic society based on human dignity, equality and freedom, taking into account all relevant factors, including- (a) the nature of the right; 108 Chapter 4: Legal framework (b) the importance of the purpose of the limitation; (c) the nature and extent of the limitation; (d) the relation between the limitation and its purpose; and (e) less restrictive means to achieve the purpose. (2) Except as provided in subsection (1) or in any other provision of the Constitution, no law may limit any right entrenched in the Bill of Rights”. This implies that while rights may be limited if it serves a purpose, is balanced, fair and justifiable, the basic human rights of human dignity and life may never be limited. Unfair “discrimination: solely on the grounds of race, colour, ethnic or social origin, sex, religion or language” may never be tolerated, even under unusual circumstances such as when a state of emergency is declared (RSA, 1996a: s37 (Table of Non-Derogable Rights)). While rights can be limited if reasonable, fair and keeping in mind the purpose of the limitation, the violation of rights has a negative impact on the right to human dignity. This is why human dignity is seen as a fundamental right that is a cornerstone to all other rights (Prinsloo, 2015: 47 & 49). Oosthuizen et al. (2012: 28) refer to the limitation of certain rights as an infringement of rights in situations where there are compelling and exceptional reasons to back this infringement. They further contend that during the interpretation of rights, international laws, foreign law treaties and conventions, as captured in section 39 of the Constitution (RSA, 1996a: s 39) should be considered. One example of international conventions that South Africa needs to adhere to are the United Nations conventions, of which South Africa is a signatory (RSA, 1996a: s39(b)(c); Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 28). Another example of the international treaty protecting the rights of children is the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC). In Article 4, this treaty clearly states that in all matters affecting a child who is capable of communicating, the child’s view should be heard and the best interest of the child should be taken into consideration. Again, Article 16 of this charter instructs state parties to take reasonable measures to protect children against torture and cruel treatment, be it physical or mental (OAU, 1990). This was also confirmed in South Africa’s report to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (September, 2012: 29 & 37). 109 Chapter 4: Legal framework Another relevant part of the Constitution is section 14, which is about the right to privacy, and by extension the right not to be searched in the person’s property and person. This includes a person’s right not to have his/her possession seized, or the privacy of their communication infringed upon. However, this right can be limited in line with section 36 (1). The rights and interests of the individual learner should therefore not supersede the rights of other learners and officials in charge of education, as the two rights need to be balanced. Therefore, the learners may be searched for drugs and other dangerous weapons as the rights to privacy is to be relative and not absolute (Joubert, 2015b: 101; Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 39-40; RSA, 1996a: s14, 36 (1)). Section 28(2) of the Constitution emphasises the best interests of the child as being of paramount importance in all the matters affecting the child, while section 29 guarantees the right of every child to basic education through an enforceable right. This is by extension from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the United Nations Organisation of 1924. This right was further endorsed in the Declaration of the Rights of the Child by the Assembly of the League of Nations (RSA, 1996a: s28(2), 29(1)(a)(b); Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 41). The interests of the child are unpacked to include protection from unfair treatment, neglect, abuse and degradation (RSA, 1996a: s 28 (1)). The Constitution states that everyone has the right to personal security, which includes both bodily and psychological integrity. This right is extended to give everyone the right to take decisions that affect reproduction as well as security and control over their own body (RSA, 1996a: s12(1)). Section 9 of the Constitution guarantees to everyone the right to equal protection and benefit of the law. This equality is extended to include the full and equal enjoyment of all freedoms and rights. The state is by virtue of this section not allowed to discriminate against anyone, whether directly or indirectly (RSA, 1996a: s9(1)). When instituting learner discipline, education practitioners should take cognisance of these rights. In particular, when dealing with learner pregnancy, education managers should be aware of this right “to make decisions concerning reproduction”. In view of the above it is clear that the Constitution (RSA, 1996a) is fundamental when considering how to deal with certain situations in the context of learner behaviour. On the one hand the seemingly popular narrative that learners’ fundamental rights protect them from school disciplinary measures, is not the case. On the other, in all dealings with discipline, the stipulations of the Constitution must be considered. 110 Chapter 4: Legal framework 4.3.2 THE SOUTH AFRICAN SCHOOLS ACT (ACT 84 OF 1996) Apart from the Constitution, discussed in the previous section, the most important piece of legislation that must be considered in the context of school discipline is the South African Schools Act (RSA, 1996b) (hereafter referred to as SASA). From this act, the stipulations that specifically guide us in terms of learner discipline are highlighted below. When it comes to the school situation, learners’ rights include, but are not limited to, the right not to be treated or punished in a cruel, inhuman, or degrading way. A typical example of such punishment is corporal punishment. Corporal punishment was therefore outlawed through section 10 of the SASA (RSA, 1996b: s 10 (1) (2)). According to this act, a teacher administering corporal punishment may even be criminally charged for assault. In banning corporal punishment, the Act reads thus: “No person may administer corporal punishment at a school to a learner. Any person who contravenes subsection (1) is guilty of an offence and is liable on conviction to a sentence which could be imposed for assault” (RSA, Act 84 of 1996 s10(1)(2)). The prohibition of corporal punishment is part of protecting children from maltreatment and cruel, degrading and inhuman punishment. A court ruling entitled Christian Education South Africa v The Minister of Education was brought before the Supreme Court in 1999, and the court ruling came out in 2000 (Christian Education South Africa v The Minister of Education, Case no. 2000 (4) SA224 (ECG)). The Constitutional court did not only emphasise the prohibition of corporal punishment but also stated that no parent may lawfully authorise the administration of corporal punishment by an educator (Joubert, 2015a: 31; Kleyn & Viljoen, 2010: 243; Morrell, 2001: 292; Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 183). Morrell (2001: 292-293) argues that by banning corporal punishment, South Africa was taking a cue from European legal precedents. To strengthen his argument, he cites a 1995 case of State v Henry Williams and five others CASE NO.CCT/20/94, in which Judge Langa gave examples of countries in which corporal punishment had been abolished as the United Kingdom, Canada, USA, Mozambique and Australia, except the State of Western Australia. In this case, the court ruled that the administration of corporal punishment was not only threatening the decency of society, but also invading the privacy and personal human dignity of the person on the receiving end (The State versus Henry Williams and five others, 1995). Morrell, (2001: 292-293) further states 111 Chapter 4: Legal framework that media reports from 1996 show that in spite of the banning of corporal punishment in public schools, the use of this type of punishment has been continuing unabated. He states that the Department of Education has been a dismal failure when taking the teachers concerned to task. To show that there has been no change, the media frequently reports on incidents regarding the administration of corporal punishment (CNS Reporter, 2018: 1; Majangaza, 2017: 1; Petersen, 2019:1). Section 8 of the SASA (RSA, 1996b) gives powers to the SGB to formulate school policy, which includes a code of conduct for learners (CoC4L). Among other reasons, the CoC4L is formulated to ensure the safety of the school environment. To further ensure the safety of the school environment, section 8 (A) the act allows for random search and seizure, drug testing and confiscation of dangerous objects (Joubert, 2015a: 31; RSA, 1996b: s8A(2)(a))). In interpreting the SASA, Joubert (2015c: 126-129) argues that a CoC4L should preferably include punishment for wayward behaviour as well as incentives for good behaviour. The CoC4L should clearly state the disciplinary procedures that the school should follow when disciplining learners. Due process clearly showing fairness of the process in terms of both procedural and substantive fairness must guide the disciplinary procedures of the schools (RSA, 1996b: s8(5)). The CoC4L must promote the application of fair rules and actions towards learners. Lastly, the CoC4L should also include a clear appeal procedure if a learner does not agree with an SGB ruling (Joubert, 2015c: 126-129). SGBs should, for instance, always note that they can only suspend a learner suspected of serious misconduct after the learner has been given the opportunity to make his/her own representation. This is to give the SGB a chance to conduct its own investigation, which must be completed within seven days. Any decision of suspension after this- seven- day period can only be done with the approval of the Head of Department (HOD). A learner is suspended by the SGB while it awaits the HOD’s decision regarding the expulsion of the learner. Such a suspension or extension thereof should not exceed 14 days. It is only the HOD who may expel a learner, and only for serious misconduct (RSA, 1996b: s8(1E)(2)(a)(b)). If a learner of compulsory school-going age (from age 7 to age 15 or the ninth grade) is expelled from school, the HOD must find that learner a place in an alternative public school, according to section 3 (1) of SASA. If the learner has appealed the decision of the HOD, s/he must be given access to education pending the outcome of the appeal (RSA, 1996b: s9(5)(6)). 112 Chapter 4: Legal framework Emphasising the importance of the CoC4L, the SASA states that “nothing in this act exempts a learner from the obligation to comply with the code of conduct of the school attended by such a learner” (RSA, 1996b: s 8 (4)). The SASA clearly gives broad guidelines in terms of the structures and systems that needs to be in place to deal with learner discipline. The Department of Basic Education7 details these in guidelines and policies to strengthen the hands of the schools. Examples of these are the Guidelines for the Consideration of Governing Bodies in Adopting a Code of Conduct for Learners (DoE, 1998) and the Regulations to prohibit initiation practices in schools (DoE, 2002). This initiation refers to the bullying that newly admitted learners receive from older learners in the school as part of welcoming them to the school. 4.3.3 THE NATIONAL EDUCATION POLICY ACT (ACT 27 OF 1996) The third significant piece of legislation that informs the legal framework for learner discipline is The National Education Policy Act (Act 27 Of 1996) (RSA, 1996c) (hereafter referred to as NEPA). The contribution of this act towards the legal framework to learner discipline is its emphasis on advancing and protecting the fundamental rights of everyone as stipulated in chapter 2 of the Constitution and in line with international conventions as endorsed by Parliament. NEPA places more emphasis on the right to be protected against unfair discrimination within the Department or in any institution of education on any grounds (RSA, 1996c: s9). The act also stresses the right of every person to basic education and equal access to institutions of education, and the rights of every child with regards to his/her education (RSA, 1996c: s4(a)(ii)(iv)). NEPA also states that when a learner is admitted to school, s/he is admitted to the total programme. The learner then may not be suspended from classes, denied access to the cultural, sporting or social activities of the school, denied a school report or transfer certificates, or otherwise be victimised on the grounds of parents who does not subscribe to the mission statement or code of conduct of the school (RSA, 1996c: s10(b)). 7 The name of the Department was the Department of Education up to 2009, when it split into two separate departments, the Department of Basic Education and the Department of Higher Education and Training. Thus inconsistencies do occur between terms of reference of DoE and DBE. 113 Chapter 4: Legal framework The emphasis of the act on every person’s rights includes learners, and it would make sense then for education practitioners to consider all the rights stated above as legal framework regulating their actions when disciplining learners. 4.3.4 THE CHILDREN’S ACT (ACT 38 OF 2005) Du Plessis (2015: 196) argues that, in line with the Constitution, the Children’s Act (Act 38 of 2005) promotes the protection of the child from maltreatment, abuse, neglect, degradation, discrimination, exploitation and any other physical, emotional or moral harm or hazard (RSA, 2005: s2). The act, as part of its general principles, contemplates that all proceedings and decisions in a matter concerning the child’s rights as stipulated in the Bill of Rights, should respect the child’s inherent dignity and treat the child fairly and equitably (RSA, 2005: s6(2)(a)(b)(c)). Section 9 of this act states in no uncertain terms that if the school or parent does anything that affects the child, the best interests of the child should be kept in mind (Prinsloo, 2015: 69). The act further states that the views and wishes expressed by the child, depending on his/her age, maturity, gender and level of development must be considered when taking any decision that might affect the child (Joubert, 2015d: 160; RSA, Act 38, 2005: s7(g)(i)(ii)(iii), s31). When the child is at school, the teacher takes over the responsibility from the parent through a common law principle called loco parentis common law principle. The teacher acts on behalf of the child. The Children’s Act defines “abuse” as any act or ill-treatment or injury deliberately inflicted on the child, that includes child assault or any activity that may intentionally cause injury to the child or any activity that may lead to a child sustaining physical or psychological harm (Joubert, 2015d: 183; RSA, 2005: s1(a)(b)(c)). Bullying is specifically highlighted as a form of child abuse (RSA, 2005: s1(1)(c)) Du Plessis (2015: 196 & 200) emphasises that the Children’s Act states the importance of protecting the child from neglect, maltreatment and abuse. For the school to accomplish its basic mission of teaching and learning, it must be a safe and secure environment. That balance of safety and security is disturbed by indiscipline that takes the form of bullying. There are legal procedures that the school must adhere to very strictly when disciplining learners, and the next section deals with those procedures. 114 Chapter 4: Legal framework 4.3.5 THE CHILD JUSTICE ACT (ACT 75 OF 2008) The main aim of the Child Justice Act is to protect children’s rights and to promote the spirit of Ubuntu when dealing with the child justice system (RSA, 2008: s2(a)(b)). Although the act pertains to with criminal offences by children, and how the justice system should deal with them, I believe that the approach of dealing with these young offenders can also be of assistance when learners are exposed to disciplinary measures in the school situation. As part of ensuring that justice is meted out fairly and reasonably to children, this act emphasises that the consequences for offences by children should be in line with the child’s circumstances, and these consequences should not be more severe than that which an adult would receive. The child should be given an opportunity to participate in matters affecting him/her, and the consequences should be age appropriate (RSA, 2008: s3(a)(b)(c)(d)). To ensure the absolute safety and support of the child, the act prescribes that parents or guardians should be part of the decision-making process in matters affecting the child (RSA, 2008: s3(g)). The rights and obligations of a child should be fully considered along with regional and international instruments such as the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (RSA, 2008: s3(i)). In taking a decision to prosecute the child, due consideration should be given to among other aspects the domestic and environmental circumstances over and above the child’s age and level of maturity, and level of seriousness of the offence, and its impact on the victim (RSA, 2008: s7(a)(b)(c)). I want to emphasise that all the provisions of this act also apply in the school situation, as the majority of learners also fall within the age range of learners protected by the Child Justice Act. 4.4 LEGAL PROCEDURES FOR DEALING WITH SERIOUS LEARNER MISCONDUCT WITHIN THE SOUTH AFRICAN LEGAL FRAMEWORK There are several ways and procedures for dealing with serious learner misconduct in South Africa. These procedures include, but are not limited to, the following: suspension and expulsion, ordinary referrals to the governing body, reporting criminal offences to the police, 115 Chapter 4: Legal framework the diversion process, the Human Rights Commission, use of Small Claims courts, as well as search and seizure. This section deals with each one of these procedures. 4.4.1 SUSPENSION AND EXPULSION Schools deal with serious misconduct through the temporary refusal of the learner admission to school or to the hostel, and this is called suspension (cf. RSA, 1996b: s9). It usually comes before expulsion, as the permanent removal of a learner from school. Suspension and expulsion are not encouraged and they should be used as a last resort. By its very nature, educational discipline is directed to changing learner behaviour, while suspension and expulsion are directed to the past, in other words the misconduct that has already taken place. Educational discipline is corrective in the sense that it balances the interests of the school and other learners with the aim of achieving a secure environment for the group, on the one hand, with the best interests of the offending learner on the other. Therefore, suspension and expulsion are retributive and punitive, and only consider the interests of the school and other learners (Oosthuizen, Smit, & Roos, 2012: 154-183). For this reason, the law is strict in regulating suspension and expulsion (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 159). In regulating this kind of punishment, the law goes to the extent of stipulating the conditions and procedures to be followed when carrying out these actions. Among these is the condition that the SGB can only suspend a learner for a period not exceeding seven school days (RSA, 1996: s9(1D)(a)). Expulsion should be recommended to the Head of Department who should take a decision within 14 days of receipt of the recommendation (RSA, 1996b: s9(1D)). Because of a learner’s right to basic education as enshrined in the Constitution, and the fact that the law compels learners to attend school while they are of school-going age, an expelled learner still has the right to education (RSA, 1996a: s29). The HoD of the province carries the burden of placing an expelled learner in an alternative public school (Joubert, 2015c: 146; RSA, 1996b: s(5))). Even though the law makes it difficult for a learner to be expelled, it does still happen (Oosthuizen, et al., 2012: 174-175). While the Child Justice Act requires that the penalty should always be in line with the seriousness of the offence, and with its impact on the victim (RSA, 2008: s7(c)), it should, however, be noted that repeated acts of minor misconduct ultimately pile up in a learner’s record and ultimately culminate in the status of serious misconduct. In Phillips v Manser, Case no. AA SA 198 (SE) 200D-201f, the SGB took the cumulative conduct record of a Grade 11 116 Chapter 4: Legal framework learner into account in its decision to suspend the learner. The minor transgressions of this learner included sleeping in class, followed by waking up and causing disruption, and falling asleep again. He also forged a letter which justified his absence from school, and when punished for this through detention, he failed to turn up for it. He also wrote graffiti on a school chair, assaulted a fellow learner and stole chloroform from the school’s laboratory (Joubert, 2015c: 143; Oosthuizen, 2012: 158). At times the school deals with serious misconduct through ordinary referrals to the SGB. 4.4.2 ORDINARY REFERRALS TO THE SGB Other than the route of a hearing with the possibility of suspension and expulsion, serious misconduct cases are sent to the SGB disciplinary committee. Penalties may include detention after school in order to have more time to study, while the rest of the learners are released to go home. Penalties may also be extended to the school’s entertaining activities, such as banning learners from the farewell function. Research found that learners believe that this strategy is effective as a deterrent for future misconduct. Research also found that learners feel uneasy when they have to appear before the SGB disciplinary committee (Oosthuizen et al. 2012: 172). When the SGB disciplines a learner it must adhere to the lawful performance of administrative action in a number of ways. The SGB cannot delegate its authority to hold a disciplinary hearing – they must do it themselves as the SGB. In handling the disciplinary hearing, the SGB must always act within (intravires) and not outside of (ultravires) its legal authority. A reasonable time for a hearing and taking a decision must be adhered to as “justice delayed is justice denied”. The involved parties should be allowed time to prepare. The more serious an infringement, the more time the involved parties should get to prepare. In handling the case and working towards a decision, the SGB must ensure procedural fairness by following the rules of natural justice. This would include applying the audi alteram partem common law principle of hearing both sides of the story and being open to being persuaded and convinced by any of the parties involved. The other common law rule that the SGB needs to adhere to is the nemo iudex in sua propria causa. This rule is about the impartiality of the decision- maker in the hearing. Any individual from the SGB directly affected by the offence under discussion should excuse him/herself from the hearing. No SGB member should adjudicate on a matter which involves his/her family members or relatives. This is done to ensure 117 Chapter 4: Legal framework “absolute judiciary neutrality”. In case of serious misconduct, a preliminary investigation is done to determine whether the complainant has a case, and whether there is sufficient evidence (Bray, 2005: 136; Joubert, 2015c: 136-137; Kleyn & Viljoen, 2010: 180-181; Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 162). Oosthuizen et al. (2012: 162) further add that the SGB must deliver a notice to the accused learner that has been written in clear and concise language, containing all the necessary details. The learner or parent must acknowledge receipt of the notice in writing. The learner must be given notice of the right to appeal after the SGB has delivered the sanction, and it must also give reasons for their decision. The SGB should consider thoroughly consider the sanction, and ensure that it is impartial. The rule of fairness and equity should apply, and no person should be a judge in their own case (nemo iudex in sua propria causa). The school, however, has the right to limit the learner’s right to attend other school activities as a way of correcting wayward behaviour. 4.4.3 LIMITING THE LEARNER’S RIGHT TO ATTEND OTHER SCHOOL ACTIVITIES A learner’s constitutional right to basic education ends with basic education. This right does not automatically extend to other privileges in the school. Privileges such as attending school functions are not covered by this right. This is confirmed in the case Western Cape Residents Association, William and another v Parow High School in 2006, to be dealt with later in this chapter (Joubert, 2015c: 144; Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 172). 4.4.4 REPORTING CRIMINAL OFFENCES In some cases, learner misconduct takes the form of a criminal case. Examples include physical assault, violence, rape and theft, to mention a few. When any of these offences are committed, the school must report it to the police immediately, and consider laying criminal charges (Oosthuizen et al, 2012: 174). Other cases that need reporting are cases of crimen injuria, which may take the form of use of vulgar language. Researchers report that this is common in South Africa. It is usually committed by one learner towards another, or by a learner towards a teacher. It can take the form of words or actions, but in either case it results in the violation of the dignity and privacy of another person. Crimen injuria at times takes the form of male learners making sexual 118 Chapter 4: Legal framework remarks towards female teachers, or male learners lifting the dress and touching the private parts of a female learner, or even kissing her without her consent. Under worse circumstances, it takes the form of learners, especially the female learners, swearing at educators (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 175-176). To clarify the matter of criminal offences, Oosthuizen et al. (2012: 175) state that learner-on- learner and learner-on-teacher assault have become common in South African public schools. They cite the example of a 17-year old boy of a North-West Province high school who assaulted another boy during a fist fight. The victim was injured so badly that he spent five days in hospital. The parents of the injured boy opened a case with the police. The magistrate gave the 17-year old boy a two-year jail sentence. The Child Justice Act also allows for children to be taken to the justice system, but with strict measures to ensure child protection. These measures include, as stated under heading 4.3.5 above, ensuring that the consequences for the offence take into account the child’s circumstances, age and level of maturity (RSA, 2008: s7(a) (b)). An alternative to a criminal court case for offending learners may be the diversion process. 4.4.5 THE DIVERSION PROCESS This is about recalling a criminal case involving a child offender from the criminal court, to rather take the route of restorative justice as a corrective action to stand in the place of punishment. This is in terms of section 55 of the Child Justice Act of 2008. This involves the learner acknowledging the offence, the prosecutor accepting the possibility of diversion, the offending child being involved in diversion for the first time, prima facie evidence that the child has committed a crime, and lastly that both the child and the parent agree to diversion (RSA, 2008: s55(1); Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 176-177). As stated in 3.3.5 above, when diversion is being done, care should be taken to ensure that authorities strike a balance between the circumstances of the child and the type of offence he/she committed (RSA, 2008: s55(1)). In all cases, however, diversion must not interfere with the child’s schooling (RSA, 2008: s55(1)(c)). Only a child who has committed an offence that can be classified under schedule 1 (not a serious offence) qualifies for diversion (RSA, 2008: s41(11)) 119 Chapter 4: Legal framework A warrant of arrest is issued instantly when the child fails to comply with the conditions for diversion. Alternatively, the child offender may be instructed to appear before the magistrate (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 180). Sometimes the school may seek assistance from the Human Rights Commission on issues of learner discipline. 4.4.6 ASSISTANCE FROM THE HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION The Commission for Human Rights was established in line with section 184 of the Constitution (RSA, 1996a). It was established to promote the respect for, promote, protect and assess the observance of human rights. The law does not give the Commission the power to intervene on educational matters, but its role is to make recommendations on matters brought to its attention (RSA, 1996a: s184(1); Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 180). One example of a case that was brought before the Human Rights Commission is the case that involved Layla Cassim. Layla Cassim read an article on the notice board at Crawford College in 1998. The article was about the land issue between Palestine and Israel. Layla argued that there are two sides to any story, and her teacher asked her to write an article in response, which she did and also posted this on the notice board. Her response incited intense reaction, as people regarded it as controversial, anti-white and anti-Semitic. This led to her harassment by fellow learners, and suspension by the principal until her disciplinary hearing. Layla took the matter to the Human Rights Commission. Discussions ensued with a deadlock in some areas. The Commission found the school to have acted against section 33 of the Constitution in that they suspended Layla without first conducting a disciplinary hearing. The suspension without hearing her side of the story also violated Layla’s right to basic education as enshrined in section 29 of the constitution. The school further violated Layla’s right to freedom of expression as guaranteed by section 16 (1) of the Constitution (RSA, 1996a: s33, 29(1)(a), 16(1); Prinsloo, 2015: 62). The next section is on the use of small claims courts. 4.4.7 THE USE OF THE SMALL CLAIMS COURT Only natural and not juristic persons appear in this court. The court may be used for instance when learners have damaged the property of an educator. A clear example is when learners 120 Chapter 4: Legal framework set a teacher’s vehicle alight, as often happens in South Africa. The offended may bring the matter before a small claims court for compensation. Although the decision of this court is binding, just like the decision of any other court, its charge may not exceed R7 000 in compensation of the offended for the loss incurred (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 181). The next section deals with search and seizure. 4.4.8 SEARCH AND SEIZURE The South African Bill of Rights (RSA, 1996a, s14(a)(b)(c)) guarantees that no-one will have their persons, property or home searched, nor their possession seized. However, in section 36, the Constitution provides a limitation to these rights as contemplated in the Bill of Rights (RSA, 1996a: s36). Prinsloo (2015: 56) asserts that in the school situation, this may include the right of learners not to be searched for possession of dangerous weapons or drugs. This right, however, has a limit in that the law allows such a search to be done for the protection and safety of other learners, and the security of the school environment, when there is a reasonable suspicion. In accordance with the Constitution, (1996, s28(2)), the right to search for dangerous substances, which may include but not limited to drugs, is allowed, if this is in the interests of learners, teachers and the offending learner (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 182). Consequently, the SASA gives the principal or his delegate the right to search any group of learners or their property for dangerous substances or illegal drugs if there is a reasonable suspicion. This can take the form random search and seizure, drug testing, and the confiscation of dangerous weapons in favour of promoting the safety of the school environment (Joubert, 2015a: 31; RSA, Act 84 of 1996b, s8(A)(2)). The law also allows a teacher to punish a learner if s/he deems it necessary when dealing with wayward behaviour, as the next section confirms. 4.4.9 PUNISHMENT BY THE TEACHER According to Joubert (2015c: 145), the educator has an obligation to explain the offence, the specific rule the learner has broken and the consequences when punishing a learner. The details of the punishment must be recorded. The teacher’s punishment should be fair, reasonable, proportionate to the size of the offence, and should be within the prescripts of the law. The teacher should punish the learner keeping in mind that corporal punishment that tortures, or any punishment that is degrading, inhuman or cruel, is illegal in South Africa by 121 Chapter 4: Legal framework virtue of both the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (RSA, 1996a, s12(d)(e)) and the South African Schools Act (RSA, Act 84 of 1996b, s10(1)). To this effect, the Department of Education published a document in which it gave alternatives to corporal punishment, based on the severity of the offence. This included additional work, detention, verbal warning, disciplinary talks, a learner making daily reports for the signature of the teacher, sending the learner home, suspension, expulsion and transferring the learner to another school (Joubert, 2015c: 147-148). Joubert (2015c: 148-149), however, warns that all means of disciplining should be done under strict guidance. Sending the learner home should always be avoided where possible, as it takes the form of suspension, and yet suspension is governed by strict regulations. When giving detention, the teacher should consider the age of the child, the distance the child has to travel home, and the availability of transport home after the period of detention. The teacher must notify the parents in writing before the period of detention. When using the strategy of managing the behaviour of the learner by contract, that contract should by all means avoid including a term about the exclusion of the learner. Of vital importance is that whenever a teacher punishes a learner, he/she should ensure that the discipline is fair, and balances the rights of the offending learner and the other learners, some of whom might have been victims of the offence (Joubert, 2015c: 150-151). The next section is on case law and court rulings made in South African courts regarding learner discipline, and the implications of these. 4.5 CASE LAW THAT SHAPED LEARNER DISCIPLINE IN SOUTH AFRICA AND THEIR PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS Courts of law interpret and apply the law through court judgements. When the court sets a precedent through a specific judgement, this is referred to as case law, which is also known as the judicial precedent. Court judgements meted out by the courts forms the basis for future court judgement. This also applies in matters pertaining to education (Joubert, 2015a: 25). This section deals with case law and its implications for education practitioners, which includes teachers, principals, the Heads of Departments, School Governing Bodies, Members of the Executive Council (MEC) for Education, and the Minister of Education. Cases to be discussed in this section are Christian Education South Africa (CESA) v Minister of Education 2000 (4) 122 Chapter 4: Legal framework SA224 (ECG), William and others v Parow High School 2006 (3)SA 542 (C) CASE 12009, MEC-EC Province v Queenstown Girls High School; ZAECHC 100 (104/07) 2007, MEC for Education KZN and others v Navaneethum Pillay 2008 (1) SA 474 (CC), HoD, Department of Education, Free State v Welkom High School and others 2014 (2)SA228 (CC), George Randell Primary School v the Member of the Executive Council, Department of Education, Eastern Cape [2010] JOL 26 363 (ECB), Catherine Brink and other v Diocesan school for Girls and Other (1072/2012) ZAECHGC 21 (1 MAY 2012), Jacobs v The Chairman of the Governing Body of Rhodes High School, the Principal and the MEC 7953/2004, Tshona v Principal, Victoria Girls’ High School and Others 2007 (5) SA (66), Le Roux and Others v Dey (Freedom of Expression Institute and Restorative Justice Centre as Amici Curiae) 2011 (3) SA274 (CC), Maritzburg College v Dlamini NO and Others 2005 Jol 15075(N), and Antonie v Governing Body at Settlers High School. 4.5.1 CHRISTIAN EDUCATION SOUTH AFRICA V MINISTER OF EDUCATION 2000 (4) SA224 (ECG) Christian Education South Africa, hereafter referred to as CESA, placed corporal punishment before the Supreme Court in 1999 as CESA v The Minister of Education of the Government of the Republic of South Africa. As the applicant, CESA contended that section 10 of the SASA was only applicable to public and not private schools. CESA was strongly in support of corporal punishment, which they called corporal correction (Deacon, Colditz, Mellet & Van der Merwe, 2016: 11). They argued that section 10 of the SASA was unconstitutional as it prohibited corporal punishment, which they saw as a vital part of their Christian religion. They justified their view by arguing that this section interfered with their religious freedom and cultural rights (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 33). To strengthen CESA’s argument in support of corporal punishment, Dake (2013: 658) cites the book of Proverbs 23: 13-14: 13. “Withhold not correction from the child: for if thou beatest him with the rod, he shall not die. 14. Thou shalt beat him with the rod, and shalt deliver his soul from Hell”. CESA therefore saw corporal punishment as an important part of Christian religion. Through Judge Sachs, the court ruled against the administration of corporal punishment. The judge argued that corporal punishment was against the SASA, and therefore unlawful even in private schools. The judge stated that the administration of corporal punishment was also in violation of the Constitution, as it was a violation of learners’ rights to human dignity and security of a 123 Chapter 4: Legal framework person. The judge, however, clearly stated that the court ruling did not address parental corporal punishment. CESA applied for leave to appeal the ruling to the Constitutional Court. Judge Sachs dismissed this appeal, however, inter alia on the grounds that the Constitution (RSA, 1996a: 39 (1) (b)) states that international law is vital in the interpretation of the Bill of Rights. South Africa is bound by international conventions such as the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment of 1987 and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child of 1989. Both these conventions condemn corporal punishment and are against subjecting children to violent and degrading punishment. Therefore, Judge Sachs concluded that there were no reasonable prospects for success for the appeal in another court of law (Deacon et al., 2016: 31; Joubert et al., 2015b: 101; Joubert, 2015a: 33). The practical implication for learner discipline is that Section 10 of the SASA (RSA, 1996b), which is about the abolition of corporal punishment, is extendable to apply to independent schools as it does to public schools (Oosthuizen, 2012: 33). The law as it applies to public schools also applies to independent schools, even though the act refers only to public schools. 4.5.2 WESTERN CAPE RESIDENTS ASSOCIATION, WILLIAM AND ANOTHER V PAROW HIGH SCHOOL 2006 (3) SA 542 (C) CASE 12009 This case was heard in 2006. It involved a female learner who had been causing problems for the school through displaying aggressive behaviour and blatant disobedience towards authority figures (Joubert, 2015c: 144; Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 172). The school informed its Grade 12 learners that attending a farewell function was a privilege that the school granted only to those whose conduct merited it (Deacon et al., 2016: 132). The cumulative record of the girl’s misconduct resulted in her not being allowed to attend a farewell function. The applicant argued that not allowing the girl to attend was an infringement of her constitutional right to human dignity, equality and freedom of speech (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 172). To this argument, Judge Mitchell stated that freedom of speech does not imply being ill- disciplined and rude. The school has an obligation to teach discipline and respect for authority to learners. The school reinforces that good behaviour through privileges, which automatically implies the withdrawal of those privileges to misbehaving learners. Therefore, the school was not wrong as the reinforcement of good behaviour is practised in all walks of life (Joubert, 2015c: 144). 124 Chapter 4: Legal framework The practical implication for learner discipline is that the withholding of privilege to correct bad behaviour is not an infringement of rights (Joubert, 2015c: 144). The lesson from this case is that the right to education, as enshrined in section 29 of the Constitution, is not extendable to cover all privileges within the school 4.5.3 MEC-EASTERN CAPE PROVINCE V QUEENSTOWN GIRLS HIGH SCHOOL ZAECHC 100 (104/07) 2007 In the admission policy of Queenstown Girls High School (QGHS), there is a clause that gives the SGB a responsibility to protect members of the school from mental and physical violence. By implication that meant that the SGB has the right to scrutinise the behaviour of learners applying for admission, based on how they conducted themselves in their previous schools through a certificate of conduct by the previous school. Where the behaviour of the learner was not up to standard, the feeder schools whose learners seek admission to QGHS would leave this part blank, as did Balmoral Primary School (Deacon et al., 2016: 135; Oosthuizen, 2012: 135). Mrs Ndabambi’s daughter applied for admission to QGHS, but her certificate of conduct was incomplete. In such a case the arrangement was that the principal of QGHS would invite the specific parent and learner to an interview. Mrs Ndabambi and her child did not honour the principal’s invitation, and they instead chose to consult a lawyer accusing the principal of unfair discrimination. The principal cancelled the interview and did not admit Mrs Ndabambi’s child. The school refused to admit the learner even at the behest of the Eastern Cape Department of Education. Mrs Ndabambi, the MEC for Education in the Eastern Cape (EC), and the HoD for Education in the EC approached the High Court division of the EC to seek a declaration of the school’s admission policy as being inconsistent with the national admission policy as stipulated in the NEPA (RSA, 1996c: s 3 (4) (i)). They also asked that the refusal of admission of Mrs Ndabambi’s daughter be set aside, and that the child be admitted to the school (Oosthuizen, 2012: 136). The court ruled that neither SASA nor NEPA include previous behaviour as a condition for admission. At the same time, however, nothing is mentioned about prohibiting references to that behaviour. In line with section 9 (3) of the Constitution, both acts prohibit unfair discrimination. However, even among the listed grounds of discrimination, the disclosure of 125 Chapter 4: Legal framework past behaviour by prospective learners is not covered (Oosthuizen, 2012: 138). The admission policy promoted differentiation with the aim to protect staff and learners from mental and physical violence. However, the court argued that the learner at that young age could not be held responsible for potential violent behaviour. Refusing the child admission posed a threat to the learner’s right to basic education. The applicants then failed to prove that the discrimination was not unfair. This was coupled with the fact that there was a legitimate expectation of admission to QGHS by learners of Baltimore Primary School, and the school did not inform parents that children’s behaviour in the previous school held a potential for non- admission to QGHS. The court then concluded that the policy used against Mrs Ndabambi’s daughter was flawed, and the school was ordered to consider the child’s application afresh and treat her like any other child from Baltimore Primary School (Oosthuizen, 2012: 141). The practical implication for learner discipline is that the principal has a responsibility of ensuring that the school policy guiding admission to his/her school is not discriminatory, and it puts prospective learners’ fundamental rights first. The principal’s actions during the admission process must be administratively fair (Oosthuizen, 2012: 142). The lesson one can derive from this case is that the age of a learner is an important consideration to determine if the learner can be held accountable for his/her behaviour 4.5.4 MEC FOR EDUCATION, KZN AND OTHERS V NAVANEETHUM PILLAY 2008 (1) SA 474 (CC) A female learner from Durban Girls High School arrived at the school wearing a nose stud. She claimed that it was part of her Hindu religion. The SGB objected to this, claiming that it was not part of the school uniform. They further claimed that strict adherence to school uniform was a contributory factor towards the school’s success. They argued that their action was not discriminatory, and consulted a Hindu religion expert who informed them that wearing a nose stud was not part of the Hindu religion. The school had no choice but to discipline the learner when she refused to remove the nose stud. The parent then took legal action and disrupted the school’s disciplinary process (Oosthuizen, 2012: 105). On 5 October 2007, the Constitutional Court ruled that the school policy itself was unfair. The school allowed ear piercing, but did not allow the piercing of another part of the body for wearing a nose stud, for example. The court saw mutual inclusivity between the expression 126 Chapter 4: Legal framework of a Hindu religion and the expression of Hindu culture, and cautioned the school against having policies that were oppressive to the minorities and historically excluded cultural groups. The court saw the protection of culture and religion as having a bearing on human dignity, and by extension human dignity has an impact on equality. The discrimination towards the learner was found to be unfair. Her exemption from school rules was found to have no negative impact on the legitimate purposes of the school, which are discipline and education (Joubert, 2015b: 102; Joubert, 2015c: 140-141; Oosthuizen, 2012: 106-107). The practical implication for learner discipline is that schools, through their policies, should accommodate exemptions for genuine cultural and religious practices, without allowing disruptive practices. In consultation with parents and educators, literature recommends that SGBs need to review their codes of conduct to accommodate exemptions on religious and cultural grounds (Oosthuizen, 2012: 112-113). 4.5.5 HOD DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION, FREE STATE PROVINCE V WELKOM HIGH SCHOOL AND OTHERS 2014 (2) SA 228 (CC) According to the policy the Welkom High School adopted regarding pregnant learners, a girl found to be pregnant may be exempted from school for a certain period. The HoD of the province heard that the school had, in line with that policy, exempted a group of girls, and he ordered the school to allow the learners to return to school. The school then approached the Free State High Court and applied for the order by the HoD to be declared unconstitutional, which the court did. The HoD tried to appeal the court ruling, both to the Supreme Court and to the Constitutional Court, without success. The Constitutional Court ruled that the school is run via a partnership between the state, parents and learners, and that that partnership manifests in the SGB. The SGB formulates policies for the smooth running of the school, and the principal implements departmental policies on behalf of the HoD (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 158). The court further declared that the HoD failed to recognise the policy adopted by the SGB, and just invoked section 22 of the SASA of taking over the functions of the SGB without following the proper procedure. The HoD even failed to use his right to approach a court of law for intervention. Lastly, the court instructed the HoD to facilitate the process of amending the pregnancy policy of the school to make it more compliant with the Constitution (Oosthuizen, 2012: 159). 127 Chapter 4: Legal framework The practical implication for learner discipline is highlighted by Oosthuizen et al. (2012: 160- 161) when they note that cooperative governance is very important. SGBs should engage in a consultative process with the Department of Education when formulating school policies. When this consultative process fails, the SGB can seek intervention from the courts. The HoD has to act in accordance with section 8 of the SASA, which allows SGB to adopt a CoC4L (RSA, 1996: s8(1)), and the HoD cannot overrule that policy. The policy includes the pregnancy policy, and if the HoD has an issue with it, he may invoke section 22 of the SASA and withdraw the functions of the SGB in a specified area. The SGB must under no circumstances adopt a pregnancy policy that shows disrespect for human dignity, does not protect a pregnant learner against unfair discrimination, does not protect the dignity of a pregnant learner and which promotes discrimination on the basis of gender. Based on the concerns of the court, the schools were instructed to review their policies to accommodate individual cases. They also had to ensure that the exclusion of the pregnant girl during her year of pregnancy was done considering the interests of the learner, under the guidance of a competent medical practitioner, and that the exclusion had to be as short as possible. No provision in the policy should compel learners to report their pregnancy to school authorities, as this may expose learners to stigmatisation, violating their right to human dignity, privacy and psychological integrity (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 160). The lesson one can derive from this case is that the classification of a school as an organ of state does not imply total control of the school by the state 4.5.6 CATHERINE AND OTHERS V DIOCESAN SCHOOL FOR GIRLS AND OTHERS (1072/2012) ZAECHGC 21 (1 MAY 2012) Together with her parent, Catherine, a Grade 12 school girl of Diocesan Girls High School, signed an agreement with the school that the girl would abide by the rules of the school. One day she left the hostel without permission and visited a male learner by the name of Matthew Alexander in his room in the neighbouring school. The verdict of the disciplinary committee was her expulsion. She and her parent appealed, and presented new evidence which included reports from a physician and psychologist. The disciplinary committee did not accept the new evidence in a new hearing. 128 Chapter 4: Legal framework Catherine and her mother took the matter to court. The court, through Judge Robertson, also ruled in favour of the school, and confirmed that the disciplinary committee was right by not accepting new evidence after the sanction was made (Joubert, 2015c: 137-138). The practical implication for learner discipline is that parties involved in disciplinary hearings should present all the evidence that they think can strengthen their case before the sanction is delivered, instead of saving evidence for an appeal. 4.5.7 GEORGE RANDELL PRIMARY SCHOOL V THE MEMBER OF THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION, EASTERN CAPE [2010] JOL 26 363 (ECB) A learner from George Randell Primary school called Chulumanco Dalasile was a habitual breaker of school rules as he assaulted both girl and boy learners, used abusive language and threatened other learners if they report him to school authorities. The school disciplinary committee summoned him to a disciplinary hearing. On being found guilty, Chulumanco was expelled through a recommendation that the SGB sent to the HoD of the Eastern Cape Department of Education in December 2008. The HoD saw the grounds of expelling the learner as unreasonable and set the decision aside. The SGB approached the court and filed an application to have the HoD’s decision set aside. The judge set aside the HoD’s decision on the grounds that he delayed his response to the SGB. The judge further argued that the HoD set aside the decision of the SGB without supplying reasons. By so doing the HoD failed to comply with section 9 of SASA, and the judge referred the matter back to the SGB (Joubert, 2015c: 139-140). Section 9 of the SASA states that the HoD should respond within 14 days of the receipt of a recommendation of expulsion from the SGB (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 159; RSA, 1996b: s9(1D)). The practical implication for learner discipline is that the parties involved in the disciplinary process of learners should always pay particular attention to time frames. 4.5.8 TSHONA V PRINCIPAL, VICTORIA GIRLS HIGH SCHOOL AND OTHERS 2007 (5) SA (66) A 16-year old girl brought an urgent application against the principal and SGB chair of Victoria Girls High School, the MEC and the HoD. Strengthening her case, the girl stated that the 129 Chapter 4: Legal framework principal had a personal vendetta against her after the principal had an altercation with her parent over her hairstyle. In 2006, the girl broke hostel regulations, and for that the school gave her a suspended verdict of expulsion from the hostel. In 2006 the girl, by her own admission, again violated the conditions of her suspended expulsion by committing another offence. That led to her expulsion from the hostel (Deacon et al., 2016: 154). When a legal battle ensued, the school decided to withdraw its decision and bring the girl back to the hostel through a court order agreement. In the same year, the girl committed another offence and she and her parent were invited to a disciplinary hearing, which they did not honour, and the girl was again dismissed from the hostel. The girl and her parent filed an application to have the decision of the school set aside as they saw it as a contempt of court order. The argument of their attorney was that the provisions made in section 9 of the SASA on the expulsion of the learner from school apply in the case of expulsion from the hostel as well. The attorney also argued that the principal was presenting fabricated lies about the previous hearing, and the principal presented recorded evidence and transcripts that indicated the opposite (Deacon et al., 2016: 154; RSA, 1996b: s 9 (2)). The court dismissed the application with costs and stated that the expulsion of the learner from the hostel did not imply expulsion from school, and as such, there was no infringement of the learner’s right to basic education as enshrined in section 29 of the Constitution. With reference to section 20(1)(g) of the SASA, the court confirmed the SGB’s right to manage the school property, which includes the school hostel. By extension, this section gives the SGB the right to maintain discipline in the hostel and can give an expulsion sanction from the hostel (Deacon et al., 2016: 155; RSA, 1996b: s20(1)(g)). The practical implication for learner discipline is that the disciplinary hearing can take place even in the absence of the learner and her parent if there is evidence that reasonable steps had been taken to invite them. Expulsion from the school hostel does not imply expulsion from the school. Keeping records when conducting a disciplinary hearing is of utmost importance for the success of the process. The lesson I can derive from this case is that it is important for school managers, other education practitioners and SGBs to keep accurate records when handling disciplinary cases involving learners. 130 Chapter 4: Legal framework 4.5.9 JACOBS V THE CHAIRMAN OF THE GOVERNING BODY OF RHODES HIGH SCHOOL, THE PRINCIPAL AND THE MEC: CASE NO. 7953/2004 A Grade 8 class of Mrs Jacobs was writing a class test when she saw that one boy was not writing. After investigating, she discovered a death certificate written out for her in his book. He refused to hand the book over to Mrs Jacobs, as instructed. Mrs Jacobs referred the matter to the departmental head and later to the principal. The principal instructed the boy to wait on a chair outside his office while he contacted the child’s parent and the police. The boy left the chair, went back to class, took his school bag and walked towards the door. On the way he stopped, drew a hammer from the school bag, walked to Mrs Jacobs and bludgeoned her. Mrs Jacobs sustained injuries to the head, arm and leg. The boy was found guilty and expelled, but Mrs Jacobs also brought a case for damage against the principal and the SGB of the school (Joubert, 2015d: 161). In the court ruling, the judge put the liability of the loss and damage that Mrs Jacobs suffered as a result of action or omission of action within the school premise squarely on the shoulders of the state, which in this case is the Department of Education. The judge ruled that Mrs Jacobs should institute the claim against the principal and the MEC for Education. The principal and the MEC tried to appeal but the appeal was turned down with costs (Joubert, 2015d: 162). The practical implication for learner discipline is that the state as represented by the Department of Education can bear the costs of a claim instituted as a result of indiscipline by learner(s). This is because the state is responsible for the care and safety of everyone on the school premises. 4.5.10 LE ROUX AND OTHERS V DEY (FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION INSTITUTE AND RESTORATIVE JUSTICE CENTRE AS AMICI CURIAE) 2011 (3) SA 274 (CC) Deacon et al. (2016: 91-97) narrate a story of a case that was based on an incident that occurred at a high school in Pretoria in February/March 2006. Mr Le Roux, a learner at the school, created a computer-generated image of two men, the deputy principal Dr Dey and the principal, naked and with their genitals covered by the school crest, posing in a position hinting sexual activity. Mr Le Roux shared the picture with a close friend Mr Geldenhuys on his cell phone, and the friend dispatched it to many other learners in the school. Another learner, Mr 131 Chapter 4: Legal framework Janse Van Rensburg made things worse by printing the picture and displaying it on the school notice board for about 30 minutes before it was removed. Disciplinary proceedings were instituted against the learners and on admitting guilt, they were banned from assuming any leadership positions in the school, banned from wearing the school’s honorary badges and given detention for three hours per day for five consecutive Fridays. Two of the three boys apologised and the principal accepted their apology, but Dr Dey, the deputy principal, took the matter up with the High Court and later with the Supreme Court of Appeal and the Constitutional Court. The ruling of the Supreme Court of Appeal was that the boys were indeed guilty of defamation, and they were each fined R45 000. The Supreme Court of Appeal delivered the ruling based on the boys’ failure to prove absence of intention to injure. The matter was finally brought before the Constitutional Court, which also ruled in favour of Dr Dey. The Constitutional Court saw the learners’ action as aimed at tarnishing his image and making Dr Dey and the principal objects of ridicule, contempt and disrespect in front of other learners. The court found that even if the learner meant their actions as a joke, there a limits to where a joke can go. Teachers also have a right to the protection of their dignity. The Constitutional Court, however, changed the learners’ fine to R25 000 (Deacon et al., 2016: 97). The practical implication for learner discipline is that when making jokes about teachers, learners must understand that there is a limit beyond which they cannot go. This is because teachers are also legal objects with their own inherent right to dignity, which must be respected. 4.5.11 OTHER RELEVANT CASES In the case of Maritzburg College v Dlamini NO and Others 2005 Jol 15075(N), the college suspended and recommended expulsion of three boys, two of whom were drunk while the third was found in possession of a bottle of brandy. The boys smashed a bus hired by the college and broke its window. The SGB acting in line with section 9 of the SASA, suspended the boys and recommended expulsion to the HoD, but they waited in vain for the HoD’s response to their recommendation. After waiting for the HoD’s response for 21 months, the SGB expelled the boys. The contention of the HoD was that the suspension was unlawful in that it was too long as it was not supposed to go beyond one week (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 159; RSA, 1996b: s9 (1)). 132 Chapter 4: Legal framework The court through Judge Combrinck found the actions of the SGB to be lawful, and that the HoD had not consulted the Provincial act and regulations that were the amendments to the SASA. After this court decision, the Provincial Department of Education added an amendment which states that the SGB may extend the suspension while waiting for the response of the HoD on whether or not to expel the learner. It should, however, be noted that even if the decision is that the learner is expelled, the learner still has a right to appeal to the Director- General (D-G) for Education through his Provincial MEC. During that period the D-G has an obligation to ensure that the learner receives education while awaiting the final decision (Joubert, 2015c: 142-143; Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 160). The practical implication of this is that a learner awaiting a decision regarding expulsion must keep on receiving education. In Antonie v Governing Body of Settlers High School and others 2002 (4) SA 738 (CPD), the school suspended a learner for wearing dreadlocks, which he claimed were part of his Rastafarian religion. The school classified the action as a serious misconduct. When the learner’s parent took the matter to court, the court ruled that the suspension should be set aside because the disciplinary code of the school did not specify this action as serious misconduct. This implies that when crafting the COC4L, the SGB should make it a comprehensive document that includes all actions which they may regard as serious misconduct (Oosthuizen et al., 2012: 291). 4.6 SUMMARY Table 4-1: Synopsis of findings on the South African legal framework for learner discipline Issues Literature suggests that: Reference Legal framework Legal framework draws from the following 4.2 sources:  The Constitution  Legislation  Common law  Case law  Regulations and policies as subordinate legislation Legislation affecting learner  The Constitution of the Republic of 4.3. discipline South Africa  The South African Schools Act 133 Chapter 4: Legal framework  The National Education Policy Act  The Children’s Act  The Child Justice Act Legally dealing with serious  Suspension and expulsion although with 4.4. learner misconduct strict conditions because of section 9 of the Constitution  Ordinary referrals to the SGB, which may, through its Disciplinary committee, institute a disciplinary hearing  The method of eliminating a learner’s rights is also legally allowed  Under extreme circumstances the learner misconduct may be reported to the police who may open a criminal case  Diversion may also be an alternative to a court case, and the case may be dealt with out of court  Assistance may be sought from the Human Rights Commission, although it does not intervene but merely advises  Small claims court may be used for cases involving payment of fines not exceeding R7 000  Search and seizure may be used but in full consideration of section 14 of the Constitution read in conjunction with section 36.  Teachers may also punish learners as part of learner discipline but within limits and restrictions Case law  Case law are laws set as a result of court 4.5. rulings  They are also called judicial precedents  They have an influence on learner discipline and they control and regulate it  They form the basis for future court rulings  They are characterised by fairness, rationality, reasonableness and constitutional compliance 134 Chapter 4: Legal framework 4.7 CONCLUSION This chapter indicates that South Africa, like other countries, has a legal framework guiding learner discipline. There are pieces of legislation, subordinate legislations such as policies, as well as case law guiding learner discipline. In line with section 39(1)(b) of the Constitution, there are also international treaties and conventions that South Africa’s courts of law consider in applying the Bill of Rights when making court rulings affecting learner discipline (RSA, 1996a: s39(1)(b)). Important conventions to mention are the Convention against Torture and other Inhuman or Degrading Treatment of 1987 and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child of 1989. All the laws, case law and international conventions mentioned in the chapter are unanimous in fighting the unfair treatment of learners. All of them emphasise that the process of disciplining learners must be fair, reasonable, just, rational and it must put the interests of the learner above all other considerations, in line with section 28 of the Constitution (RSA, 1996a: 28(2)). The interests of the learner refer to the interests of the offending learner(s), balanced with those of the other learners in the school, as well as the orderliness, safety and security of the school environment. All of these laws are against the administration of corporal punishment. This chapter dealt with the rationale for studying Education Law as it affects learner discipline, pieces of legislation relevant to learner discipline, the legal procedure for dealing with learner discipline, case law relevant to learner discipline and lessons derived from the case law. The next chapter will deal with data generation. 135 Chapter 5: Research methodology CHAPTER 5: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 5.1 INTRODUCTION The previous chapter dealt with the legal framework for learner discipline in South Africa. The chapter unpacked pieces of legislation that have a bearing on learner discipline and case laws that shaped learner discipline in South Africa. Pieces of legislation that I dealt with in the previous chapter were the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, the South African Schools Act (Act 84 of 1996), the National Education Policy Act (Act 27 of 1996), the Children’s Act (Act 38 of 2005) and the Child Justice Act (Act 75 of 2008). The acts emphasise the rights children have as well as how the policies governing learner discipline in schools should be crafted. There are particular legal procedures for dealing with learner misconduct, including suspending and expelling, referring issues to the school governing body (SGB), reporting criminal offences by learner(s), search and seizure, punishment by teachers, and the diversion process, to mention a few examples. Case laws and milestone judgements that affect the way in which discipline should be handled were discussed. This chapter deals with the research methodology applicable to this study. I will unpack the research approach, the paradigmatic, disciplinary and theoretical frameworks, data generation, the socio-economic outlook of the area under study, selection of participants and the integrity of the study. The specific issues I deal with under the integrity of the study are ethical considerations, reliability and validity. The chapter further breaks down validity and reliability into internal validity or credibility, reliability or consistency and external validity or transferability. The specific research question this chapter attempts to answer is stated in Chapter 1 (cf. 1.5): What research methodology and tools can be used to investigate the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour? 5.1.1 THE RESEARCH APPROACH As stated in Chapter 1, I used a qualitative approach (cf. 1.6.1). Qualitative research aims to capture and understand people’s behaviour, experiences and feelings without taking mathematical measurements. This research method does not involve controlling variables as in a laboratory situation, but it emphasises the importance of using spoken or written words 136 Chapter 5: Research methodology to capture people’s knowledge of the world they reside in (Terre Blanche, Kelly, & Durrheim, 2007: 272). Based on Merriam’s different modes of qualitative research (2009: 22), I classify my study as a basic qualitative study. According to Merriam (2009: 22-24), basic qualitative research is about the researcher and the participants getting involved in the crafting of reality. They do this by bringing to the surface and making sense of meaning around the life of people and how they engage with each other and with their social world. That is what I did in this study, as together with the participants, we were digging deep into their understanding of the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour, their causes, effects and how these complexities can be dealt with within the context of multicultural indigent societies. 5.1.2 THE PARADIGMATIC BASIS My paradigmatic point of departure is Interpretivism. According to Merriam (2009: 171), interpretivists fundamentally postulate that in life there is no single reality. Instead there is a multiplicity of realities, depending on how people interpret the situation around them and how they interact socially with their situation. According to the author, reality does not exist somewhere waiting to be picked up. Instead, reality is a product of construction by the researcher as he/she interacts with the participants in their social setting. Interpretivism furthermore believes that wherever there is an interpretation of meaning of people’s experience, subjectivity becomes unavoidable. The multiplicity of meanings and the difference between them invariably leads to complex ways of seeing the views of the people. Within an interpretivist framework of thinking, the researcher listens to the participants as they narrate their stories and attach meaning in line with their cultural and historical backgrounds (Creswell, 2009: 8). This paradigmatic theory also argues that the researcher, as the research tool, is also subjective in the interpretation of the views and stories of his/her participants. This subjectivity is due to the historical and cultural background of the researcher, as these tend to come into play and influence the researcher’s interpretation of the inputs from the participants. Merriam (2009: 15) also confirms the presence of subjectivity, which she terms “biases”, but the author is of the view that biases must not be eliminated. Instead, the researcher should identify them in order to monitor them in the process of data generation. The best tool to use in interpretivism when generating data is 137 Chapter 5: Research methodology open-ended questions. Obtaining data is not in itself the end, as this should lead to the generation of theory (Creswell, 2009: 8). This paradigmatic approach assisted me in this study, as the study was about generating data from the participants through listening to them narrating their stories, and adding meaning to their stories from their cultural backgrounds. These stories and experiences were about the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in their poverty-stricken societies. 5.1.3 THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK As I extensively discussed in Chapter 2, the study is based on three theories from which I generated the theoretical framework. Those theories are Rudolph Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model, Erik Erikson’s Psychosocial Development Theory, and Walter Miller’s Theory of Lower Class Culture (cf. 2.2.; 2.3.; 2.4.). 5.1.4 DATA GENERATION The main source of data in this study was the participants. In line with Clark’s contention (2008: 34) that in quality research, the researcher him/herself is the research tool, I was also the research tool in this study. I generated data through interviews and observations. In the interviews, I captured data through the use of voice recordings, field notes and direct transcriptions. Merriam (2009: 15) explains that as the primary instrument in collecting data, the researcher has the advantage of being responsive and adaptive. In qualitative research, data is often collected through interviews. Interviews are advantageous in cases where the researcher generates data on behaviour that cannot be observed, or where the researcher seeks data on events of the past that cannot be repeated. Interviews can take the form of a person-to-person interview or a group interview (Merriam, 2009: 88). In my case I used both person-to-person interviews and group interviews, which I referred to as “focus groups”. I did this as my aim was to gather data on behaviour that took place before the interviews, and could not be seen or observed at the time of the interview. Being present during the interviews, I also made use of observations. In qualitative research, observation is as important as is the interview itself, as the researcher obtains data from the participants’ natural setting rather than in a place deliberately prepared for interviews. Observation brings first-hand information to the research process, rather than filtered 138 Chapter 5: Research methodology information brought about by mere interviews (Merriam 2009: 117). Over and above getting first-hand information, observation also has advantages of the observer recording information as it occurs. This method allows the researcher to explore aspects and topics that may be difficult and uncomfortable to discuss (Creswell, 2009: 179). For observation to be an effective research tool, it should be systematic in addressing the research question being studied (Merriam, 2009: 118). It is important to use observation together with interviews and reviewing documents to complement it (Merriam, 2009: 48). However, Creswell (2009: 179) also warns about a weakness of observation as a data gathering method. The potential exists that the researcher can be intrusive to the point of even observing private information that should not be reported on. The researcher must therefore always reflect on issues pertaining to ethics, and in particular act responsibly towards the protection of the respondents by not encroaching on their privacy. In this study, I used observation as one way of collecting data and I reported on the data I collected in this way. I observed that at times, there would be an argument between the old SGB members (those who were re-elected from the previous SGB as the SGBs were elected at the beginning of the year) and the newly elected ones. When the new SGB members were stating their points, the old ones would feel like being accused of not having done their work well. I would take time to explain and put the input in the right perspective and show that it did not have to be taken personally. I would show them that the new members were giving interpretation of the situation as they see the need for assistance to correct it. Another observation of participation was that as I was interviewing in focus groups, I noticed that at times, the participants were participating so enthusiastically that some of them ended up speaking at the same time. I had to show them politely who was supposed to speak at a given time. Because of interest in the topic under study, some participants even phoned to make additions of the information they forgot when they viewed it as of importance. I only reported on the data relevant to the research topic and omitted irrelevant information. 5.1.5 THE RESEARCH SITE: JOE GQABI MUNICIPAL DISTRICT I conducted my research in the Joe Gqabi municipal district. In Chapter 1 I briefly referred to the socio-economic situation of the district. In this section I will justify my selection of the district and Elundini as its local municipality as the indigent societies to locate the study (cf. 139 Chapter 5: Research methodology 1.2.1). I am including this section to clearly show the setting and the context of the area, and the people with whom I conducted the research. The annual per capita income of the Joe Gqabi district was only R34 100 in 2016. That income was lower than that of the Eastern Cape Province, which was at R37 800, and the national one, which was R53 800 in the same period. This is illustrated by Figure 5.1 below. “Per capita income refers to the income per person. Thus, it takes the personal income per annum and divides it equally among the population” (Murray, 2017: 53). Figure 5-1: The Annual per capita Income for Joe Gqabi in the Years 2006, 2011 and 2017 juxtaposed against that of the Eastern Cape Province and the country (Murray, 2017: 54). When one measures a region or area’s capacity to acquire products or services, one uses the Index of Buying Power (IBP). Joe Gqabi was at 0.0045, which is 0.45% of the national IBP as in 2016 (Murray, 2017: 55). Simply put, this means that the buying power of the population of Joe Gqabi is less than 1% of the national buying power. Another way of measuring economic development is through the Gini Coefficient (GC). The GC provides a score to measure the level of inequality among the population. The scores 140 Chapter 5: Research methodology range between 0 and 1, where 0 represents an ideal situation where the income of the population of an area is evenly distributed. On the other hand, 1 represents the worst-case scenario, where only one person takes the whole income of the country or region, leaving the rest of the population with nothing (Murray, 2017: 59). In 2016, the GC for Joe Gqabi was 0.587, representing the high extent of inequality (Murray, 2017: 60). If one looks at the GC status of Elundini Local Municipality alone, it was at 0.56 (Murray, 2017: 61). When one looks at the GC per population group over the period 2006 to 2016, one sees that for Africans, the GC grew from 0.55 in 2006 to 0.56 in 2016, which is a growth of 0.24%. For Whites the GC moved from 0.49 in 2006 to 0.44 in 2016, an average annual growth of -1.08%. This shows that for Africans, the situation of inequality became steadily worse in the specific period, while there was an improvement on the part of the Whites and Coloureds, whose GC changed from 0.56 in 2006 to 0.54 in 2016. See the table below. Table 5.1: The Gini Coefficient for different population groups of Joe Gqabi in 2006 and 2016 (Murray, 2017: 60). I further analysed the extent of poverty in the Joe Gqabi district by using the upper poverty line. Statistics South Africa defines the upper poverty line as “the level of consumption at which individuals are able to purchase both sufficient food and non-food items without sacrificing one for the other” (Murray, 2017: 61). It provides a good score to determine the number of people living in poverty among the population. In the Joe Gqabi district, there were 239 000 (64.09%) people living in poverty in 2016 compared to 255 000 (73.04%) people living in poverty in 2006. This represents a decrease of only 6.33% (Murray, 2017: 62). Of the three local municipalities constituting Joe Gqabi (Senqu, Walter Sisulu and Elundini,), Elundini had the highest percentage of people living in poverty at 69.5%, Senqu was at 66% while Walter Sisulu was at 51% in 2016 (Murray, 2017: 63). This indicates that the majority of the people of Joe Gqabi in general and those of Elundini in particular are living in abject poverty, and the situation is nowhere close to 141 Chapter 5: Research methodology improving. Even when one looks at the table below, indicating the people living in poverty per population group, Africans in the area are affected by poverty the worst. Table 5.2: Percentage of people affected by poverty per population group (Murray, 2017: 62). To clearly show how poverty-stricken the areas of the Joe Gqabi district are, I also used the Poverty Gap Rate (PGR). The PGR measures the depth of poverty. This is an indicator to measure how deep the population is swimming in poverty as measured in terms of the percentage average distance from the poverty line. This gap was 32.6% in 2006 and 30% in 2016. This represents a slight improvement of only 2.6% in the ten-year period under review (Murray, 2017: 64). When comparing the three local municipalities of the district, Elundini is found wanting at 30.6%, Senqu at 30% and Walter Sisulu at 28.4% in 2016 (Murray, 2017: 65). Considering that education empowers citizens with skills, knowledge and attitudes to improve their own living conditions and those of others, it follows then that education is one of the variables that have a direct bearing on the levels of economic development of a country, area or region. My contention is that levels of education determine the extent of poverty. For this reason, I also analysed the levels of education in the Joe Gqabi district. Murray (2017: 67) reports that in 2016, Joe Gqabi had 20 600 people with no schooling among its population of 15 years and older. This represented 6.3% of the provincial total and 0.87% of the national total. This writer further states that 33 500 of the population had matric only, representing 3.97% of the provincial total. I further analysed the important impact of education on poverty levels by looking at functional literacy. Functional literacy refers to the number of people aged 20 years and above who can read and write with adequate skill. On functional literacy, Murray, (2017: 69-70) reports that in 2016, Joe Gqabi had a total of 73 693 people classified 142 Chapter 5: Research methodology as illiterate. The author then singled out Elundini and reported that the functional literacy rate at that local municipality was 69.3% in the same year. The analysis above clearly shows that Elundini Local Municipality as part of Joe Gqabi District Municipality is indeed a poverty-stricken area, hence I refer to it as an indigent society. The above section gave a clear picture of the poverty levels of Elundini Local Municipality where I conducted a study on adolescent learner behaviour. This indicates the vulnerability of the population under study, which calls for the researcher to be sensitive while conducting research. The next section is on the selection of the research participants. 5.1.6 SELECTION OF PARTICIPANTS An important feature of qualitative research is handpicking participants with the required information, as judged by the researcher (Cohen et al., 2007: 114). The selection of participants in this study included elements of both purposive and convenient participant selection. I had no intention to generalise findings to the bigger population, and so I selected participants with the sole purpose in mind to unravel what is happening and how the situation affects other situations in a complicated type of relationship. I did the selection of participants based on the rich information they have on the subject under study, and this selection method was non-probable. Because the chances of the members of the wider population being selected was unknown, the selection was purposive in nature (Cohen et al., 2007: 110; Merriam, 2009: 77). I selected participants from the district of Joe Gqabi where I am employed. Because this selection was also convenient to me, Merriam (2009: 79) would classify the selection as convenient, leading me to state that the selection of participants was done through purposive convenient sampling. Some researchers call convenient sampling “accidental” or “opportunity” sampling (Cohen et al., 2007: 113). Because I also categorised the sampled schools and ensured that all the categories such as semi-urban, rural and township schools were represented, my sampling also took on the board features of a stratified sampling method (Cohen et al.,2007: 111-112). As stated in Chapter 1, I invited six secondary schools, two from rural areas, two from the townships and two from semi urban areas, to be part of my study. All the six of them fall in the sub-district of Mt Fletcher under Joe Gqabi district in the Eastern Cape. In the six schools, I targeted school principals, Life Orientation teachers, teacher-liaison officers, school 143 Chapter 5: Research methodology governing bodies (SGBs) and representative councils for learners (RCLs) for my interviews and observation. In choosing the schools as research sites, I considered “geographic and ethnic diversity” (Mapp et al., 2008). Different ethnic groups formed part of the sample, and included people from Hlubi, Sotho, Xhosa and mixed areas. I did this in order to obtain a high level of diversified information from a multicultural society, as stated in Chapter 1 (cf. 1.5.5). In addition to the school participants, I also considered selecting participants outside of the schools but within the Department of Education, in an attempt to strengthen the credibility of the study through participant triangulation. To that effect, I selected the HIV/AIDS co- ordinator and the school safety co-ordinator. From sister government departments I selected two social workers from the Department of Social Development, and one police officer from the Department of Safety and Liaison. From outside government I selected two officers from the local initiation forum (LIF) and two officials from the Maclear Survivor Support Group of the White Door Centre of Hope. I selected all of the above-mentioned participants because of their role in different aspects affecting the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour. Some play a direct role in schools. Others are involved in government departments responsible for looking after social ills and unacceptable actions carried out by adolescent learners. Still others are outside government services, but I included them because of the key role they play in the male initiation ritual and in supporting victims of domestic violence. In short the participants of the study were a mixture of males and females, predominantly from the poverty-stricken rural areas of Joe Gqabi Municipal District. Others were from the townships and from semi-urban areas. Their level of education varied from illiterate and semi- literate to qualified professionals. By implication, this shows that the participants I selected were a vulnerable group. Their levels of vulnerability ranged from being poor and destitute, to being illiterate and being affected by power relations that may be caused by ranks in the hierarchy of the Department of Education. The extent of being poor, destitute and indigent regarding the people of Joe Gqabi was carefully analysed in Chapter 1 (cf. 1.2.1) and in section 5.1.5 above. This challenged me as the researcher to be very careful and sensitive in dealing with them, as I mentioned earlier in this chapter. I coded the participants according to numbers in their order of being interviewed, and also who they are, without exposing their identities. 144 Chapter 5: Research methodology I mainly conducted individual or pair interviews with participants.  #01SG and #02SG were females from a local community support group  #03LIF and #04LIF were male members of the Local Initiation Forum  #05POL was a female policy officer  #06SW and #07SW were female social workers  #10PR, #11PR, #15PR, #16PR, #17PR, and #23PR were principals of secondary schools, (three males and three females)  #12LOT, #13 LOT, #16 LOT, #19 LOT, #21 LOT, and #23 LOT were Life Orientation Teachers (two males and four females)  #D08DO and #D09DO were two District Officials, one male and one female  #14TL, 18TL, 22TL, 24TL, #25TL and #26TL were Teacher Liaison Officers (TLO). Their category was constituted by four males and two females. As I explained in Chapter 1, these are teachers who are elected by other teachers to act as liaison between the staff and the learners. They work with the Representative Council of Learners in particular. There is one TLO per school (cf. 1.5.5). I then also conducted focus group discussions with learners who serve on the Representative Council of Learners (12 males and six females) in six focus groups listed as #FG03, #FG05, #FG08, #FG09, #FG11 and #FG012. The participants are coded according to both the focus group he/she belonged to and according to when he/she made an input, for example #FG03- RCL02 denotes an RCL participant who was the second one to volunteer an input from the third focus group. Similarly, the focus group discussions with the parent component of the School Governing Body were as coded #FG01, #FG02, #FG04, #FG06, #FG07 and #FG10. There were 11 male participants and 15 female participants, and they can be identified through coding like #FG01- SGB01. The reason for choosing parents only was that other components (teachers and learners) were well-represented in the other categories of participants. 145 Chapter 5: Research methodology 5.1.7 THE INTEGRITY OF THE STUDY To ensure the integrity of the study, I took cognisance of ethical considerations, issues of reliability, and validity, as criteria that the study must meet. 5.1.7.1 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS During research, the researcher must be able to anticipate ethical issues that may arise in the process of conducting research. The researcher has a responsibility to protect the participants, and in the process build trust with them (Creswell, 2009: 87). Leedy and Ormond (2015: 120) put that in practical terms by explaining that “the risks involved in participating in a study should not be appreciably greater than the normal risk of day-to-day living”. Hofstee (2011: 211) also emphasises that the researcher must be even more careful of not doing any harm when dealing with vulnerable participants. The researcher must at all costs avoid deceiving participants (Babbie, 2013: 32- 38; Babbie, Mouton, Vorster & Prozesky, 2007: 521-525; Cohen, Manion, & Morrison, 2007: 65; Creswell, 2009: 88). Over and above not harming people involved in research, the collection of data should further not harm the environment or disturb the research site (Creswell, 2009: 90; Hofstee, 2011: 210). Reciprocity and finding the middle ground between the interests and rights of different people involved in the research process is essential, and the researcher must be open about how the participants will benefit from the research (Babbie et al., 2007: 520; Creswell, 2009: 88). The researcher must also clearly inform the participants of the reason why the research is done and what will be expected of them (Hofstee, 2011: 211). Confidentiality and anonymity of the participants should always be guaranteed (Babbie, 2013: 32-38; Babbie et al., 2007: 521-525; Cohen, Manion, & Morrison, 2007: 65; Creswell, 2009: 88). The researcher must clearly tell the participants how he/she is going to hide their identity, and the researcher must in no way coerce the participants into agreeing to take part in the research project. Placing emphasis on the need for informed consent, Cohen et al. (2007: 52) argue that people in a democracy live in freedom, and that participation in research limits this freedom. For this reason, the researcher must seek informed consent from participants, and inform them of their right to withdraw at any time without any penalty. For participants who are minors, 146 Chapter 5: Research methodology consent should also be sought from adults such as teachers and parents before the researcher seeks informed assent from the minor. Built within the issue of consent is also the right of the participant to withdraw from the study (Ritchie & Lewis, 2003: 147). Contributing to the issue of ethical principles in research, Litchman (2013: 52-56) summarises the moral principles of ethical research as being non-judgemental, establishing rapport and friendship with the participants, informed consent, being non-intrusive, and anonymity and confidentiality. Adding his voice to the issue of ethical considerations, Du Plooy (2006: 212) argues that, during the stage of data analysis, over and above treating reliability and validity as priority, the researcher should ensure consistency and accuracy in recording and scoring the data. Even when analysing the data, the researcher must guarantee anonymity and keep data safe for 5-10 years. After that period the data should be destroyed so that it does not get abused by other researchers for their own selfish motives (Creswell, 2009: 91). Stressing the importance of absolute honesty in research, Hofstee (2011: 211) contends that the falsification of data should not happen under any circumstances. The researcher must present the findings as they are, and avoid the temptation to make changes. When using statistics, the researcher must not use statistics to mislead, create false impressions or mischievously misguide to confirm the interpretation he/she favours. Other dimensions of deception that the researcher must avoid by all cost are disclosing the data in public and in an embarrassing manner, and not informing the people that they are being researched (Cohen et al., 2007: 65-66). Another issue which Hofstee (2011: 211-215) raises is plagiarism, which the author categorically says the researcher must avoid. The researcher must always acknowledge his/her sources of information, using acceptable referencing methods. Unpacking what he means by plagiarism, the author says referencing is about words, terms, data, ideas and conclusions, and referencing must be done even after a researcher has paraphrased. So, drawing from all of the above scholars, I guided this study in such a way that it did not hurt the participants physically, psychologically or emotionally. I treated all the participants with respect. Before the study commenced I sought and found ethical clearance from the Ethics Committee of the University of the Free State Faculty of Education. The Committee granted me clearance after it satisfied itself that I had included all the requisite steps to ensure that the study is not harmful to the participants. My ethical clearance number is UFS- 147 Chapter 5: Research methodology HSD2017/1008. After I obtained ethical clearance from the UFS, I applied for permission to conduct the study to the Eastern Cape Department of Education (ECDoE). After careful consideration of my application the Ethics Committee of the Department granted permission with conditions. The conditions included inter alia that “institutions and respondents must not be identifiable in any way from the results of the investigation”, and that I must “comply with all the requirements as completed in the Terms and Conditions to conduct research in the ECDoE [Eastern Cape Department of Education] document” (Addendum B). By first seeking approval, I was satisfying one of the important requirements for ethical considerations that Creswell (2009: 89) stresses as he states that the researcher must first get permission from the authorities to gain access to the respondents. Cohen et al. (2007: 123) and Creswell (2009: 89) refer to the authorities controlling access to the participants as “gatekeepers”. In this study, the UFS and ECDoE served as gatekeepers. I explained the background and aim of the study to each participant. This was done to ensure that there was no deception or creation of false hopes about the study. I have also indicated to the participants that their participation was voluntary, and that they could withdraw from the study at any stage. This was in line with the assertion by Clark (2008: 115) that the researcher must always inform the participants of their freedom to withdraw at any stage of the research process. I guaranteed the participants’ anonymity, and in recording and analysing their responses I made use of codes I used to refer to each participant. Power relations with principals and teachers threatened to disrupt the participant-researcher relationship, as these officials saw me as their senior and supervisor from the provincial Department of Education. To mediate this, I took time explaining and showing that the study had nothing to do with my position in the Department. I emphasised that, as the researcher, I was their equal as a participant in the process of generating data for this study. I did this to address the issue of vulnerability, as raised by Hofstee, (2011: 211). As a way of showing the possibility of the participants benefitting from the study, I told them that the Department had instructed me to send the electronic version and the hard copy of the thesis to Head Office, together with the summary of findings and recommendations. To them, that seemed to imply that, as a result of this study, there might be a policy amendment by the Department to the advantage of the process of teaching and learning. This would indirectly benefit them as people involved in the business of education. As part of ensuring that some benefits resulted from the study, I established a partnership with the Maclear Survivor Support Group. In that partnership we agreed that I would use my expertise whenever they required it, for example, 148 Chapter 5: Research methodology when they wanted to prepare a business plan to apply for funding to support their organisation. Some of the participants were not comfortable with the use of the voice recorder. In dealing with those participants, I had to stop using the tool. That in itself showed respect for the needs and views of participants as the equals of the researcher, and I had to strengthen my skills of writing fast, as I was transcribing to ensure that no data was left unrecorded. Still, the advantage was that I could check with them that I did indeed transcribe correctly. I provide detail about the process of analysing the data in 5.2.2. After the completion of my research, I used the similarity software TurnItIn. 5.1.7.2 RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY This section is about the steps that I took to make sure that the study is reliable, trustworthy and valid. a) Credibility (internal validity) Validity refers to the “the meaningfulness, accuracy and credibility of research to draw meaningful and defensible conclusions” (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010: 97). Internal validity then refers to the amount of effort the researcher puts in to control the research process, with the aim of directing the process towards accurate and relevant conclusions (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010: 97). In addition, Merriam (2009: 213), in explaining internal validity, refers to how research findings confirm reality, and whether the research findings are in line with what the research was investigating. Another way of putting it would be to say that the validity of an instrument refers to the degree or extent to which the instrument measures what it was designed to measure and claims to measure (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010: 28). Leedy and Ormrod (2015: 104) extend the importance of the accuracy of research findings by emphasising that the researcher must make sure that his/her explanations are “the most likely ones for the observation” that was made. Both Kumar (2014: 214) and Merriam (2009: 213) agree that, in qualitative research, validity can be very difficult to assess, and that is why they recommend credibility instead of validity. They offer different reasons for this. Kumar (2014: 214) claims that the difficulty is due to the fact that the researcher “measures” intangible concepts such as perceptions, attitudes, experiences and feelings. On the other hand, Merriam (2009: 213) argues that numbers and words cannot accurately describe reality. Instead, they represent 149 Chapter 5: Research methodology reality symbolically, but they are not reality itself. She therefore concludes that reality is something not easily captured. Researchers such as Cohen et al. (2007: 142), Creswell (2009: 191), Leedy and Ormrod (2015:104) and Merriam (2009: 215), recommend triangulation as a means of promoting credibility of research findings in qualitative research. There are many forms of triangulation, according to these authors. These include making use of multiple methods, multiple investigators, multiple theories and multiple sources. To strengthen accuracy and make results rich and realistic, the researcher may use member checking and thick description (Creswell, 2009: 191-192). As many of the strategies are also recommended to ensure consistency, I discuss the strategies I used below. b) Consistency (reliability) Reliability or consistency is about the researcher making sure that the research findings are repeatable in similar situations. This is when an instrument gets the same results when the phenomenon being measured remains constant (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010: 29). Ritchie and Lewis (2003: 270) recapitulate by saying that reliability is about the replicability of findings in other studies using the same method. This involves stability, dependability of the research instrument and predictability of the findings (Kumar, 2014: 215; Merriam, 2009: 220). These authors, however, warn that reliability has no room in qualitative research, as constructivists believe that there is no single reality that can be captured. It is difficult to ensure reliability in its strictest form of repeatability of findings in qualitative research, or in social sciences in general, or in dealing with human behaviour. This is because there are many interpretations of the same phenomenon, and this makes it difficult for different studies to yield the same results even under similar situations. It is therefore sufficient if the collected data is consistent with the results of the study (Merriam, 2009: 222). Kumar (2014: 215) identifies the four indicators of consistency and validity as credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability. As a way of ensuring consistency, Merriam (2009: 222) recommends triangulation, as is the case for credibility. In addition, Kumar (2014: 219) recommends confirmation of the results with the research participants, by taking the findings back to them to confirm their accuracy. To ensure the consistency of findings in this study, I did triangulation in various ways. Researchers make mention of many ways in which to apply triangulation. These include data triangulation, theory triangulation and research method triangulation (Babbie, 2013: 117; Du 150 Chapter 5: Research methodology Plooy, 2006: 39; Kelly, 2007: 287). Stating the advantage of research method triangulation, Babbie (2013: 117) asserts that its use enables the researcher to draw from the strengths of various research methods. On the other hand, data triangulation promotes better understanding of whatever phenomena are under study (Kelly, 2007: 287). I did data triangulation by asking the same questions to different individuals or groups at different sites. The examples are questions the researcher posed to principals, Life Orientation teachers, teacher-liaison officers and SGBs of different schools to ensure consistency in the research findings. As the researcher, I also engaged in theory triangulation by viewing the study through the lenses of three different theories - Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model, Erikson’s Psychosocial Development Theory and Miller’s Theory of Lower Class Culture. I covered the methodological triangulation by generating data through interviews and observation. As a researcher I interviewed participants across three government departments (Education, Social Development and Safety & Liaison), and also moved to participants outside of government services (members of the Local Initiation Forum and the Maclear Survivor Support Group). I did all this as researcher to capture a wide scope of perspectives from participants from different contexts. This was a means of ensuring the implementation of interdisciplinary triangulation. From all the individual and group sessions, I sought to get their interpretation of the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within their own context and situation. In this process, the respondents and I were involved in constructing reality. This is in line with Interpretivism as a research paradigm, which I used in this study. To accurately capture the contexts of the participants in this study, I sincluded direct quotations from them in the languages they used. The languages included isiXhosa as a home language for the majority of participants, and English for a number of participants. To ensure that I correctly captured the data as imparted to me by the participants, I did member checking. I did this by reading back information obtained from each participant or group of participants, and giving them the opportunity to make additions, amendments or even to delete data if they felt it was necessary. This method of ensuring reliability is recommended by authors such as Leedy and Ormrod (2014: 106), who even refer to member checking as “respondent validation”. 151 Chapter 5: Research methodology c) Transferability (external validity) Merriam (2009: 223) asserts that external validity takes into consideration the extent to which research findings can be generalised or transferred to situations similar to where the research was conducted. The author instead recommends the use of the term “transferability”, which implies doubting speculations about the probability of applying the findings of one research project to similar situations (Merriam, 2009: 225). One way of promoting transferability in qualitative research, according to this author, is through providing a detailed and thick description of the phenomenon under study, and the findings the researcher picked up from the study. This then allows the reader to assess on his/her own the applicability of findings in similar situations and contexts (Merriam, 2009: 227). For qualitative research, other authors such as Cohen et al. (2007: 134) also confirm being uncomfortable with the use of the term “validity”. They would rather use the term “authenticity”, or even “understanding”. For “generalisability”, these authors feel comfortable with the use of terms such as “comparability” and “transferability”. In confirming what Merriam (2009: 223) says, Cohen et al. (2007: 136) argue that transferability in qualitative research can be promoted through in-depth description of the situation, with clear details that can allow other researchers to decide if the findings are applicable in their own situations. These authors go a step further by suggesting that transferability can also be confirmed by performing multi-site studies. Giving the advantage of thick description as part of promoting transferability in qualitative research, Creswell (2009: 192) points out that through thick description, the researcher provides many perspectives of the theme, thereby making the results richer and more realistic. In the case of my studies, I also promoted transferability through giving a thick description of the findings. This was done by allowing participants enough time to give their perspectives and to interpret their own situations. I did this through asking questions, and clarifying the question where needed using the language preferred by the participants. As the participants shared their information, I took field notes in detail without interrupting. In line with Merriam’s contention (2009: 100-101), I took the role of being a research instrument myself by asking for more details, adjusting my questions and delving deeper in the process of seeking information. I followed up and sought further clarity, to the point of using more time than originally planned on the interviews. When I wrote the findings in line with the themes I 152 Chapter 5: Research methodology identified, I promoted the credibility of the findings. This may lead to transferability, by quoting the participants in the language they used and by interpreting their inputs so that the reader could also follow the line of argument. Creswell (2009: 192) raises pertinent issues around transferability. He contends that the interpretation of research findings is shaped by the researcher’s own background. When the researcher declares his/her personal or professional background to openly show how this may influence the interpretation of the findings, then the findings may be more accurate and therefore more transferrable. In my case, I also declared my background as a person working for the Eastern Cape Department of Education as Chief Education Specialist in Chapter 1 (cf.1.2) under the heading, “Rationale and statement of the problem”. Creswell (2009: 192) is also of the view that there is more accuracy of data and findings when the researcher has experience about the people who are part of the research, and have spent time with them in the field. This is exactly the case with me as I conducted the study in the district I have worked in for years, with the people I have vast experience working with. 5.2 DATA CAPTURING AND ANALYSIS Analysis and interpretation of data is the ultimate end of any research process. In analysing data, the researcher breaks data into manageable chunks to establish trends, patterns and relationships, and organising those patterns into themes (Mouton, 2015: 108). Du Plooy, (2006: 93) concurs as he states that the analysis and interpretation of data is a critically important phase in research. This stage, he argues, impacts on the conclusion and recommendations, and even determines whether the recommendations are implementable. 5.2.1 DATA CAPTURING THROUGH INTERVIEWS I generated data mainly through interviews. The definition provided by Merriam (2009: 87) captures the interview process very well when she defines an interview as “a process in which a researcher and participant engage in a conversation focused on questions related to a research study.” Also throwing his weight behind the relationship between the questions and the research study, Hofstee, (2011: 132) states that in designing interview questions, the researcher must always keep the information he/she wants to generate in mind. The goals of the researcher must strictly direct the questions he/she needs to ask. Interviewing as data generating method is highly recommended by Merriam (2009: 86). She sees it as the most popular method of data generation, especially in qualitative research. Interviewing as data 153 Chapter 5: Research methodology generating mechanism is distinguished by direct contact between the interviewee and interviewer while the interaction is taking place (Van Rensburg, Alpaslan, du Plooy, Gelderblom, Van Eeden, & Wigston, 2013: 179). Researchers such as Creswell, (2009: 181) and Leedy and Ormrod, (2010: 188) call this “face-to-face interviewing”, as opposed to for example telephone interviews or focus group interviews. These authors are in agreement that this type of interview has the advantage of promoting a rapport and understanding between the researcher and the participant. As the interviewer is him/herself a research tool in qualitative research, he/she must be intellectually sharp, with good memory and good listening skills that may enable him/her to hear, digest, and understand the input of respondents, and pick up the points that need to be pursued (Ritchie & Lewis, 2003: 142). A good in-depth interviewer does not want to demonstrate his/her own knowledge, but is someone who is prepared to be a recipient of the wisdom from the respondents (Ritchie & Lewis, 2003: 143). 5.2.1.1 HOW THE VIEWS OF PARTICIPANTS WERE RECORDED IN THE SEMI- STRUCTURED INTERVIEW PROCESS As a researcher I used voice recording, on-site transcriptions, field notes and observation as means of reinforcing data generation through the interview process in line with what Leedy and Ormrod, (2010: 182) also recommend. However, when I started my second interview, #Participant 02 indicated that she was uncomfortable with the use of the voice recorder as she associated it with recordings made by spies during the apartheid regime. She also stated that the method is also used in court and it causes tension and panic. She agreed that I could transcribe her words as she was speaking, as she could then read what I wrote, and give input as to whether it is a true reflection of what she said and thought about the issue. After that insight, I used voice recordings or on-site transcriptions, whichever the participants preferred, although it made the process very time consuming. Merriam (2009: 109) notes the unwillingness of some participants to be recorded, and to that end she recommends the use of field notes as a way of recording information in the place of a voice recorder. Merriam (2009: 89-90) classifies interviews into highly structured or standardised interviews, semi-structured interviews, and unstructured or informal interviews. In corroboration, Hofstee (2011: 132) and also Van Rensburg et al. (2013: 179), confirm the three types of interviews. During structured interviews the same questions are asked to all the interviewees. In unstructured interviews, the interviewer asks different questions to different participants, 154 Chapter 5: Research methodology while in semi-structured interviews, the researcher has some flexibility in asking questions as determined by circumstances. Whatever the case may be, the researcher must justify his/her choice of type of interview (Hofstee, 2011: 132). In the interview process, it sometimes happens that a participant digresses from the topic under discussion. The onus is then on the researcher to politely find a way of steering the interview back on track (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010: 149). For the purpose of this study, I chose to use semi-structured interviews. The type of data I needed to collect from the different categories of participants dictated that I use this type of interview. I needed to have specific questions for particular categories of individuals or focus groups. With its flexibility, semi-structured interviews allowed me to probe deep into the information I needed from the participants for the construction of reality around the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour. From different types of questions advanced by Patton (2002) as cited in Merriam (2009: 96), I prepared a mixture of questions covering aspects such as experience and behaviour. The aim with this was to obtain information regarding the work and the behaviours they frequently came across. I also used opinion and value questions to allow the participants to air their beliefs and opinions. I used knowledge questions to elicit thinking and solicit facts and knowledge around the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour. In all these questions, as I was involved in interviewing individuals and focus groups, my approach was to use open-ended questions followed by probing questions in order to hear stories of participants giving a thick description of the situation being studied. As recommended by Hofstee (2011: 136), in designing the interview questions I created a relaxed environment by asking easy background questions to calm the nerves of the participants. Asking easy questions at the beginning helped me as the researcher to be calm and professional by creating an atmosphere of a rapport with the participants. 5.2.1.2 THE INTERVIEW SCHEDULE Initially I had an average of about thirteen questions for the different groups and individuals. After the first interviews, I realised that the questions were too many and they did not allow enough time for probing and advancing to a deeper level. I therefore decided to reduce the number of questions to a maximum of ten. In some cases, I asked fewer than ten questions and that allowed time to probe. 155 Chapter 5: Research methodology 5.2.1.3 THE USE OF OBSERVATION AS DATA-GENERATING TOOL In this study I used observation to complement the interviewing process. Observation gave me the context and feeling of the participants. Merriam (2009: 117) highly recommends observation as an important source of data in qualitative research. Observation is one research method that allows the researcher access to non-verbal cues such as body language and other actions that add value to the information the researcher obtains through the interview process. These might include facial expressions, nodding in agreement or shaking the head in disagreement (Ritchie & Lewis, 2003: 182). I have also used observation to help myself as a researcher to see things as they occur naturally, as people interact with their realities and narrate their own stories. I therefore made field notes in an unstructured way at each of the sites I visited, and during each interview that I conducted. 5.2.1.4 HOW I OBSERVED ETHICAL PRINCIPLES DURING DATA CAPTURING AND ANALYSIS As part of abiding by the rules of ethics in research, I used numbers instead of names for the research participants. I numbered the participants in their order of being interviewed. As I also interviewed focus groups, I numbered the focus groups as FG and also gave them numbers. The participants were then numbered according to the code of the focus group and their own numbers as individuals, e.g. the participant who was second to volunteer an input from Focus Group 1, I coded as #FG1:2. This was done to ensure absolute confidentiality and anonymity of the research participants, as some of them provided such sensitive information that they did not want to be identifiable in any way. The researcher used focus groups in order to allow each individual to voice their views, to listen to others and be influenced by others, and even to change their own perspectives (Ritchie & Lewis, 2003: 171). I tried to make the participants in the study as comfortable as possible during the data generation exercise. I tried to interview each and every one of them in an environment familiar to them. Authors agree that for an interview, the researcher must find a convenient, comfortable and quiet place where the participants will not be disturbed by distraction during the interview process. This would maximise benefit because of the quality of data provided to the researcher. Where possible the participants should choose the venue for the interview, which may either be their home or workplace (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010: 149; Ritchie & Lewis, 2003: 166). I interviewed officials and officers in their own offices. All the participants associated with schools were interviewed on their respective school premises. I interviewed 156 Chapter 5: Research methodology them in the principal’s office, as that provided a satisfactory level of confidentiality and quiet. I interviewed RCLs and SGBs in focus groups, and social workers and members of the Maclear Survivor Group in pairs. I interviewed all other participants (principals, Life Orientation teachers, teacher-Llaison officers and Local Initiation Forum members as individuals). 5.2.2 DATA ANALYSIS After data generation, the researcher needs to decide on data analysis, processing, verification and cross-checking. The researcher must also decide on how he/she is going to present and report on the data, keeping the intended audience of the research in mind (Cohen et al., 2007: 86-87). Hofstee (2011: 117) sums up data analysis in research by saying that analysis is about changing raw data into evidence. The author further identifies two forms of analysis. He says analysis can take the form of statistical analysis or textual analysis. What the author emphasises as being of importance is that the researcher must be able to explain the choice he has made to the reader. For this study, I chose textual analysis because my questions were meant to elicit responses in the form of stories narrated by the participants of their own situation and context. They used words to describe relationships of phenomena, and in the use of words, there was a thick description of the phenomena under study. Johnson and Christensen (2012: 35-36) sum up what I did when they say qualitative researchers are not interested in generalising beyond the group under study. They instead examine how the people under study make their choices and behave when in their natural environments. They examine how the people interact, and in the process identify dimensions and layers of reality in the process of constructing reality through interaction with the researcher. Scholars recommend that data analysis should be done concurrently with data generation. They recommend this so that the researcher is not overwhelmed by the huge bulk of information he will have to analyse at the end of the study. Taking data in chunks helps the researcher to reflect, and ascertain in time if the need exists to re-interview a particular participant to close existing gaps. Analysis of the collected data forms a scaffolding on which the researcher plans subsequent interviews (Merriam, 2009: 170-171). For this study I took a decision to do data generation and data analysis concurrently. This is one way of managing a huge amount of data coming in at the same time at the end of data 157 Chapter 5: Research methodology generation. I also wanted to stop to reflect every now and again, to look back and see areas that I could improve on going forward with data generation. I saw this as helpful because I analysed data while my conversations with participants were still fresh in my memory. For data analysis in qualitative research, Clark (2008: 181) recommends that the researcher uses selective coding to classify data into what the author calls text segments. The author says that the researcher should then combine segments into categories, then from categories, the researcher forms themes. Ritchie and Lewis (2003: 202) corroborate this as they say that the identification of key themes and categories or concepts is of the utmost importance in data analysis. I started the process of making sense of my data by classifying it into categories. From there I divided the data into themes and sub-themes. Then I picked up trends and patterns. The trends and patterns resulted in me categorising the data into forms of adolescent learner behaviour, what is being done to curb adolescent learners’ unwanted behaviour, factors influencing adolescent learner behaviour, and its impact on teaching and learning. Doing this while at the same time still generating more data helped me to improve my practice of interacting with the participants in the field. This is because the analysis of data informed the generation of data going forward. This sharpened my skill in answering the research question: In what ways can the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour be exposed and understood within multicultural indigent societies? 5.3 SUMMARY The table below provides a brief synopsis of this chapter as part of research methodology and approach. Table 5.4: Synopsis of research methodology and approach Issues Literature suggests that: Reference Research approach  Qualitative research was used in this study. 5.1.1  For this study I used basic qualitative research in which the researcher and the participants are involved in the construction of knowledge together. Paradigmatic  I used Interpretivism as a paradigmatic approach. 5.1.2 approach  This approach recognises subjectivity in the interpretation of people’s meanings and experiences. 158 Chapter 5: Research methodology  This approach recognises the existence of many realities.  According to this approach, participants are influenced by historical and cultural backgrounds in the interpretation of their situation. Theoretical  This study is based on Erikson’s Psychosocial 5.1.3 framework Development Theory, Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model and Miller’s Focus on Lower Class Culture. Data generation  In this study I used people as my main source of data. 5.1.4  The researcher himself was a research tool.  Data was generated through interviews, voice recordings, field notes and observation. The socio-  The annual per capita income for Joe Gqabi district 5.1.5 economic outlook was R34 100 in 2016. of Joe Gqabi  The Index of Buying Power (IBP) was 0.0045, which was 0.45% of the national IBP.  Joe Gqabi had a Gini Coefficient of 0.587 in 2016.  The district had 64.09% of its population living below the poverty line. Selection of  My participant selection method included elements 5.1.6 participants of purposive selection mixed with convenient selection and stratified selection. The integrity of the  I ensured the integrity of the study by taking into 5.1.7 study consideration ethical considerations, reliability and validity of the study. Data capturing  Interviews should be guided by questions related to 5.2.1 through the research question. interviews.  Interviews as a data generation method are very popular with qualitative researchers.  In interviews, the researcher is present and is in direct contact with the interviewee.  In this study, voice recordings were used to a limited extent. As some interviewees were not comfortable with it, I transcribed the conversations on-site in cases where I could not record  I predominantly used semi-structured questions.  I used observation to complement the interview process.  To hide the identity of interviewees, I coded them with numbers. Data analysis and  I used textual analysis in this study. 5.2.2 findings.  I did analysis concurrently with data generation.  Once I generated data, I classified it into categories such as forms of adolescent behaviour, factors contributing towards this behaviour, the impact of 159 Chapter 5: Research methodology learner adolescent behaviour and interventions as recommended by the interviewees. 5.4 CONCLUSION In this chapter I was able to answer the sub-question: What is the research methodology and tools that can be used to investigate the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies? The chapter also addressed the key objective of providing the research methodology and research tools to investigate the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies. The chapter locating the study in the relevant research approach, which is qualitative research, and by also locating the study in social constructivism or Interpretivism as the paradigmatic approach. The chapter briefly reminded about the theoretical framework on which this study is based. The chapter then discussed data generation, and put the socio-economic situation of Joe Gqabi district as a contextual factor for this study. The chapter also dealt with the selection of participants, the integrity of the study, data capturing and a brief reference to data analysis. The next chapter provides more detail regarding data analysis by giving a detailed discussion of the findings of the study. These findings will reveal the perceptions and experiences of role- players in education regarding the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies. 160 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers CHAPTER 6: THE PERCEPTIONS AND EXPERIENCES OF ROLE-PLAYERS REGARDING ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR 6.1 INTRODUCTION The previous chapter provided a detailed discussion of the research methodology and research tools used in this study. In this chapter I present and discuss my analysis of the data that I generated. Based on the themes that emerged, I highlight the many dimensions of adolescent learner behaviour, specifically focussing on the forms of adolescent learner behaviour, factors that influence adolescent learner behaviour, and intervention strategies as recommended by role players. I also share my observations as a researcher during the research process. In this chapter I also deal with factors contributing to adolescent leaner behaviour, which include community-related factors divided into the sub-themes of culture, witchcraft, other adults in the community and family-related factors. I also found school-related factors where teachers and peers were identified as contributors to the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour. I have also analysed the impact that learner behaviour has on teaching and learning. The last theme involved interventions that some of the participants carried out, and other steps they recommended. I designed all the questions in the interview schedules taking cognisance of the guidance of the Interpretivist research paradigm. The questions were semi-structured and open-ended to allow the participants to freely talk and share information in the process of interpreting and constructing reality, considering phenomena and the relationships between them in the participants’ own context. As the researcher, I also designed the questions keeping in mind the three theories mentioned in Chapter 2 (cf. 2.2; 2.3; 2.4; 2.5) and under the sub-heading “Reliability or Consistency” (cf. 5.1.7.2). The influence that these theories exerted on the study is more glaring at the stage of analysis and interpretation of data. The information and knowledge I obtained through the review of the literature also influenced the designing of the questions, and in some cases findings are congruent with findings appearing in the literature review. 161 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers I used single quotes to indicate verbatim quotations from the participants, and used, in line with the convention, square brackets for any additional explanation to clarify aspects within the quotations. When quoting the participant in his or her own language, where the language is not English, I wrote the quotation in blue, and my English translation in green, and I put in brackets both the quotation in blue and the English translation in green. Where the participant is quoted speaking English, the print is green. I did this to make it easier for readers unable to read isiXhosa, to simply focus on the green quotes. Deatil about the participants and the way they were coded is provided in section 5.1.6. The next section is on categories and themes under which I classified data obtained from the research participants. 6.2 FORMS OF ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR Various factors are associated with negative adolescent learner behaviour including gangsterism, drugs and alcohol abuse, taking dangerous weapons to school, bullying, displaying a discriminatory attitude, and a general disrespect for adult authority. 6.2.1 GANGSTERISM One of the most frequently mentioned forms of adolescent learner behaviour is gangsterism. Affiliation to specific gangs can be found both inside and outside of schools. Sometimes when there is a clash between learners belonging to different groups, this results in gangsters from outside the school waiting for learners belonging to a rival gang, and a fight ensues. These gangs have names and some participants shared the names amaKarawe and amaRoto. Both #01SG and #02SG, and also #09DO, mentioned the two gangs and added amaTshibusi, amaBhayibhile and the Mama Don’t Cry (known as MDC). #09DO even bemoaned, ‘Aba kuthiwa ngamaMDC ngabona bakhohlakele kakhulu xa ndijongile apha ezikolweni’, which means ‘learners affiliated to the gang called ‘MDC’ are the most cruel ones’. Members of #FG02 (SGB members) as well as #FG05 and #FG03 (RCL members) also emphasised the problem caused by gangsterism in their schools, and also mentioned amaRoto and amaKalawe as the two gangster groups wreaking havoc in the schools by bringing their fights to the school premises. #12LOT reported that ’la maqela emigululukudu azibonakalisa ngeecuts okanye ngendlela anxiba ngayo’, which means ‘gangsters identify themselves by a particular haircut and sometimes by the way they dress’. Sometimes members of a gangster group wear tight pants. This type of behaviour was mentioned frequently by participants from 162 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers the townships, and also to a certain extent by rural dwellers. For instance, #FG01-SGB03 said, ‘La maqela emigewu ufika enxibe iibhulukhwe ezitsobhe amazantsi’, which means these gangs wear tight pants’. #FG09-RCL01 confirmed this as he said, ‘Aba bafana ufika bezute iibhulukhwe ezi’ [these young men wear tight pants]. Participants claimed that gang members from inside the school gang up with those from outside and burgle school property. #FG06-SGB02 summed it up by saying, ‘Amaqela emigulukudu angafundiyo ankampana nabafundi eze kuqhekeza apha esikolweni’ which means, ‘gang members who are not learners are in cahoots with learners and they come and do burglary in the school’. Literature confirms the existence of fights and violence within the South African schooling system (cf. 3.5.1.2). Emphasising how bad gangster fights are at her school, #FG02-SGB03 was at pains to state that the situation was very bad. She even said, ‘Ngeny’imini koze kuphume isidumbu’ [one day these fights will result in death of one of the learners]. She stated that even the police did not help to stop the fights. Gangsterism is one of the problematic behaviour mentioned in the Statement of the problem. On the other hand, in the school of #15PR, fights by gangsters used to take place in the past but not anymore. When there is a fight in the school premises, they simply phone the taxi ranks and the taxi operators would come to the school and deal with the fighting gangsters. The participant said, ‘amapolisa akasincedi nganto. Kwakuthi ukuze kulunge sifounele oonotaxi erank. Bona ke bebefika bawahlukanise ngemvubu amaqela alwayo’, which means, ‘on seeing that the police were not effective in stopping fights between the gangsters in the school, we phoned the taxi operators from the taxi rank. They stopped the fights through the use of sjambok to cane the fighters’. According to this participant, taxi operators are more effective than the police in dealing with fights in the school. This participant added that ‘ukulwa kwamaqela emigulukudu kwenza abafundi boyike ukuza esikolweni’ which means ‘gangster fights had a negative effect on learner attendance as learners do not come to school for fear of being attacked’. Some learners even failed to come to school during examinations. #15PR made an example by narrating a story of a boy who only wrote a morning examination paper and asked for permission to visit the clinic after the paper. He did not come back for the afternoon paper. It turned out that the boy was running away from gangsters who were going to wait for him on the way back home after the afternoon paper. So serious were the fights in the school of #15PR that they even led to the death of learners. #15PR reported that ‘ngo2016 sabhujelwa 163 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers ngabantwana abathathu, wamnye kwagrade 09 baba babini kwagrade 08. Saze ngo2017 sabhujejelwa ngumfundi kagrade 09 waba mnye’, which means ‘in 2016, the school lost to death three learners (one grade 0 and two grade 8 learners) and in 2017, the school lost one grade 9 learner’. This participant further reported that fights start outside the school, but boys end up hitting one another in class. On the negative effects that such fights have on the learners, #15PR sums it up by saying ‘aba bantwana bathabatheka yimilo eyenzeka kufuphi nesikolo bejongile’ [learners focus on fights, which sometimes take place close to the school premises in full view of the learners]. #17PR (a school principal) reported that ‘olunye uhlobo lomlo wemigulukudu olwenzeka apha esikolweni luba phakathi kwabafundi abolukileyo nabangekoluki’, which means ‘the form of gangsterism that takes place in her school is a fight between the initiated boys who come from the mountain and those who have not yet gone to the mountain for initiation’. A male learner from one group would provoke another from a rival other group, others join and a fight ensues. #FG08:01 (RCL member) confirmed this as she claimed that ‘uchuku lususwa ngumntu omnye, abanye bangenelele’ [trouble is started by one person and others join]. All these forms of violence confirm what research says because research shows that school violence affects not only the perpetrator and victim but also the bystander. School violence leads to social anxiety, delinquency, reduced academic engagement and symptoms of depression (Janozs, et al., 2018: 5). Gangster-related fights fit in with the three theories backing this study. These fights confirm the need for belonging as stated in Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model (cf. 2.2). According to Erikson’s Psychosocial Development Theory, adolescence is a stage where adolescents connect meaningfully with others as part of forming and consolidating identity, and peer influence is an important factor affecting the formation of identity (cf. 2.3). Miller’s Theory of Lower Class Culture is also in line with these fights as it argues that peer influence is very important for the behaviour of adolescents. Toughness characterised by displaying physical prowess and fearlessness is one of the focal concerns for male adolescents in poverty-stricken societies (cf. 2.4). 6.2.2 DRUGS AND ALCOHOL ABUSE Drug abuse was reported to be such a serious problem that #09DO even stated that ‘when you are in class, you can easily detect a child in drugs’. She claimed, ‘usetyenziso lweziyobisi luyathungelana. Abasebenzisa inyaope basebenzisa ibenzene neglue. Bathi ke bakuzisebenzisa ezi ziyobisi babe neengcwangu balwe kumaqela emigewu’ [drugs such as 164 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers dagga with nyaope, benzene and glue usually go together. There is a connection between drug abuse by learners and gangsterism as gangsterism is a culmination of drug abuse]. #08DO went on at length about substance abuse at school, stating that ‘aba bantwana babuya bexakile emva kwebreak’ [the behaviour of learners becomes worse after break]. #19LOT, #FG05-RCL01 and #FG05-RCL02 reported that learners use drugs at school, and this is evident by the fact that they become worse after break as they smoke dagga during the break. #FG05- RCL02 even bemoaned ‘abafundi abaphatheki emva kwebreak ngenxa yeedrugs’, which means ‘learners become worse after break because of drugs’. According to #08DO, learners visit tuck shops during break, where they buy muffins. There are two types of muffins, the plain ones and those that have drugs inside. Although this participant did not mention an example of the terminology, he claimed ‘aba bantwana bayazi ukuba mabafike bathini xa befuna ezi muffins zinedrugs’, which means that ‘learners seem to know the terminology to use when wanting those with drugs’. Both #06SW and #07SW mentioned the issue of drug abuse as a serious problem in our schools, and a number of participants (#05POL, #FG05-RCL01, #FG05-RCL02, #FG05-RCL03, #FG11-RCL02, #FG09- RCL03) even revealed that learners go to the extent of selling drugs. The method of drug abuse mentioned by #05POL is that of taking a small amount of drugs and putting it on a small stick. Then they light the drug and it starts smoking. They inhale the smoke. She said ‘ezi drugs bazifumana kwizipaza zoomy friend’ [the drugs are from the tuck shops of foreigners]. They first give this to learners for free until they get addicted, and they become regular customers. #08DO also confirmed this as he said, ’abantwana bafumana iidrugs kwizipaza zabantu abavela kwamanye amazwe’, which means ‘learners get some drugs from the tuck shops owned by foreign nationals’. What the participants meant was that even though the problem of drugs cannot be put totally on the shoulders of foreign nationals, some of them do sell drugs to learners and to other people during break and after school. In corroboration with other participants on the issue of drug abuse, #10PR asserts that ‘these learners experiment with drugs especially dagga and sex’. This confirms Erikson’s Psychosocial Development Theory where he says that adolescents experiment in various ways in an attempt to pave way towards setting their own values and goals as part of identity formation (cf. 2.3.2) ‘They [the learners] think that they are grown up yet they cannot differentiate between what is right and what is wrong’, exclaimed #10PR. 165 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers As reflected in the literature review chapter, participants confirm that drug abuse has a negative impact on brain health (cf. 3.3). Indeed, #09DO was of the view that drugs are a brain destroyer when she said ‘iidrugs zibamosha ingqondo abantwana batshike iititshala’ [the drugs destroy the children’s minds to the point where they end up defying teachers]. Drugs are so addictive to the extent that some learners even asked to be helped by #09DO to get out of drugs. Weighing in on the issue of drug abuse, #12LOT said ‘sititsha abantwana abaqhunyiweyo’ [we teach learners whose minds are unstable because of smoking dagga]. This participant also reported on other effects of drug abuse on learners – they sometimes sleep in class, at times laugh when asked questions, and they definitely smell like dagga. The drugs, #12LOT reported, lead to learners sleeping in class during teaching and not paying attention to what is being taught. Drugs affect the appetite of users and they do not eat enough. The participant said that his research shows that ‘abantwana abatya iidrugs abalambi’ [learners who consume drugs do not go hungry]. He confirmed that because of not eating enough, these learners become physically weak. #17PR established a causal connection between dagga use and bullying. She reported that the most violent and bullying learners usually test positive for drugs. #16PR also threw some light on alcohol and drug abuse, sharing that it is easy to detect a learner who is under the influence of drugs ‘the learners come to school dizzy with drug smoking and they backchat disrespectfully’. Drug abuse is such a serious problem in our schools that #20PR claimed that the source of drugs for the learners of his school is the contractor that is building their school. He even bemoaned ‘ndixakiwe esi sikolo sigqitywa nini ukwakhiwa’ [I wonder when they [the building contractor] are finishing building this school]. Responses extracted from the participants in this study show the prevalence of drug abuse in our schools. This is happening despite the fact that South Africa has been a signatory of the United Nations Convention on Rights of the Child since 1995. According to Article 33 of this convention, it is mandatory to all the signatory states to implement measures to protect children from age 0 to 18 from the production, use and trafficking of drugs (DBE a. 2013:13). Drug and alcohol abuse is also part of the adolescent learner behaviour that the participants mentioned. The participants were corroborating the problem of drug and alcohol abuse and the selling of drugs as being a serious problem in South African schools (Balazi, 2012:11). In 166 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers their study Janozs, et al. (2018:5), found that witnessing school violence at the age of 13 was a good predictor of drug abuse at age 15. Drug abuse is a good predictor of low scholastics achievement, leading to a high repetition rate and absenteeism, which climaxes into learners dropping out of school. This is according to Sutherland and Shepherd (as cited in DBE a., 2013:11). The next section addresses the issue of alcohol abuse. 6.2.3 ALCOHOL ABUSE Alcohol abuse also seems to be a problem that one cannot ignore in our schools, according to the participants in this study. #FG01-SGB01 admitted that in her school there was an incident of a learners who was drunk and was brought to the SGB. #15PR also confirmed that even in his school, alcohol abuse is a problem. He blamed alcohol consumption on the cold climate and on the piece jobs people have. Piece jobs give people an opportunity to have money, with which they buy alcohol for the learners and they warm themselves up by drinking, as he said ‘ndisola nokubanda oku kule ndawo ukuba kudala abantu basele kakhulu ukuzishushubeza. Imeko yenziwa ibe mbi kukuba abantu bebamba amapiece job batsho babe nemali yokuthenga utywala [I suspect the cold in this area has been causing people to drink too much to warm themselves. The situation is worsened by the fact that people are taking piece jobs and then have money that can buy alcohol]. #12LOT also confirmed that the learners in his school do take alcohol. He even said they come to the examination drunk and he made the example ’enye inkwenkwe yayinxilile xa sasiyodlala kwesinye isikolo’ [there was this one school boy who was drunk when we were visiting another school for a friendly match]. It is worth noting that schools still suffer from the problem of alcohol and drug abuse, despite the dangers associated with them. The former Director-General for the Department of Basic Education, Mr P.B. Soobrayan, commented as follows in the foreword he wrote when releasing a document on the prevention and management of alcohol and drug use: “Alcohol and drug use has a detrimental effect on the health and well-being of South Africa, and is well recognised as a significant barrier to both teaching and learning” (DBE a., 2013:i). By this citation, he was showing how bad substance abuse is for teaching and learning. 167 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers 6.2.4 THE CARRYING OF DANGEROUS WEAPONS Participants also mentioned the carrying of dangerous weapons to school as a serious problem that needs attention. #09DO stated emphatically that teachers teach learners who are carrying weapons. She shrugged her shoulders and asked a rhetorical question, ‘Umntwana uzofunda kanjani ephethe imesi?’ [How can a learner carrying a knife be expected to learn?]. In the same way #15PR reported that learners carry dangerous weapons such as knives and battle axes. He said, ‘bendisanda kuthatha isitshetshe komnye umfana’ [just recently, I confiscated a knife from one young man [referring to a male learner]’}. #15PR reported that ‘aba bafana bakhulula intloko le yezembe bayifake kwibag yeencwadi baze umphini bawufihle etoilet. Kuba lula ke ukubaleka baye kuthatha umphini etoilet balihlanganise izembe xa kufuneka kuliwe’ [these school boys hide battle axes by loosening the head of the axe and putting it inside the school bag and hide the handle in the toilet. Then it is easy to quickly fasten the head of the axe to its handle when the fight begins]. The act of bringing dangerous weapons to school and getting involved in fights, can be associated with the Social Discipline Model. According to this theory, misbehaving learners may want to fulfil the need for power and control. In this need, adolescent learners want things to go their own way. In displaying such antagonistic behaviour, these learners gain satisfaction from intimidating other learners and teachers into subjugation (cf. 2.2.2.). The adolescent learners in the schools under study display the need for seeking revenge. Adolescents wanting to satisfy this need, according to the Social Discipline Model, will display violent behaviour by lashing out to other learners and teachers, wanting to revenge themselves for hurt feelings. This is a form of attacking behaviour (cf. 2.2.2). 6.2.5 RECKLESS SEXUAL BEHAVIOUR Another form of learner behaviour mentioned by the participants was improper sexual behaviour. This behaviour at times takes the form of reckless sexual behaviour by learners in inappropriate places, early sexual debut and, at worst, rape. #08DO said that ‘in taverns both adults and learners engage in sex without using condoms’. Research by Parry et al. (2009) as reported in (DBE a., 2013:12) associated drug abuse with risky sexual behaviour. Interviews conducted as part of this research found that, among the sexually active participants, those who used drugs, had sex with multiple partners when they were under the influence. For instance, #FG3-SGB02 reported that ‘abafundi abadla iidrugs bayathanda ukulala nabantu 168 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers abaninzi abahlukeneyo’, which means, [learners on drugs have multiple sexual partners]. Similarly #FG7-SGB03 said ‘abona bantwana baziphethe kakubi ngokwesondo ngaba batya iidrugs’, which means, ‘the sexually misbehaving learners are usually those on drugs’. #17PR furthermore lamented that learners entering the adolescent stage become taken up by love affairs. They sleep around with different partners and as a result the girls fall pregnant (‘abantwana abafikisayo baluthathela phezulu uthando bahamba belalana esithubeni’ [adolescent learners get taken up by love and sleep around]). #23LOT claims that in his school, the pregnancy rate is high because learners are fond of having sex as they even have it on the school premises. He bemoaned that ‘omnye umfundi wabelekela estaff room’ [one learner gave birth in the staff room]. He blamed this on cultural practices, stating that for as long as talking to children about sex remain a taboo in our communities, this behaviour is not likely to end. 6.2.6 BULLYING #10PR stated that bullying is a problem for learners. It takes the form of bigger learners bullying the smaller ones. #17PR mentioned an interesting form of bullying that takes place in her school. They discovered that the highest teenage pregnancy rate in their school was for grade 8 and 9 girls. When tracing the cause, they discovered that grade 12 male learners were responsible for this high rate of pregnancy in the younger classes. The school discovered that grade 12 boys used their status to bully the young girls who were finding themselves in a new environment as they were from the primary schools. She said, ‘abafana bakwagrade 12 banyanzela la mantombazana mancinane ukuba athandane nabo ukuze bawakhusele’ [The grade 12 boys force these young girls into relationships with them, in order to be protected in the new environment and they have sex with them, resulting in the young girls falling pregnant]. This participant also mentioned bullying and associated bullying in terms of the initiation ritual. She mentioned instances where the initiates bully one another according to the length of time that had elapsed since their return from the mountain8. As a result, the newly initiated 8 This length of time, counted in years, is called izilimela- plural and isilimela -singular in the Nguni culture. [ISilimela is an isiXhosa name for the month of June, and the name of this month is used to count the number of years of experience as an initiated man. It was chosen because in the past the ritual was done strictly during this winter month]. 169 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers got bullied and provoked into fighting if they so desired. To substantiate, I quote #FG07- SGB01 who said, ‘abanezilimela ezininzi baqhwaya abo basanda kuvela entabeni bade bacaphuke kuliwe’, [those who have gone to the initiation school earlier provoke the new initiates until a fight ensues]). 6.2.7 DISPLAYING A DISCRIMINATORY ATTITUDE Another form of misbehaviour is disrespect for teachers and other adults, as members of FG02-SGB unanimously agreed on. They said that these learners display a discriminatory attitude towards foreign teachers, who do not understand their language, and towards newly appointed teachers, who cannot identify them [the learners] by name. #FG01-SGB03 (SGB member) was at pains to clarify the point by giving the following examples: To discriminate against a teacher, they would, for instant say, ‘awungoprincipal’ [you are not the principal], to any teacher who calls them to order. To the SGB members, they simple say, ‘awungotitshala’ [you are not a teacher]. An important point that #17PR mentioned is that over-aged learners are involved in this discriminatory behaviour, and that they like to play to the gallery. She said, ‘bayamosha ukuze bafumane amanqaku kwabanye abafundi’ [they [over-aged learners] misbehave and in that process they gain points from other learners]. For instance, they would come to school not wearing a uniform. It is important for them to gain recognition and respect from other learners. This is in line with Dreikurs’ contention in his Social Discipline Model (cf. 2.2) when he says that learners display deviant behaviour to attract attention from other learners and from teachers. 6.2.8 VANDALISM Confirming the existence of vandalism in her school, #17PR reported that ‘the learners in my school have developed what I can call the “dependency syndrome”. Learners depend too much on assistance from outside themselves. They do not own their own education as a means of liberating them from dependency on others. They have a tendency of thinking that they will depend on government aid for the rest of their lives. They even cut seats of buses that carry them to school with razor blades’. #19LOT (a teacher) reported that one learner used pepper spray on another learner, and she bemoaned that the Department does not allow the expulsion of learners even when they pose danger to other learners (‘omnye umfundi 170 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers waxhola omnye ngokumvuthela ngepepper spray. Ngelishwa iSebe alivumi abafundi bagxothwe nokuba bayingozi kwabanye’). Emphasising the issue of learner vandalism, #23LOT says that learners focus too much on their rights and ignore the responsibilities that come with them (‘aba bantwana baqwalasele amalungelo abo kuphela bengalunaki uxanduva oluhamba nalo malungelo’). Another form of vandalism mentioned by #12LOT was when she said ‘ukuphelelwa kwaba bantwana sisismilo kuquka ngokuchitha-chitha nokutya phantsi xa beziva behluthi’, which means ‘the mischief of the learners includes spilling NSNP [National School Nutrition Programme] food on the floor all over the place when learners feel that they had enough food’. All the forms of complexities of adolescent learner behaviour mentioned above are interrelated and they overlap in a complex way. One cannot mention drug and alcohol abuse without mentioning violent fights and bullying. Even reckless sexual conduct connects with other forms such as drug and alcohol abuse and bullying. Adolescent learners from multicultural indigent societies do all this as part of their need to belong and be accepted, in line with the Social Discipline Model of Dreikurs. The need for belonging is a basic need, and the failure to meet it invariably breeds misbehaviour (Carrol & Hamilton, 2016:60). All these complexities are a threat to a safe, secure and positive environment, which is a key essential for learners to focus and absorb what is being taught in the classroom (Mestry & Khumalo, 2012:97). 6.2.9 OTHER FORMS ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR Other forms misbehaviour mentioned by the participants are disrespect for adults in general and for teachers in particular. #18TL bemoaned that ‘abafundi abamoshayo bade bangahloniphi neRCL le bayitsho ke ngoko izive ingenamandla’, that means ‘misbehaving learners disrespect and even render the Representative Council for Learners (RCL) helpless’. In his school, he reported that learners are over-aged and they do not even recognise the leadership role of the RCL. The RCL members end up being scared of these learners. He said that ‘abanye abafundi badala kangangokuba bade badele neetitshala kuba bangoontanga nazo’, which means ‘so over-aged are the boys that they even treat young teachers disdainfully because after all they are of the same age group with those teachers]). Members of #FG09, #FG11 and #FG12 (all RCL members) confirmed the challenge they had in controlling 171 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers misbehaviour among learners older than themselves. #FG11-RCL01 in this regard tried to explain that ‘asikwazi ukunika abakhuluwa bethu imiyalelo’ [we cannot give instructions to boys bigger than us]. #FG04-SGB05 mentioned minor misbehaviours such as staying out of the classroom, basking in the sun and causing chaos when the teacher is absent. He stated that ‘misbehaving learners cause chaos by staying outside the classrooms when there is no teacher in the class’. This participant also mentioned absenteeism and the bunking of classes, by saying that ‘at times these learners absent themselves and bunk classes without permission’. #FG04-SGB04 added that ‘these [misbehaving] learners display bad behaviour even towards teachers when the learner leadership takes them to the teachers’. This participant also reported that ‘learners smoke in the toilets and they do not account for their bad behaviour’. A number of participants, including #10PR, #23LOT, #FG01-SGB03 and #FG08-RCL03, highlighted that learners at times display disrespect for teachers by being disruptive in the classroom. #10PR, for instance, said that ‘misbehaving learners disrespect teachers by disrupting their classes’, while # FG08-RCL03 reported that ‘some learners do not want to co- operate and obey school rules even when we request them to do so’. Learners are apparently not doing homework and are playing truant ‘some learners do not do homework and they absent themselves as they will from school (#23LOT)’. In spite of regulations prohibiting this, learners seem to use their cell phones in school, and some of the male learners even watch pornographic material ‘some leaners attend classes carrying cellular phones despite them [cellular phones] being banned according to the school policy. They end up not paying attention to the teacher but showing each other pornographic material’ (#13LOT). #11PR mentioned an unusual case when he reported this: Aba bantwana banikwa ngutitshala iattendance register ukuba bayisigne. Umfundi othile wavele wazoba abantu belalana. Lo mfanekiso wathabatha indawo ke number one ukuya kutsho kuseven. Into emangalisayo kukuba abanye abafundi bafake amagama abo ukuqala kunumber 8 ingabothusi le yalo mafanekiso [a learner instead of writing his name on the circulating attendance register drew a picture of a man and a woman having sex. Surprisingly, other learners signed their names below that picture [without showing to be surprised]. The picture took a space of number 1 to number 7, and learners started writing 172 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers their names and signing from number 8. It was when the attendance register was submitted that the teacher saw the drawing]. #09DO also mentioned the use of a mirror as another form of misbehaviour by the adolescent learners. When the girls are standing, for example when singing in the choir, a boy learner would quietly put a mirror between the legs of a girl, facing up. Then the boys would entertain themselves by looking at the girl’s genital area using the mirror (’amakhwenkwe abeka isipili phakathi kwemilenze yntombazana xa imile kuculwa. La makhwenkwe azonwabisa ngokukroba intombazana leyo ngaphantsi ngokusebenzisa esi sipili’). While most of the forms of learner misbehaviour mentioned by the participants correspond with literature (cf. 3.3.3), I did not come across the use of mirror to show another learner’s genitals, the use of pepper spray and the spilling of food on the floor in the literature. 6.3 FACTORS THAT INFLUENCE ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR IN MULTICULTURAL INDIGENT SOCIETIES In line with what appeared in the literature review chapter, the participants identified various factors contributing towards adolescent learner behaviour. These factors are related to community, culture, school, family, peer groups and socio-economic conditions. Much to my surprise as researcher, participants also mentioned witchcraft as a factor. Witchcraft was not revealed in the literature review. I refer to these factors as “contributory factors” and not “causes”. “Causes” sound like it is giving absolute answers without allowing for a differing opinion. That view has no room in the Interpretivist research paradigm. Using the term “contributory factors” allows for a multiplicity of realities, because it allows for a reality that there may be other factors that may have a share in contributing to the type of behaviour in question. This confirms Litchman’s view (2013:24) of the existence of the multitude of realities, rather than one absolute reality. Merriam (2009:171) also corroborates this as she postulates that the existence of this multiplicity of realities depends on the interpretation of the people interpreting reality as they interact socially with the situation around them. This study therefore does not intend to establish a cause and effect relationship, as is the case in quantitative research when researchers establish and explain the relationships between variables (Van Rensburg, et al., 2013:127). The next section is on factors influencing adolescent learner behaviour in a 173 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers complex way. It is worth noting that these factors do not operate in a monolithic way, instead there is some overlapping between some of them. 6.3.1 COMMUNITY-RELATED FACTORS Participant after participant blamed drug abuse by learners on the community. #11PR stated: Uluntu lwale ndawo luthengisa iidrugs lusebenzisa nabantwana baluthengisele iigrugs apha esikolweni. Kuba lula ukubona umfundi odle iidrugs xa bebuya after break. Abafundi abadala bafundisa abancinane ukungena kwiidrugs [the community sells drugs and they also give drugs to the learners to sell. After break it is easy to a see change in learner behaviour because of drug consumption that occurs during break time. Older learners force younger ones to learn to smoke through bullying them]. #13LOT similarly complained that drugs and liquor are sold to learners in her school. She recalled a scenario when she saw girls smoking dagga that they had bought from the community, by saying ‘iidrugs ziyathengiswa kwesi sikolo. Ngenye imini ndabona intombazana eyayiqhunywe ziidrugs apha esikolweni’. Similar experiences were raised by a number of participants, including #12LOT, #17PR and #FG05-RCL03, confirming that drugs and alcohol come from the community, and that these are brought to the school. #10PR in addition stated that in her school community, there was a big uproar when the community changed from being a farming community to being a commercial community with the establishment of a big factory. She said that ‘this change [the establishment of a factory] brought about the establishment of taverns close to the school’. King et al. (as cited in DBE a., 2013:10) contend that the community’s attitude towards smoking has a knock-on effect on adolescent smoking and drinking behaviour. Parry et al. (as cited in DBE a., 2013:10) also corroborate this as they argue that exposure to public drunkenness is associated with alcohol abuse by adolescents. On a positive note, Janozs, et al. (2018:6) pick up family support and a good relationship with the community as some of the important strategies to curb the problem of drugs among learners. The literature review chapter also confirmed that the community has a shared responsibility regarding adolescent learner behaviour (cf. 3.3.3.1). 174 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers 6.3.2 FAMILY-RELATED FACTORS The word “family” is used in a broad sense in this study to include parents, grandparents and carers (Mitchell, 2008:132). Home is a factor where learner disruptive behaviour is concerned. Children may be experiencing regular verbal abuse, malnutrition and a dysfunctional family at home (Rogers, 2015:1-2). 6.3.2.1 PARENTS AND HOW THEY TREAT INITIATES Parents, especially mothers, are blamed for the tendency to treat initiates as adults by buying them tobacco and alcohol after having undergone the initiation ritual. These initiates include learners. This is how #03LIF put it: ‘abazali bamakrwala ngakumbi oomama bayabamosha abantwana ngokubathatha ngokuba bangamadoda batsho babathengele necuba’ [parents of the newly initiated boys spoil their son by treating them as adults when they come from the initiation school. They even buy them tobacco and alcohol]). Families are no longer able to play their role in disciplining the initiates, because some families are headed by women (‘namadoda kufuneka eve ngaba mama kuba abanye babo banemali’ [men have to take instructions from these women [mothers of initiates] because some of them have money]) (#04LIF). Because of a lack of transparency, or even because of the secrecy surrounding the initiation ritual, female parents get taken for a ride by these young initiates. The young initiates convince their parents to buy them tobacco and alcohol, and this is not what they [the initiates] are supposed to be learning from the initiation school. 6.3.2.2 ABUSIVE HOMES AND PARENTS SETTING BAD EXAMPLES A home environment where parents fail to lead by example by doing things that adolescent learners model at school, is also a force to be reckoned with in moulding adolescent learner behaviour. #01SG and #02SG argued that child abuse begins at home with the consumption of the child support grant, verbal abuse, drunkenness, fights between parents and parents beating children when drunk. #01SG put this clearly when she said, ‘ukuabuse(wa) kwabantwana kuqala ekhaya ngokutyiwa kwegrant yabanywana, ngokuthukwa kwabo, kunxilwe kuliwe ngabazali phambi kwabo’ [child abuse starts with parents consuming children’s child support grant money, verbally abusing children, drunkenness and fighting in front of the children]. #11PR and also #22TLO are of the view that these learners are not taught discipline at home. In concurring, #02SG reported that ‘kwimizi enezindlu nganye 175 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers abazali balalana phambi kwabantwana. Loo nto ikhokelele ekubeni abantwana bacinge ukuba isex ingenziwa naphi na, batsho bayenze esikolweni bakhulelwe’ [families living in one-room houses expose children to sex. This leads children to believe that sex can be done anywhere and at any time. They do this at school and it contributes to the high rate of teenage pregnancy]. According to these participants, all of these factors contribute to learners going to school harbouring anger, which turns to violence at school. In some households, fathers smoke dagga and share it with their children who are of school-going age. To concur with this, #09DO argued that some parents cannot differentiate between right and wrong as they use drugs and engage in sex in front of their children, and learners copy that behaviour at school. They send under-age children to go and buy them liquor, and smoke dagga with their children. #09DO quoted one child as having said ‘mna andikwazi ukungayitshayi intsangu, utata lirasta utshaya intsangu’ [I can’t not smoke dagga as I am following in the footsteps of my dad who smokes dagga because of his Rastafarian religion]. #11PR furthermore confirmed that parents are not taking the education of their children seriously. Parents complain if teachers or the principal is strict in maintaining the school rules, and they see this as abuse of their children by saying that ‘abazali abayinakanga imfundo yabantwana babo, bathi xa iprincipal istrict ixhaphaza abantwana babo’ [parents do not care about the importance of their children’s education. They are not supportive of the strict discipline of their children]. To corroborate this, #15PR told me the following: There is a girl in my school who was frequently absent from school. When the school followed the matter up with the girl, she just cried and reported that the cause was her mother who did not care about her education. She further reported that her mother was an alcoholic who did not support the girl’s schooling. I got the contact number of the girl’s mother and I called her about the frequent absenteeism of the girl. The mother’s response was the following: ndingumzali mna, andifundi, ndisetywaleni. Ningamgxothi nje loo mntwana xa engahambi sikolo? [I am a parent and not a school kid, I am enjoying alcohol as you speak. Why do you not expel that child if she is frequently absent from school?]. This response, the participant concluded, indicated a complete disregard by the parent for the education of her child. Indeed, as the study continued, more and more participants blamed adolescent learner behaviour on parents. #20PR, for instance, argued that parents, like their children, also do not know the meaning of the word “no”, and said ‘aba bantwana njengabazali 176 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers babo abamazi u’hayi’ ukuba uthetha ukuthini’, which means ‘parents, like their children do not know the meaning of the word ‘no’’. #15PR furthermore added to the issue of family as a factor affecting the behaviour of adolescent learners, by stating that ‘aba bantwana abanambeko yaye ukungabi nambeko bakufumana kubazali babo’ [learners are disrespectful and disrespect emanates from their families at home]. #05POL agreed with the view ‘charity begins at home’ and the adolescent learners misbehave because the home is contributing’, and explained that it was common for them (as police officers) to receive reports on child abuse at home by members of the family. She said: These children get raped by uncles and the families treat that with kid gloves. This is because the uncle is the brother to the mother and son to the grandparents. At times raped adolescent girls get pregnant and they become scared of reporting that the damage was done by the uncle. #15PR reported that in his school There was this girl who did not do all her homework and who was performing very badly academically. I asked the reason for what appeared to be an uncaring attitude on the side of the girl. Her response surprised me. She reported that her home was a one-room house. Her mother slept with her boyfriend in this room every day. That left the girl with no choice but to leave and go and sleep with her boyfriend every night too. When she was with her boyfriend, she did not have any chance to do her schoolwork. #16PR traced drinking behaviour back to the home and the family. She reported that some of these learners come from families where everybody drinks alcohol. She also blamed the parents for relating badly to their children, and she perceived this as exacerbating bad learner behaviour. When they are treated with an iron glove at home, these learners, according to this participant, turn to alcohol, which they say makes them feel numb and forget about the ill treatment at home. This is how she put it: ‘aba bantwana basuka kumakhaya apho wonke umntu aselayo kutsho kuthethwe kakubi nabantwana. Xa abantwana bephethwe kakubi ekhaya babhenela etywaleni ukuze balibale ngempatho-mbi’ [these children come from families where everybody drinks alcohol and verbally abuse children. When children get ill- treatment at home, they resort to alcohol abuse for comfort]. She recalled a story of a girl 177 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers who always came to school drunk. The girl stated that she felt like a prostitute because she sleeps with older men when she is drunk. 6.3.2.3 PARENTS NOT SUPPORTING THEIR CHILDREN’S SCHOOLING AND CHILD NEGLECT #15PR reported that the majority of parents in the community surrounding his school work in the primary sector of the economy, such as on potato farms, and they do not have the time to supervise their children at home. #10PR, #12LOT and #FG05-RCL04 also mentioned that parents do not come to school, even when invited. To these participants, that exacerbates adolescent learner behaviour, as the teachers seem to not be getting the support from parents when it matters the most. #13LOT, for instance, said that parents do not take the education of their children seriously (‘abazali baba bantwana abayikhathalelanga imfundo yabantwana babo’ [parents do not care about the education of their children]). She made an example of the day she confiscated a cellular phone of a learner who was showing the others pornographic material, for safekeeping until the schools close, in line with the policy of the school. She said that the parent came in person to plead for the release of the phone, regardless of what the child did. On the contributory role of parents to learner behaviour, #18TL blamed parents by saying the following: Aba bantwana bahlala bodwa emagxamesini kufuphi nesikolo kungekho mzali. Ngenxa yokungabikho komzali abanye bayahlalisana. Lentlalo imosha nabantwana abasuka umakhaya anengqeqesho Akukho mzali wakuqinisekisa ukuba bayafunda ekhaya [parents arrange rented cottages for their children to stay close to the school and leave them unsupervised. Lack of supervision makes even children coming from homes with discipline to start living as married couples in the cottages. Parents also do not care as they do not encourage their children to study at home]. To corroborate this finding, Mapp, Johnson, Strickland and Meza (2008:340) conducted a study of which the rationale was to explore the reasons behind methods used to support their secondary school children for the parents who choose to do so. These authors confirm in their study that there is indeed a visible decline in parental support at the level of secondary education. Based on the research findings, these authors hold a view that family support has a bearing on the secondary school child’s educational achievement. In what these authors refer to as “parents’ sense of efficacy”, they believe that parents become more involved in 178 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers supporting their children’s education when they believe that they possess the requisite skills and knowledge to support the education of their children, and when there is a good relationship between the school and the home. They support the children’s education when they find school staff and children displaying an inviting attitude towards them (Mapp, et al., 2008:343). Other forms of family contribution to the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour, according to #01SG and #02SG, is through families failing to report drug dealers operating within their communities. They also reported young mothers who neglect their children by locking them in the house when they want to go away, and general neglect by parents. #01SG reported that ‘iifamilies azibareporti abathengisa iidrugs. Oomama abasebancinane batshixela abantwana abancinane batsho babashiye’ [young mothers lock their children in the house and go gallivanting]. All of these factors, the participants argued, lead to anger on the part of children. That anger manifests itself in the form of school violence. To address this problem of non-cooperation by parents, the neglect of schooling of their children and not supporting their children, teachers recommend joint workshops for educators and parents (Balazi, 2012:27). 6.3.2.4 BROKEN FAMILIES #10PR is of the view that there is a relationship between fatherless families and teenage pregnancies. She argues that ‘girls growing up without the love of a father figure end up looking for love anywhere, and they fall victim to pregnancy at a tender age’. When discussing the defence mechanisms found in Freud’s psychoanalytic view of personality, I interpret the behaviour of these teenage girls to be what Freud terms “compensation”. They are compensating for the absence of a father by falling in love with older men (Mwamwenda, 1996:332). This participant further stated that, because of fights at home, children end up misbehaving at school as a way of seeking attention. She further argued that there is always a reason for misbehaviour. This is in line with Dreikurs’ Theory of Social Discipline Model. In this theory, Dreikurs argue that behaviour is purposeful (cf. 2.2.). In this theory Dreikurs further argues that there are four goals that motivate learners to misbehave. Of the four goals, attention seeking is relevant regarding the point mentioned by #10PR. In this regard #22TL stated that ‘aba bantwana bamosha kuba befuna uhoyo kodwa olu hoyo bade balufune nakwiindawo ezingeziso’ [these learners misbehave because they seek attention. They end up seeking attention from wrong sources]. Dreikurs contends that learners misbehave in 179 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers order to attract attention from adults such as teachers. If they do not get attention, they resort to more problematic behaviour until the teacher attends to them (cf. 2.2.). #11PR, together with #20PR, raised the issue of child-headed families. They stated that some learners stay all alone by themselves at their homes, with no parent figure to guide them on issues of discipline. This is the case because, in some instances, parents are deceased or they are working in metropolitan cities. #15PR explained that ‘uninzi lwaba bantwana abahlali nabazali. Baphetha bengabazali kubantakwabo abancinane’ [these children, in majority do not live with parents in their homes. The eldest sibling therefore has to act as a parent to younger siblings]. They are family heads at their tender age, and staying in RDP houses [Reconstruction and Development Programme houses built by government for poor families]. #17PR highlighted that the learners who have the responsibility of heading families at home are not used to being given instructions because they give instructions to the others. They feel like they are being harassed when given instruction. She summed it all up when she said ‘abazi xa kusithiwa ‘hayi’ ukuba kuthethwa ntoni kuba ngabo abanika imiyalelo ekhaya’ [they [the learners] do not know the meaning of ‘no’ because they are in charge at home]. On family-related factors, # 17PL and #22TL also blamed adolescent learner behaviour on families. #22TL even said that ‘umonakalo usekhaya ngesi similo saba bantwana’ [the problem around learner behaviour emanates from home]. As also stated in the literature review (cf. 3.3.3.1), these participants reported that parents have abdicated their role as parents. They do not play their roles as supervisors and guides to their children, and as a result there is a serious gap in parental involvement. The participant knew that some parents are deceased, but she said that there are those who are just alcoholics. On the issue of deceased parents leaving orphans, #19LOT reported that ‘kukho ingxaki yeefamilies ezikhokelwa ngabantwana abaziinkedama kuba abazali babhubhayo. Amalungu efamily akabafuni aba bantwana xa bengabhatalwa igrant’ [there are child-headed families of orphans, and members of extended families do not want to adopt those who do not get the foster care grant from government]. From the inputs of the participants as stated above, one can easily conclude that the home is key in moulding adolescent learner behaviour. In the home environment the parent is key by leading the children by example, and by giving them attention and love. The unfortunate part is that our extended families are not as strong as they used to be. They are now influenced by the need and greed for money when they cannot now support orphans when orphans do not have a child support grant from government. This leads to child-headed families in 180 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers poverty-stricken communities, which is not good for the moulding of adolescent learner behaviour. This affects families across the multicultural space. According to Miller’s Theory of Lower Class culture, adolescent children brought up in economically-stressed families and communities resort to criminal activities such as drug and alcohol abuse (Bezuidenhout & Joubert, 2009:77), hence they display unacceptable behaviour at school. 6.3.3 FACTORS RELATED TO CULTURE Sub-topics that will be treated under this topic include the initiation ritual and its original form, the abuse in the mountain, the initiation ritual and alcohol abuse, the initiation ritual and bullying, initiates in the school environment, and other forms of culture that impact on the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies. 6.3.3.1 THE ORIGINS OF THE INITIATION RITUAL AND HOW IT CHANGED In line with what is reported in the literature review chapter (cf. 3.3.3.1), participants see the initiation ritual as contributing complexity to adolescent learner behaviour. The background to this culture, according to #03LIF, is that this ritual went wayward when missionaries arrived and condemned the tradition. He explained: The missionaries introduced formal education and to them formal education and this ritual were mutually exclusive and one had to choose one and not the other. This resulted in educated people not getting involved much in the ritual. This was exacerbated by the ritual having no incentive to keep the educated people active in it. The ritual ended up falling in the hands of uneducated people to the exclusion of the educated ones. The initial purpose of the ritual was military training of young men, and as a result they were exposed to harsh conditions. Sex education was also part of its brief. There was no access to smoking and liquor, although traditional liquor is part of the whole process. According to both #03LIF and #04LIF, things were upturned when young and misbehaving traditional instructors took over. They started to secretly give the initiates tobacco, dagga and alcohol. #04LIF even bemoaned that ‘namadoda asele alukile aya entabeni enxilile’ [even initiated men go to the mountain where the initiates are kept, drunk]. The initiated men end up not walking their talk, and that affects the initiates. According to both #03LIF and #04LIF, the initiation ritual has now become a business where stricter schools will have no initiates. As a result, initiation schools have become loose in applying strict discipline. #04LIF clarified this by saying that ‘eli 181 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers siko selaba yibusiness. Wonke umntu uzifunela nje imali itsho imithetho yenziwe yeke-yeke ukuze umntu afumane amakhwenkwe amaninzi’ [the initiation ritual became business and stricter schools ran out of boys to be initiated]. 6.3.3.2 THE INITIATION RITUAL AND ABUSE IN THE MOUNTAIN When the initiation officials in the mountain identify behaviour they classify as defiant, they mete out penalties in the form of corporal punishment. Meting out of corporal punishment is what Dreikurs in his Social Discipline Model classifies under contrived consequences. These are consequences that are executed as punishment, and they are not related at all to the offence committed. Contrived consequences breed resentment, revenge and retreat, which accounts for why the behaviour of adolescent learners is what it is at school for learners who return from the initiation school (cf. 2.2.4.). According to #04LIF, ‘abusive language and fights are at the order of the day in the mountain, and that is exacerbated by coming from a home where the initiate experienced the same type of environment’. Fights ensue when those who went before undermine those who went after them. They exert power in the form of bullying over the new initiates at school, and if they do not accept their power, they mete out corporal punishment to the newly initiated. 6.3.3.3 THE INITIATION RITUAL AND ALCOHOL ABUSE As a result of exposure to alcohol and smoking in the mountain, the initiates start to smoke and drink in public when they come from the mountain. This includes learners who used to smoke and drink privately without the knowledge of their parents, and also those who were teetotallers before going to the mountain. #19LOT, for instance, reported that ‘umfundi olikrwala wakhe weza esikolweni enxilile evuma ngowakhe umlomo. Kwakubhalwa uviwo lweMaths ekugrade 12. Weza engazilungiselelanga engaphathanga necalculator. Waphetha egabha apho kwiexam room’ [one initiate came to school drunk to write the grade 12 Mathematics final examination paper. He was not prepared, and did not even bring along his calculator. By his own admission, he was drunk. He ended up vomiting in the examination room]. #09DO even added to this by asking the initiation officials ‘aba bantwana niyabayala na phaya entabeni?’ [do you ever give yourself time to guide these children in the mountain?]. Invariably the response is always that the older men left the initiation ritual in the hands of younger men, and older men therefore distance themselves from it. 182 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers 6.3.3.4 INITIATES’ BEHAVIOUR IN THE SCHOOL PREMISES Participants shared that when the initiates come back from the mountain, they insist on being respected, and they see themselves as adults even when they talk to teachers. They do not listen to what the teachers say as they also claim to be adults in their own right. Sharing his own experience, #13LOT stated that when young men come from the mountain, they consider themselves men, even at school, and they believe that they have adult rights. She said that ‘bayaronga kuba bacinga ukuba bangamadoda’ [they display a lack of respect because they think they are men]). They apparently drink with their fathers in the community and come to school to demand that recognition. Some of them would even say ‘andinakohlwaywa yenye indoda okanye ngumfazi’ [I cannot be punished by another man or by a woman [referring to the teacher] (#13LOT). Indeed, several participants (e.g. # 10PL, #22TL, #FG05-SGB01, #FG01- SGB05 and #FG07-SGB01) confirmed the disdainful manner in which initiates treat female teachers in the schools. #21LOT reported that they do not even accept to be scolded, as they say that they are men, and will not listen to other adults. She furthermore shared that ‘banxiba iimpahla zobukrwala,’ [they wear traditional clothes identifying them as the newly initiated men]. In that process they disregard the school policy regarding the official school uniform. #FG04-SGB03 confirmed this about his school, but added that ‘new initiates coming from the mountain do not adjust well to the school culture when they come from the mountain, but as time goes on, they gradually adjust to the school culture’. However, #10PR mentioned that the traditional initiation schools promote an ethnocentric viewpoint. She said: Young men whose culture involves the initiation ritual tend to see their culture as superior to any other culture, and as a result, they display arrogance at school. They tend to treat female teachers with disdain. I am of the view that those who go to the mountain at a younger age are even worse when they come back from the mountain. Despite everything the other participants said about the bad influence the traditional initiation culture brings to the schools, #15PR brought something positive about this ritual to the picture. He reported that ‘nangona imilo yamaqela oonqevu iqhelekile apha esikolweni, kodwa ndiphawula into yokuba le milo yenziwa ngamakhwenkwe angekayi esuthwini. Uba kho umahluko xa sebevela esuthwini’ [even though fights by gangsters are common in my school, what I have noticed is that these fights are carried out by boys who have not yet gone to the mountain. Once the young men come from the mountain I noticed a difference as initiated men do not take part in the gangster fights]). 183 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers Erikson emphasises on the important influence exerted by society on the personality development of the adolescent, which is in line with the influence exerted by culture according to the information I obtained from the participants. Erikson further argues that adolescents would sometimes prove their adulthood by doing what is opposite to what the parents want. They do that through the rejection of authority in what Erikson’s theory calls negative identity (cf. 2.3.). 6.3.3.5 THE INITIATION RITUAL AND BULLYING Several participants mentioned that initiates engage in bullying behaviour. Seemingly there are three categories of initiates in the schools. #12LOT explained, ‘kukho iintlobo ezintathu zokwaluka: ngabasecaweni, ngabasesibhedlela nabasentabeni’ [there are those who were initiated through the church tradition, the second group are those who went to the hospital for circumcision and the third group are those who went to the mountain for the initiation ritual]. #FG02-SGB01’s school found that the group that went to the mountain (initiation school) were bullying the other groups of learners by forcing them to do crouching exercises and instructing them to do other things like singing under duress. This custom of mistreating the groups that never went to the mountain is called “ukudodisana”, which means finding other means of making this group real men. The school banned that being practiced on the school premises. #FG02-SGB01 commented as follows: ‘Sathi loo nto mabangayenzeli apha esikolweni, mayiphelele phaya ekuhlaleni’ meaning ‘we said, they must stop doing this at school, and be free to do it while in the community’. This suggests that the participant is not completely against the practice, but all he was saying was that the school is the wrong venue for it. Adding to the issue of bullying, #11PR reported as follows: Amakrwala ayesiza esikolweni ethwele iminqwazi eqabe imbola emhlophe. Aba boluka kuqala besithi kula makrwala makabaphathele imbobdlela apha esikolweni ngenjongo yokuzazisa azise nebhoma aphuma kulo, isikolo sayinqanda loo nto’ [the young initiates used to come to school carrying hats and smeared with white ochre in line with the initiation tradition, to which the school objected. They also demanded that a newly initiated learner should bring a bottle of brandy to formally introduce himself and the initiation school he is coming from to the other initiated learners]. The school saw that as a form of bullying, and the school authorities put a stop to it. 184 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers The initiation culture in its current form seems to be responsible for the defiant behaviour that the new initiates display at school. This culture in its original form had good intentions, but the culture then fell in the wrong hands of initiation officials and other adults who failed to lead by example during its evolution. 6.3.3.6 OTHER REFERENCES TO CULTURE THAT HAVE A BEARING ON ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR Contributing knowledge about the influence of culture on learner discipline, #FG02-SGB02 mentioned an unusual example. He said, ‘thina madoda sithi ngamanye amaxesha sifumane abantwana ngaphandle komtshato, singabi nako ukubenzela amasiko asekhaya’. This means, [we men sometimes get children out of wedlock and those children do not have the opportunity of being taken through the father’s cultural rituals]). This, #FG02-SGB02 claimed, contributes towards misbehaviour by these children. To substantiate his claim, the participant gave the following example: ‘kukho umfundi apha esikolweni obetyikila amagumbi ngelindle lakhe. Lo ingumntwana womama ongendanga. Waphila mhla waya kwenzelwa isiko ngabakuloyise’ [there was a learner who after relieving himself in the toilet then took his own faeces and smeared the walls of the classrooms. That child was the child of a single mother. The matter was reported to the family and the mother’s family took the child to his father’s family where a cultural ritual was performed for the child. After that the child became normal]. Other than the initiation ritual, there are other cultural activities that the participants mentioned that have an influence on adolescent learner behaviour. #01SG (member of the community support group) mentioned an example of a child who was taken to a traditional healer for a health-related problem. She says, ‘lo mntwana wadlwengulwa ligqirha’. This means that, ‘the child was raped by the traditional healer’. She reported the matter to her aunt, teacher and principal, but all of them ignored her. This resulted in the following: ‘xa lo mfundi ebuyela esikolweni, wayenomsindo ebacaphukela abafana, wakhokela iqela labafundi elenza ubutyobo esikolweni’ [when the child came back to school, she came full of anger demonstrated by hatred for the boy learners. She became violent and led a group of learners who vandalised and destroyed classrooms]). #02SG narrated a story of a girl who was hijacked to a forced marriage (marriage by abduction) named ‘ukuthwala’ culture. She was forced to sleep with the man who abducted and married her, and obviously lost her virginity in the process. When #01SG and #02SG visited the family 185 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers of the girl while the girl was still with the family of the man that was marrying her, they found the mother busy baking breads and preparing home-brewed beer, proudly saying, ‘ndibhizi ndilungiselela abakhwenyana kuba kuzo lotyolwa ngoMgqibelo’ [I am busy making preparations because the bridegroom’s family delegation is coming to pay lobola [cows paid by the bridegroom’s family to buy marital relationship] on the coming Saturday]. The long and short of it is that #01SG and #02SG intervened and the girl was brought back home. On her return to school, she became a sexually loose girl who slept with boys indiscriminately, which is behaviour that she had not previously displayed. She was displaying elements of rebellious behaviour. When one considers the behaviour of the initiates through the eyes of the Social Discipline Model of Dreikurs, it is easy to see that their behaviour is goal-directed. They misbehave because they want to fit in the environment of misbehaviour displayed in the mountain and at home. They have a need to belong and be accepted. Among the four goals motivating adolescent learners to misbehave as mentioned by Dreikurs, these initiates seem to be pursuing a goal of power and control as older initiates fight with new initiates at school, trying to bully them into subjugation. Initiates seem to be harbouring anger as they go back to school. They also misbehave as motivated by the goal of revenge after suffering harsh and violent discipline in the mountain (cf. 2.2.). 6.3.4 TEACHER-RELATED FACTORS It was mentioned by a number of participants that schools, through their teachers, also contribute to the defiant behaviour displayed by adolescent learners at school. #11PR, for instance, raised the issue of teachers’ lack of subject knowledge as one such a contributing factor, saying, ‘xa utitshala engayazi into ayifundisayo, isimilo sabafundi siyalahleka’ [where the teacher’s depth in content is wanting, learners have a tendency not to behave well in the class of that teacher]). This issue of was raised specifically in a number of the RCL focus groups. As an example, #FG12-RCL03 said ‘xa utitshala naye ethetha into engavakaliyo eklasini, abafundi bavele bangalawuleki, nathi singabameli babafundi singakwazi kuyilawula imeko’ [when the teacher talks nonsense when teaching, learners get out of control and as RCL members we are unable to help in such situations]. Teachers seems to be noncompliant. They for instance ‘fail to give guidance to the SGB in doing their part of learner discipline through the crafting of school policies’ (#09DO). #09DO 186 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers pointed out that teachers often do not do what is required of them (‘nootitshala bayayincedisa le meko yesimilo esibi sabantwana ngokungenzi izinto ebebemele ukuba bayazenza’ [teachers also contribute to this behaviour by omission]). She indicated that one problem related to learner behaviour is that teachers do not do drug testing as instructed by the Department. At that stage she stood up, and walked to the cupboard to show me the drug testing tools. As she was facing the cupboard, she said ‘I remember now that you were part of the workshop and you were given these tools’. This was the workshop involving schools and district officials. In this workshop, the participant gave testing kits to the schools and to the district officials. That’s where I also received a kit. It seems as if some teachers go beyond merely being unprepared and not doing their duty, by engaging in unacceptable behaviour themselves. #15PR reported that ‘kwesi sikolo kukho ootitshala abanomoya ombi. Baneinfluce embi nakwabanye ootitshala nakubafundi. Aba titshala basebenza umshosha phantsi’ [in my school, there is a faction of teachers who have a very bad influence on other teachers and learners. These teachers operate from underground where one cannot notice them until one stays at the school]. Because of this faction, the school does not fully involve the RCL in crafting the school code of conduct for fear of the learners being hijacked by malevolent teachers for their own selfish needs. They may have an influence on learners regarding demands that are impossible to meet. The faction even includes some members of the School Management Team. Teachers furthermore engage in violent behaviour towards learners (’ootitshala bayabathuka abafundi, ngamanye amaxesha bade bababethe bebabiza ngamagama amabi’ [teachers abuse learners verbally and at times beat learners and give learners undeserved labels]) (#01SG)) which leads to anger and to the lowering of self-esteem of learners. It was suggested that such behaviour by teachers emanates from teachers taking their own stress to learners. On top of it, teachers sexually harass learners, as #09DO shared the following: In one workshop, learners were given papers to write whatever comes to their mind without identifying themselves. From the written papers, some learners reported that at times teachers demand sex from learners before they give them marks. Authors such as Rogers (2015:1-2) hold the view of reciprocity between teacher and learner behaviour. In other words, the teacher’s behaviour affects the learner’s behaviour and vice 187 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers versa. The author indicates that an emotion such as anger can take control of a person – in this case a teacher - resulting in the teacher shouting and yelling at learners. The author calls this ‘retributive justice’ and he warns that it can shorten the teacher’s career (Rogers, 2015:249). In concluding this section, I refer to Rogers (2015:134), who emphasises that for effective teaching to take place, we need to assist the learner meet the need for belonging, and by extension meet what the author calls “primary social need”. This is in line with Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model, which argues that a human being is a social being with a need to belong (cf. 2.2). This author further suggests that effective teaching can be realised when there is universal respect of learners by teachers across the age spectrum. 6.3.5 THE INFLUENCE OF MEDIA #09DO made mention of the influence of media. She stated that it is common to see a teacher being assaulted by a learner. She reported, ‘kukho umbono olapha kwisocial media wetitshala ebethwa ngamantombazana amabini angabafundi. Le nto iyalukhuthaza ugezo lwabafundi’ [there is a scenario where two girls were assaulting a teacher in a picture that went viral on social media. This contributes to promoting violent behaviour by learners]). #FG08-RCL02 corroborated as she stated that ‘abanye abafundi benza izenzo abazibona kwiiTV apha esikolweni’ [some learners display behaviour they see on TV at school]). 6.3.6 PEER PRESSURE One issue that was raised by participants is that of peer pressure. #10PR explained that ‘leaners listen to other learners and not teachers. These learners display superiority and seem to compete with the teachers for authority over other learners (#10PR)’. #15PR reported that ‘learners who are members of gangs drop out of school because of the influence of the members of the same group who are not at school, and that is peer influence’. This is in line with the Social Discipline Model of Dreikurs. According to this model, there are goals that the misbehaving learner wants to achieve through misbehaviour. Dreikurs identifies the four goals that a learner wants to achieve through misbehaviour as 1) seeking attention, 2) power and control, 3) revenge, and 4) displaying inadequacy. Specifically, the goal they want to achieve by defying teachers’ authority and wanting to dominate is the goal of power and control. In it, the learners want things to go their own way and will even use confrontation to attain this (cf. 2.2). 188 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers In the words of #10PR ‘children have three faces. They have a face for teachers, another face which they show to parents and the third face is the one they show to peers. This third face is the most important one and it leads them to trouble’. With the face they show to parents, the parent always says, ‘my child cannot do this’, when they get a report of mischief done by their child. This type of misbehaviour also displays some characteristics of Miller’s Theory of Lower Class Culture. Miller’s theory mentions focal points for adolescent males in lower class societies. The focal point related to this type of behaviour by these learners is smartness, when adolescents want to outsmart everyone, including teachers [and parents], with their verbal agility (cf.2.4). Through peer influence, learners lose learning time and they cannot grasp what is being taught. To stress the point, #11PR said, ‘Njengomfundisi xa kukho into emphazamisileyo uyaphuma eLizwini’ [even the preacher gets distracted when something disturbs him while preaching]). By this, the participant showed that the teacher gets derailed when misbehaviour happens while he/she is teaching. It seems that teachers sometimes get scared of going to the class where the learners are misbehaving. #20PR reported that, ‘abafundi balandela loo mntu uneengcwangu uthandwayo ngabanye’ [peers follow whoever is aggressive and popular]). Peer influence also has a hand in this reckless sexual behaviour, as peers influence one another to engage in sex. In this regard #10PR reported that ‘these learners experiment with sex’. A learner who does not have a boyfriend or a girlfriend gets a negative label. #08DO explained that ‘andithi nithi sizizitshumane’, which means, ‘we [the people who do not have girlfriends] are labelled as ‘izitshumane’. “Isitshumane” is a derogatory Nguni term that refers to anybody who does not have a partner who is his or her lover even after trying hard enough to have one. For whatever reason, the participant counted himself in when using this term. Participants (e.g. #11PR, #16PR, #13LOT and #18TL) also blamed reckless sexual behaviour among learners on peer influence. #18TL even put it as follows, ‘ndikhumbula abantwana ababephambene luthando apha esikolweni. Bethanda iiboy friends zabo bengahloniphi mntu, bede besilwela amakhwenkwe abo. Batsho ke bakhulelwa’ [I recall of a group of girls who were madly in love at the school. They showed no respect when loving their boyfriends and girls even fought over boys. They ended up falling pregnant]. This participant established a causal connection between this behaviour and the high prevalence of teenage pregnancy in the school. He stated that as many as 26 learners were identified as pregnant in his school in 189 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers the year the interviews were conducted, and lamented that pregnant learners do not perform well academically. He was concerned that, ‘bayaqhayisa ngoku kumitha kwabo’ [they seem to be bragging with pregnancy]. He explained that pregnant learners walk freely, pushing their bellies out and showing off. On peer pressure and influence, #15PR narrated a brief story of two girls who are not even learners who came to school pretending to have been sent by a social worker to come and ask for a particular schoolgirl. The school allowed them to go away with the girl. It turned out that these girls were just friends of this schoolgirl. They took her to one of their rooms where they drank wine and liquor for the whole day. #15PR reported, ‘kwangembonakalo le ntombi ingumfundi yayibonakala njengomntu otshayayo nosela kakhulu’ [even in appearance, this school girl looks like a smoker and heavy drinker]. Rogers (2015:2) blames learner behaviour on peers, and vice versa. Peer influence, according to the participants, also has a negative influence on initiates’ behaviour, some of whom happen to be school learners. This is in line with Erikson’s Psychosocial Development Theory, which states that peer pressure takes over when adolescents have not yet developed their own identity. They turn to other adolescents and conform to their behaviour, and in so doing, they turn to other people with no identity and that becomes the origins of deviant behaviour (cf.2.3). Over and above what the participants said, studies on substance abuse reveal a consistent relationship between peer pressure and drug and alcohol abuse by peers (DBE a., 2013:10). All the participants agreed that deviant behaviour has a negative impact on the teaching and learning process. What they mentioned most often is the loss of valuable teaching time for the teacher, the HoD [school departmental head], the principal and for the rest of the learners. This is because the teacher has to stop teaching and deal with the wayward behaviour. 6.3.7 ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR AS A WAY OF COMPENSATING FOR A SHORTAGE OF SKILL According to #17PR, their school once tracked learners with behavioural problems until they came to certain conclusions. She reported that ‘the present generation of learners is a multi- task generation of people who expect to be allowed to put on earphones and jive for the music played in the cellular phones while at the same time listening to the teacher teaching as a way 190 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers of compensating for poor academic performance’. This participant confirmed Dreikurs’ theory, the Social Discipline Model, which states that misbehaviour does not take place in a vacuum, but that it is goal-directed (cf. 2.2), when she said ‘odd behaviour always has a reason behind it’. She said the learners who cannot read and write resort to misbehaviour as a way of taking the teacher’s attention away from their inability to read and write. Regarding the psychological factors, #21LOT made an interesting observation. Although the newly initiated young men behave badly at school, they are not as badly behaved when one calls them aside. She said these boys like to [play to the gallery]. This is how #21LOTput it: ‘nangona aba bafana bavela esuthwini bengenambeko esikolweni ndaphawula ukuba xa umfana umbizela ecaleni uthethe naye akabi nanto qha bathanda injezu’. #22TL corroborated this as he argued that ‘aba bantwana baxhuthisana neetitshala ukuze babone ukuba ngubani ozowina’ [these learners want to jostle with the teachers as they want to see who is going to win]). #06SW corroborated this: ‘these learners misbehave because they are competing for power with adults’. Their interpretation of these boys’ behaviour falls in line with Dreikurs’ Social Discipline Model. This model states that humans are social beings with a need to belong, be accepted and gain social approval from the others. Human behaviour therefore is orderly, purposeful and goal-directed. Adolescents misbehave to satisfy the need for power among other needs (cf. 2.2). At the same time, participants 21 and 22 are of the view that if good behaviour can be rewarded, unwanted behaviour can be stopped, and even disruptive learners can follow the positive role modelling of well-behaved learners. The Social Discipline Model corroborates this view as it advocates that people are capable of changing. The theory states that learners need positive reinforcement in the form of concrete rewards, praise, recognition and affirmation from adults and significant others (cf. 2.2). 6.3.8 SOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS As participants in this study also mentioned poverty as a factor when it comes to the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour, Li, Ahmed, Khan, and Hongwei (2016:49-51) strongly believe that poverty is an issue and will remain so in future for rural communities. The countries they classify as “less developed and least developed” have a higher number of rural dwellers, and therefore a higher prevalence of poverty. The only hope to take rural dwellers out of poverty is, according to these authors, by sharpening their skills and capabilities through education. However, in this vicinity, it does not seem to be the case. The 191 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers learners often only come to school to get a subsidised meal, or meet the requirements for social grants. They also worry about their family’s survival. #05POL explained that ‘poverty is a problem. Some learners eat at school only [referring to the meal provided by the Department through the National School Nutrition Programme]’. Poor learners, #05POL argued, are mostly from child-headed families where parents are either deceased or working in metropolitan areas. She reported, ‘xa besesikolweni bacinga ngeengxaki zasekhaya bade baphethe besiba’ [when they are at school, they always think about family problems and some of them end up being thieves]. Along the same line, #15PR recalled the situation of two twin girls who are seemingly not interested in education but only come to school in order to prevent their foster care grant from discontinuing (‘Yeyona nto ke le grant efane ibezise esikolweni’, [the social grant is the only thing that brings them [the twin girls] to school]). They hardly show their faces at school but they do not want to drop out of school as one of the conditions for them to get this grant is that the school should complete a form confirming their attendance. It seems as if many learners have little consideration, or limited plans, for the future. For instance, #20PR exclaimed ‘abafundi kwesi sikolo abaliboni ihlabathi elingaphaya kograde 12’ [learners in this school do not see the world beyond grade 12]). The participant reported that they [learners] study in order to go and join their parents who work in horse races in larger metropolitan areas because other community members got employment at those races. #17PR claimed that ‘aba bantwana bamitha kuba befuna ukufumana kangangoko kule mali yeqolo’, which means, ‘these learners fall pregnant in order to get as much money from the child support grant as possible’. She mentioned an example of a learner who gave birth in the staffroom, and she blames government policies for that. This is because the Department wants them to keep pregnant learners at school, and in keeping these pregnant learners, the government turns a blind eye on teachers who have to deal with problems like helping learners give birth on the school premises. Jewkes (2009:683) also adds his voice as he cites the South African Schools Act as preventing the expulsion of pregnant girls, and expecting them to remain at school until the end of their pregnancy. It seems as if poverty pushes learners to make decisions that have a profound influence over their future, without giving it much consideration. Linked with this, is the issue of prostitution and cross-generational love affairs. 192 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers 6.3.8.1 PROSTITUTION AND CROSS-GENERATIONAL LOVE AFFAIRS Prostitution and cross-generational love affairs are rife, and in my view, the latter does not differ much from the former in our context. #10PR mentioned that it is alleged that some of the learners in her school are involved in prostitution. To stress the negative impact of poverty on learner behaviour, #15PR narrated a story of a girl in his school who stayed with her sister. The participant reported that ‘the girl confirmed that after she was expelled by her sister from her residence, she ended up prostituting by sleeping with men for the sake of getting financial support. She slept with men to get cosmetics, sanitary pads, cell phones, food and alcohol. This was by the girl’s own admission’. Both #08DO and #10PR mentioned the cross-generational love affairs between young girls and men old enough to be their fathers. Both these participants named the men involved in these love affairs “sugar daddies”. #10PR even said ‘people involved in these affairs keep them alive through expensive gifts going to these adolescent learners’. Participants #08DO and #15PR bemoaned the fact that the compensation for the gifts given to the girls is unprotected sex with all its possible terrible outcomes such as teenage pregnancy and diseases such as HIV/AIDS. Many participants referred to girls getting into relationships with “blessers” for the sake of getting financial support because of their poverty. #19LOT even added that ‘nabazali bayayamkela le nto yabantwana babo abathandandana neeblessers kuba bathengelwa igrocer’, which means that ‘parents approve of these affairs because they also stand to benefit through family groceries the “sugar daddies” bring to the homes of their young girlfriends’. This contributes to adolescent learner behaviour by causing the girls involved to be loose sexually, even at school. At times these affairs lead to teenage pregnancy, according to #15PR. On the issue of teenage pregnancy in the South African context, Jewkes (2009:675-680) argues that teenage girls bear the burden of pregnancy. They are usually coerced into having sex and they cannot negotiate the use of condoms, and it is difficult for them to access contraceptives. Being impregnated by a man with means provides a sufficient guarantee of financial support for a rural woman who is economically marginalised. This author further contends that some parents actually encourage their teenage girls to fall pregnant, and pregnancy brings diversity to the families. Mothers who had themselves experienced pregnancy during their teenage years see infertility as being worse than extra marital pregnancy. 193 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers 6.3.8.2 TAVERNS IN SCHOOL PROXIMITIES Most people who are obsessed with making profit do not think about the long-term consequences of their actions. This obsession rears its ugly head through some adult members of the community running taverns for selling alcohol adjacent to the schools. These taverns target learners and other potential customers. #10PR mentioned that ‘the establishment of a huge factory adjacent to the community where my school is, brought with it families of different cultures, different lifestyles and different values, and that contributed negatively in influencing how adolescent learners behave in a multicultural environment’. This contention is in line with Miller’s Theory of Lower Class Cultures. Miller, through his theory, traces the origins of defiant behaviour to how industrialisation brought together people from different cultural backgrounds in the US. They started to compete regarding culture, and everyone saw his/her culture as normal and superior, and all the other cultures as deviant. To Miller, that heterogeneity is where defiant behaviour originated (cf. 2.4.). The establishment of this factory, #10PR argued, also brought with it the mushrooming of taverns close to the school and learners easily gaining access to alcohol. #12LOT said, ‘iitaverns zisondele kakhulu esikolweni, zitsho zidale ukuba abafundi basele utywala’ [taverns are too close to the schools and that contributes to alcohol consumption by learners]. 6.3.9 PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS Many of the issues discussed above, have a psychological impact on the learners and other role-players, and I briefly touch on how some of the participants referred to those issues. The first issue that emerged, is that learners seem to experience that they have no control over their destinies. #10PR, for instance, mentioned that ‘when some of the adolescent learners misbehave, it is as though they do not have control over what is happening’. In other words, the participant meant that when these learners are involved in defiant behaviour such as failure to take instructions from teachers, they are behaving in a manner that they cannot change by themselves. These learners want their defiant behaviour to be accepted as something that cannot change. #16PR agreed, and said ‘when learners misbehave, it is as if they think that is because of factors beyond them in terms of control’. From the input of this participant, adolescent learners who misbehave place the blame for their misbehaviour outside of themselves. They see themselves as just responding to factors outside of 194 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers themselves through their misbehaviour, and they feel that it is those factors that need to change if their behaviour is also to change. In addition, #17PR confirmed that in her school community, education is not a priority. She said ‘abantu bale ndawo abayinakanga imfundo’, [members of this school community do not care about education]). #11PR concurred with this view as he said ‘apho abazali bangayikhathalelanga imfundo,nabantwana abayinanzi’, which means ‘where parents do not care about education, their children also care less about education’. As learners learn though imitating and role-modelling, they follow the example of their parents who do not see value in education. At school, these learners behave as they will without fear of exclusion from the school programme because of their behaviour. They also behave without fear of academic failure as displayed through behaviour such as coming to school drunk, not doing homework and not paying attention to the teachers as they teach. There are no role-models in the communities that learners can look up to and in whose footsteps they would wish to follow. Another psychological factor comes from the fact that some learners do not get a balanced home environment with love, care and discipline. Some learners are from broken families and, as a result of this lack of love and attention in their homes, they harbour anger. #07SW also added that ‘the learners from broken families do not concentrate in class. They get distracted and they also do not write classwork. Because of lack of emotional stability, they develop resistance which manifests as defiance to authority’. This is because the situation of these learners is such that their basic needs including food, shelter and love are not met and they therefore cannot attempt an advanced need such as academic success. The issue of failure to meet basic needs was also raised by #11PR as he associated the lack of nutritious food at home with anger and being troublesome at school. The participant confirmed this by saying, ‘lo msindo banawo aba bafundi usuka kwindlala nentlupheko abayiva emakhaya’ [the anger the learners display emanates from poverty and starvation at home]. Adding to the issue of the negative home environment, #19LOT reported that, ‘iingxaki aba bafundi abahlangabezana nazo ekhaya zidala bangakwazi kuhoya esikolweni’ [the problems the learners experience at home result in them lacking when it comes to concentration in class]. Besides broken families, another problematic issue is where violence is at the order of the day. #09DO even established a relationship between domestic violence and drug abuse as she said, ‘parents contribute to drug abuse through domestic violence. Domestic violence leads learners to using drugs as a way of venting out anger and frustration’. 195 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers #12LOT furthermore mentioned the psychological effects that fights among adolescent boys have on other learners. She said that ‘xa bebona abafundi behlabana, babona intlalo esikolweni iyengakhuselekanga’ [when they see learners stabbing each other, they see the whole school environment as being unsafe]. #15PR likewise reported on the impact of gangsterism by saying that it causes learners to play truant and be uncomfortable at school. ‘They cannot learn while they do not feel safe. They lack focus and end up being at school only in body and not in heart, mind and soul’. A safe and secure environment is the first requirement for teaching and learning to be effective in a school situation. Teaching and learning are then negatively affected by a school environment characterised by violent skirmishes. Although a lack of parental support and irresponsible sexual behaviour were discussed above, and also in other earlier sections, it is important to consider some of the psychological issues related to that. #05POL indicated that ‘adolescent girl learners raped at home by members of the family harbour anger and hatred against male learners and they end up misbehaving at school’. Raped adolescent learners, according to the findings of this study, end up hating male learners as they represent the image of the rapist who raped them. On the other hand, #10PR associates the tendency of girls seeking love from older men to being raised in single parent families, where they only had mothers bringing them up. She said, ‘to close the gap of absent fathers, these girls move around seeking the fatherly love. They end up falling into the trap of falling in love with older men’. Misbehaviour in an attempt to find some sort of love was also mentioned by #22TL. #FG02-SGB03 also mentioned that, ‘aba bafundi bayahlupha kuba bengafumani uthando ekhaya’ [these learners misbehave because they do not get love at home], although, unlike #10PR, she did not single out families with mothers only. She claimed that these children come from fighting homes with no love and support. Adding her voice to the issue of girls seeking love from older men, #16PR brought another psychological dynamic by arguing that ‘men target these young girls also to exercise power and dominance over them. Men know that as they support the girls financially, they can do as they will and the girls do not have power to stop them and call them to order. They even sleep with their [the girlfriends] friends’. Brook et al. (2006, as cited in DBE a., 2013:10) reaffirm the connection between low socio- economic conditions and drug abuse. This shows that socio-economic conditions as a factor influencing adolescent learner behaviour also leads to other factors that are to the detriment 196 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers of the learners. As reported in Chapter 3, Petts (2009:467) contends that unfavourable socio- economic conditions have a bearing as a factor leading to adolescent anti-social behaviour. The author argues that children born to younger unemployed parents are more likely to engage in anti-social behaviour (cf. 3.3.3). 6.3.10 MAGICAL THINKING AS A CONTRIBUTORY FACTOR Participants from both the rural and township schools flagged witchcraft and magic, which forms part of the occult, into the picture. When these participants mentioned witchcraft and the magic associated with it as a contributory factor towards how adolescents in indigent communities behave, I decided to do a literature review on the subject so as to gain more understanding and insight on the subject. This would help me understand the context of the participants, and give the correct interpretation when analysing data. I found researched material on the topic to be very scarce. #09DO indeed mentioned witchcraft in her interview. She prefaced her statement by saying, ‘kubakho lo mntu uthakathayo,’ [there is usually a person who practises witchcraft]. This person, she explained, makes arm belts for the youth, including learners. Once they put these arm belts on, the adolescent learners become bloodthirsty and violent. They want to commit homicide. #20PR also confirmed the impact of witchcraft in his school. He narrated a brief story of an old man who reported his son missing. It turned out that the son had visited a traditional healer at Ngcobo to get an arm belt to protect himself. The participant reported that he did not believe it when the boy said he needed the arm belt for self- defence, because he [the participant] knows it to be for promoting aggression or provoking a fight. He summed it up by saying, ‘ibhanti lelokukhuthaza umlo’ [the belt is for encouraging fight]. #09DO further reported that, if anybody wanted to join a group of learners who use arm belts to stimulate violent behaviour, they had to go and see the boss with a black chicken and a bottle of brandy. They would then go to the river bank and slaughter the chicken. At the river the boss would whistle, and a horse-like animal would come out of the water. He the rides that animal and disappears into the river with it. He comes back after a while and then tells the applicant that he or she is now part of the group. That individual learner then joins the others into becoming a very aggressive and irritable learner. #09DO reported that ‘xa aba 197 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers bafundi bejoina le group yezidlamlilo batshintsha kwasebusweni bomelele’ [when the newly admitted learners [learners admitted to the group of aggressive learners] have joined the group, they change their facial expression and become bold]). The participant physically demonstrated this boldness by bending her arms, clenching her fists, and shaping her chest, demonstrating aggression and readiness to take on the enemy. #09DO took the story further as she said, ‘bakungena kweli qela lithakathayo, aba bantwana baphazamisa iprogram yokutitsha kuba bagquma okwengonyama’ [they disrupt teaching with a sound similar to that of roaring lion]. ‘Ngelo xesha ke basukube bekubody two’ [the learner is in ‘body two’ [the learner is out of his or her natural self for a moment]]). For male learners, this is in line with the focal concerns that Miller has identified for adolescent boys from lower class communities. In the Theory of Lower Class Culture, Miller identifies toughness as one of the focal concerns for adolescent males from lower class communities. This is one of the six areas of interest and involvement for adolescents from poor communities. Adolescent boys display fearlessness, aggression and masculinity. They want to prove their manhood by fighting, which they think will establish their identity. They detest timidity and weakness (cf. 2.4.1.). #17PR’s contribution on witchcraft as a contributory factor to adolescent learner defiant behaviour was about the confirmation of hallucinations: I once heard learners screaming, claiming to be seeing hallucinations of things no one else could see. One school girl once fell down claiming to be seeing an old woman from the community that no one else was seeing at that moment. Other than that there is no tangible proof and evidence of witchcraft in my school. #01SG, however referred to an incident in her town: ‘omnye umfazi kwalapha kwicommunity wayetyholwa ngokuthakatha aba bafundi babehamba-hamba esikolweni. Kamva kuvakele ukuba ugetyengiwe ebulawelwa kwakhe’ [one woman in the community was accused of having bewitched the learners who were moving up and down in the school with their eyes closed. It was later reported that the woman was ambushed at her place of residence and murdered]. Both of these participants were of the view that after the woman was killed, the learners behaved normally, and to them that is an indisputable proof that her witchcraft had something to do with the behaviour of these learners. #02SG summed up by saying, ‘emva kokubulawa kwaloo mama abafundi babuyela ezingqondweni baziphatha kakuhle esikolweni’ [after the death of that woman, learners returned to normal behaviour]. 198 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers 6.3.10.1 WITCHCRAFT AND SATANISM Adding her voice on the issue of witchcraft, #14TL contributed by associating witchcraft as practised by learners with the religion called Satanism. She said, ‘umfundi ufumana imimoya emini etshabalalisa yonke into entle ekhaya nasesikolweni. Abafundi abanje baziiSatanist activists’ [the learner catches evil spirits which are meant for destroying everything that is good and progressive at home and at school. Learners like those are classified as Satanist activists]. According to this participant, these learners quarrel with teachers, threaten other learners and disturb the learning process ‘abafundi abaziva besoyika kuphakathi kokuba bajoine eli qela okanye baphume kwasesikolweni’ [threatened learners end up either joining the group or dropping out of school]. These leaners have illusions of things they alone see. They for instance would report seeing people following them, and with experience in witchcraft, they graduate to another level within the cult (‘xa aba bantwana sebekwizinga eliphezulu lobugqwirha bangena kumavondo, izinto ezihleli zinxanelwe igazi’ [at an advanced level they graduate into being Amavondo which are a group of extremely violent and blood- thirsty learners who unleash a reign of terror by terrorising other learners and community members]). This confirms the views of Ncokazi and Manjazi (2017:2) as mentioned in the literature review literature review (cf. 3.5.2). This participant concluded by stating that, ‘kukho indawo ekuthiwa kuseMkhathini apho amagqwirha afumana khona imiyalelo’ [there is a place called eMkhathini where the witches get instruction of what to do]. Furthermore, she reported that some of them are at school and in class with what she called body 2, while the real body is at eMkhathini. The issue of body 2 was also mentioned by #09DO. 6.3.10.2 NARRATIVES ABOUT INCIDENCES ON AND AROUND THE SCHOOL PREMISES Several of the participants narrated stories about incidences that happened at school, or near the school. I will make use of this to interpret trends of what happens at schools. a) The story of girls who were walking in a daze on the school premises Participants #01SG and #02SG shared a brief story of a group of girls who were walking around the school yard with their eyes closed. They disturbed order in the school as all other learners stopped to watch them. As #01SG reported, ‘aba bantwana babehamba-hamba apha esikolweni bevale amehlo’, which means, [these children were moving up and down within the school premises with their eyes closed]. They even went to the extent of leaving the school premises without permission. After all this, these learners would faint and become helpless and paralysed. #02SG said, ‘emva koku kuhamba-hamba abafundi baphelelwa 199 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers ngamandla babe ngamatywantsi. Yonke ke le nto yenziwa lidimoni kuba aba bafundi basukube bethathwe lidimoni’ [the learners become passive and unresponsive. The participants attributed all this to demons. The learners are said to be possessed by demons]. b) The story of an adolescent girl learner who declared herself a self - proclaimed witch #11PR shared the following story: A woman in the community had a miscarriage. A learner called Zukiswa [not her real name] claimed responsibility for that miscarriage. She said that she and other witches took a decision to use their witchcraft magic to destroy the foetus of that pregnant woman. She made that confession in front of other learners and school authorities at school and in front of community members outside the school. Zukiswa claimed that they [as witches] rode a magical bath that took them to a forest in the area. It is in that forest where they performed their magical rituals with the aim of making other people suffer or even die. It is them as witches, Zukiswa confessed, who cause violence and fights among gang members in the school. What they wanted to achieve with that is bloodshed. They drink blood coming out of those fights to strengthen their mission of destroying other people. #11PR further reported that ‘uZukiswa uthi ngabo abenza elinye ixhego lalapha elokishini laba yimfama’, which means ‘Zukiswa also claimed responsibility for the old man in the community who went blind]). #11PR was, however, convinced that it was very difficult for their magic to penetrate praying families (‘kunzima kakhulu ukungena ngale milingo yethu kwimizi ethandazayo’). She said they wanted to destroy one of the families that prayed a lot in the community, but they could not. According to this participant, Zukiswa said, ‘elona xesha salifumanayo lokungena kolu sapho kuxa unyana walo wayesebhomeni. Samthakatha wafa’ [the only time when they penetrated was when a boy from that family was taken to the mountain for the initiation ritual]). Zukiswa said they did not miss that chance (‘zange silibhude elo thuba’). They bewitched the boy in the mountain and he died. #11PR was calling the initiate who died by name and people at school and in the community knew him and were also aware that he had passed on [to protect the participants I am not providing direct quotes that include the details]. #11PR further reported that, ‘there was a very high risk that Zukiswa might be murdered on the school premises by angry members of the community and the 200 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers principal requested the parents of Zukiswa to withdraw her from the school for her own safety’. c) The story of a boy who used magical herbs for fights #15PR also confirmed the impact that witchcraft has on learner behaviour in his school. This participant narrated a brief story of a boy who used the battle axe associated with amakhubalo [magical herbs associated with witchcraft] in his school. The story is about a community boy called Bhonyongo [not his real name]. The principal once heard noise coming from one of the classrooms. The participant said, ‘xa ndisondela kule ngxolo ndabona abafana ababini uSidididi noBhonyongo behamba-hamba ngaphandle benganxibanga uniform’ [when I attended to that noise, I saw two boys, Bhonyongo and another one called Sidididi [also not his real name] not in school uniform, walking outside the classroom but on the school premises]. When he went to the learners, they informed the principal that the two community boys were using sickles to hook school boys, wanting to pull them out of the class through the window. The two boys are notorious for using amakhubalo in the community. These herbs make the boys violent and confident, and there is also a guarantee that if one uses them [the traditional herbs], one cannot be harmed during fights (‘Amakhubalo liyeza lokulwa’ [Amakhubalo is a herb used for fighting]). The participant added that ‘even the taxi people use these herbs during the fights associated with taxi violence’. For the magical herb to remain active, its user must reportedly always provoke a fight. #15PR, however, raised the concern that ‘someone in the community was responsible for luring the youth into using these herbs and that included the school-going youth’. This participant also remembered a time when the boy called Bhonyongo was being attacked by five boys outside the school premises, but within viewing distance from the school. The participant said, ‘le nkwenkwe isebenzisa amakhubalo yaphuma ingenawo nomqhwithi kodwa iboyisile abahlanu ebisilwa nabo’ [the boy using amakhubalo came out of the fight safe having defeated the five boys he was fighting with]. This participant reported that school boys in his school also use these traditional herbs for fighting. 6.3.10.3 WHAT LITERATURE SAYS ABOUT MAGICAL THINKING AND WITCHCRAFT The research findings of this study, as reported above, link with literature written on witchcraft even though literature on the topic is scarce as already mentioned. When I did my original literature review (Chapter 3), I did not find any sources linked with learner behaviour as it is affected by witchcraft. However, following an inductive approach, upon hearing these 201 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers stories I felt that I had to open a discussion on what I could find. For instance, Munyaradzi (2009:161-162) justifies the scarcity of literature on witchcraft by advancing a view that the scarcity of research on traditional medicines, practices of traditional healers and witchcraft was because of prejudice. The prejudice was brought about by colonialism, which brought with it Christianity. There is no way of scientifically proving the existence of magic associated with witchcraft. To clarify this point of departure further, the author makes an example of the African traditional doctor detecting snakes moving around in a person’s body, while non- believers of African traditional medicine claim that the presence of those snakes cannot be proven or accepted scientifically. The author also claims that the condemners of African medicine base their condemnation on Darwin’s Theory of Evolution. The basis of this theory is that any medical practice such as magic, which is not based on Western scientific ways, is bound to disappear. However, there are some researchers and authors who did some work on witchcraft. Witchcraft is defined as “the use of supposed magical powers to influence people and events” (The World Book Encyclopaedia, 2014:371). Before, the term “witch” used to be reserved for males, together with the word “warlock”, but as time went on, both males and females were referred to by the same word, “witch”. Authors trace the origins of the word “witch” from the German word “wic”, which refers to when there is a change of direction in events (The World Book Encyclopaedia, 2014:371). Some people prefer to call witchcraft “sorcery”. It is practised throughout the world by different cultures, and it differs in approach from one culture to the next. Throughout the world, witchcraft is associated with supernatural power and it has to do with evil that causes harm, illness, accidents, bad luck and ultimately even death. The supernatural power can take the form of a person magically turning into an animal, or even using this power to ride a magical animal (The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1993:715; The World Book Encyclopaedia, 2014:371). Both Schmidt (1988:110) and The World Book Encyclopaedia (2014:371) concur that witchcraft has a lot to do with the use of magic that is meant to be destructive to others. Schmidt (1988:110) further traces the reasons behind witchcraft, and the author found it to be caused by jealousy, greed or merely wanting to mete out misfortunes to others with the intention to trouble them. Corroborating the existence of witchcraft, Bilong (2008:26) makes examples of films from the African Movie Channel, among which he cites how African traditional healers would take pride in destroying Africans at the behest of other Africans through witchcraft caused by jealousy. This author goes on to confirm that what is happening in these movies does take place in reality. 202 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers Adding his voice to the research on witchcraft, Chesi (1980:7-8), who conducted his research in Benin, refers to witchcraft as voodoo. He talks about the voodoo gods that have the power to destroy humans. The voodoo gods work well with the rituals made through the blood of sacrificial animals. The magic that the voodoo gods use is what the author calls “black magic”, and it causes the gods to be violent and kill people. Even the responses of people towards the person they believe is a witch can be very horrible. The New Encyclopaedia Britannica (1993:110) cites a scholar of witchcraft who estimated the number of people who were killed accused of practising witchcraft around 500 000 in the from the 15th century to the 17th century. According to this source, this is because people are so scared of witchcraft that they retaliate by persecuting and at times killing suspects of witchcraft. According to Christians, this source contends, witchcraft can be overcome through the use of Jesus’s name (The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1993:715). The use of blood for witchcraft rituals, as stated in #11PR’s story, confirms what literature has revealed, namely that witches use blood to strengthen their magical rituals (Chesi, 1980:7-8). Literature also revealed the fear that people have of witchcraft and witches, and literature has it that a person suspected of practising witchcraft can even be killed, as mentioned in the previous paragraph. This confirms the principal’s fear (#11PR) as he reported that he felt that Zukiswa might be killed, and that is why he asked her to leave the school. The slaughtering of the chicken, as reported by #09DO above, confirms the ritual made out of blood from sacrificial animals as stated by Chesi, (1980:7). In an attempt to enrich the understanding of magical thinking, Subbotsky (2014:2) unpacks what he calls “magical beliefs”. In unpacking these beliefs, the author argues that beliefs in magic comprise events and actions that defy any form of logical thinking based on what is happening in the physical, biological and psychological world. Unpacking magic into greater detail, this author differentiates between magical thinking and magical beliefs. To him, the former refers to dreams and fantasies and the latter refers to crossing the magic to real world and believing that magic can be applied in practical terms. Subbotsky (2014:3) believes that magical thinking affects both adults and children, and it applies even in the present world of technology. The author makes an example of magical thinking in a person who watches movies with magical thinking, and imagining that that could happen in the real world. Powerful industries also capture the imagination when advertising 203 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers their products through magical thinking. Books with magical stories and television programmes with magical characters inspire magical thinking in children and adults. Adults are also affected by sympathetic magic, for instance, thinking that wearing something that was worn by a person of a certain character will result in you displaying the same character. Authors also mention riding magical animals as part of practising witchcraft. Riding magical animals or other objects is in line with what The World Book Encyclopaedia (2014:37) reports about the belief that witches have supernatural powers to ride magical animals. These supernatural powers are also confirmed by Subbotsky (2014:7) as the author unpacks magical beliefs that he/she equates to what the author calls “unrealistic supernatural solutions”. The author makes an example of a person travelling from one point to another using a magical carpet, a broomstick or by riding a dragon. These magical ways of travelling are no different to the riding of the magical horse that #09DO also mentioned. Occult beliefs as mentioned by different participants in this study seem to be universal, even if in other countries they are not held by many people. Literature, limited as it is, has shown that these beliefs are cross-cultural. Even though they are beliefs, their impact and consequences are realistic and can be observed. 6.3.11 FACTORS RELATED TO THE GOVERNMENT Other factors related to adolescent learner behaviour include reasons associated with the Department of Education and other government sectors. A number of participants mentioned the Department of Education. #11PR accused the Department as he said, ‘iSebe alanelanga kuphelisa nje ukubethwa kwabantwana. Liphelise nezinye iindlela zokohlwaya ezifana nokuvalela nokungxolisa abantwana’, which means, ‘the Department did not only ban corporal punishment, but it also abolished strategies like detention and verbally lambasting learners’. At that stage, he showed me the book with strategies to deal with learner behaviour where those points were raised. #FG01-SGB04 also blamed misconduct by learners on the abolition of corporal punishment. The participant justified the use of corporal punishment by saying, ‘into embi kukubetha umntwana naphi na emzimbeni, akukho nto imbi ekubethweni komntwana ezimpundu’ [what is wrong is hitting a learner anywhere in the body and there is nothing wrong with beating the learner on the buttocks]. #13LOT raised the issue of rights that promote bad behaviour among learners, as 204 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers she said, ‘there are these “exaggerated rights” of learners’, with which she was referring to policies that give learners too many rights. According to this participant, ‘umfundi uthi akwazi ngala malungelo okuba ititshala ayinakumenza nto, aqalise ase’ [once the learners become aware of their rights they know that the teacher cannot do anything to them and they start misbehaving]. #11PR shared that he felt the Department failed to provide hostels for the schools, and now learners stay all by themselves in rented cottages close to the school as their homes are far from the school. Subsequently there is a lack of adult supervision and they get involved in all sorts of unwanted behaviour, like being late for school, irresponsible absenteeism, and alcohol and drug abuse. Also putting the blame squarely on the shoulders of the Department of Education, #FG02- SGB01 said, ‘Idepartment yenza ukuba abafundi batsibe ucingo xa besiya kuzithuma kuba yayirhoxisa imali yemaintenance yezikolo’ [there is no order in our school, learners jump fences and go and relieve themselves out of the school premises because the Department of Education withdrew the fund which was meant for maintenance]). #FG02-SGB02 added during the discussion that ‘ngoku iitoilets nocingo zikumgangatho ophantsi’ [now the toilets and the fence are not up to the right standard]. Responses from the participants show that there is widespread dissatisfaction with some of the policies of the Department of Education. #17PR emphasised that she is not happy with the way government handles the issue of drug abuse by learners. She used an example of a scenario of a teacher who catches a school boy with dagga. She calls the police and they could not come because they had no transport. This participant said, ‘ufumana umntwana eneedrugs esikolweni. Xa uzisa epolice station, kwawena udibana neroadblock utsho ube sengxakini’, which means, ‘the teacher takes dagga and drives to the police station and on the road he/she comes across a road block and the teacher gets into trouble because of dagga in his/her possession’. From all the contributory factors stated above, it becomes clear that misbehaviour does not just occur at random. It is purposeful and goal-directed as the Social Discipline Model of Dreikurs advocates. This theory states that adolescents misbehave because of the need to 205 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers belong and be accepted (cf. 2.2.). When one looks at the way adolescents model the behaviour of parents, community members and peers, as discussed in the section on factors influencing their behaviour, one sees the strong need of these learners to belong and be accepted. #10PR captured the contributory factor to misbehaviour according to the Social Discipline Model when she said, ‘fights at home make these learners misbehave to attract attention at school’. This is what Dreikurs calls ‘attention seeking’ in his theory (cf. 2.2.1.). In his theory Erikson sees human development as proceeding through different stages, and each stage is characterised by the struggle for the formation of ego identity. Adolescent children are, according to Erikson at the stage of identity versus role confusion (cf. 2.3.). Adolescent learners, as seen from examples in this study, seek identity as they emulate the behaviour of family members, community members and peers. Erikson lists factors affecting identity development, and these include family, peers, school, community and culture (cf. 2.3.). These are all factors that the participants in this study mentioned under the factors influencing adolescent learner behaviour. The only slight difference is that in this study, I presented school-related factors as teacher-related factors. 6.4 RECOMMENDATIONS FROM THE RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS Considering that disruptive learner behaviour has a bearing on how the school performs academically, it follows that the interviewed role-players as people with unquestionable interest in the delivery of quality education in their schools, as well as the Department of Education, are trying strategies or have ideas on what needs to be done to turn the situation around. On the grounds that there is a need for intervention, I as the researcher therefore sought views on how the situation can be changed. The next section of this chapter will be on the intervention strategies in place and recommendations for further action as picked up from the interviews. Based on their recommendations, I have identified specific ideas. 6.4.1 DEALING WITH CURRICULUM-RELATED CHALLENGES Some of the participants shared their thoughts in terms of policies and the curriculum, as a way to address the problem. #10PR believes that policies are of great help. However, there are areas that need improvement, such as the rigidity of the system of education. She said, ‘the Department forces all the learners to take the same curriculum up to, at least grade 9. My submission is that it may be better if learners were allowed to leave school and join the Technical and Vocational Education Training (TVET) colleges even before grade 9’. She 206 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers associated wayward behaviour by adolescent learners with the difficulties that they experience in handling academic work, and she believes that these learners may shine in education that requires skills. #05POL approached the issue of skilling from a different angle as she said, ‘an idle mind is the devil’s workshop. By this, I mean that the adolescent learners must always be occupied by work to take their minds away from misbehaviour’. #16PR is of the view that ‘schools need to strengthen the teaching of Life Orientation as a subject’. This participant elaborated that ‘teachers need to teach good and acceptable behaviour as well as positive lifestyle choices’. Learners, according to this participant, need to be taught that a poor background can be overcome through education. Learners need to be taught positive values such as self- confidence and dignity through good self-esteem. #10PR further advocated for an improvement in the way that schools craft codes of conduct. She recommended that ‘each rule on the code must have a reason and a value attached to it, so that learners internalise values that the school wants them to live by’. #16PR also felt that ‘learners need to be aware of funding opportunities that come with good academic performance’. Extending the recommendation on guiding the learners, #06SW stressed that ‘abazali nabasemagunyeni mabaziphe ithuba lokuthetha nabantwana ngenjongo amababe nayo ebomini’ [parents and people in authority must sit down with the children and tell them about the importance of having a purpose in life]). #07SW added, ‘let us tell the learners to be careful when choosing friends so that they get positive peer influence. Social workers must organise family conferences to motivate parents on the importance of education’. 6.4.2 ON DRUG ABUSE AND OTHER SOCIAL PROBLEMS #09D believes that drug awareness campaigns of the Department of Education, working hand in glove with other departments, must be intensified. She said, ‘masiqinise amaphulo eSebe lisebenzisana nezinye iiDepartments ukulwa usetyenziso leziyobisi’ [let us strengthen collaboration with other departments to fight the scourge of drug abuse]. Adding her voice on recommended intervention strategies, #13LOT believes that if teachers, parents and the Department could throw more weight into teaching learners about the consequences of misbehaviour such as drug abuse, the situation can improve. This is how she put it: ‘kufuneka iinzame ezongezelelweyo liSebe likunye nootitshal nabazali kwiphulo lokufundisa abafundi ngobungozi beziyobisi’. She said learners involved in gangsterism and drugs should be told that this might lead them to ending up in prison or even die. She went further and even said that ‘these learners have twisted minds because of peer influence. We must teach them to 207 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers differentiate between right and wrong’. #16PR also felt that ‘learners need to be told about the dangers of substance abuse’. #06SW attributes drug abuse to a weak self-esteem, being easily influenced by peers and having no goals in life, and to that she suggested the following: ‘these learners must learn to differentiate between right and wrong. We must say to them, ‘believe in yourself and not the others’. We must boost their self-esteem, self-respect and self-confidence’. #07SW however pointed out that that ‘educators are trained to teach and not to deal with social problems. For the holistic development of a child, the Department of Education must work in partnership with Social Development. Social Development should deal with counselling and visit homes to help the child function academically, socially and emotionally’. #17PR tied the problem of parents not caring for the education of their children with drug abuse. To that she recommended as follows: There should be community education that can lead to community involvement in education. In my school, there is a tendency for learners to use drugs and I traced that tendency back to the families at home. When a trained teacher tests a learner and finds him testing positive of drugs, the teacher must send the learner home to fetch the parent, or to the social worker for assistance. #17PR further recommends that the Department should allow field excursions for the learners to go and see for themselves what it is like in drug and alcohol rehabilitation centres. She said, ‘iSebe kufuneka lithumele abantwana baye kuzibonela ukuba aphila njani na amaxhoba eziyobisi kwiirehabilitation centres’ [the Department should send learners who use drugs to the rehabilitation centre to see for themselves what is happening there]. Advocacy campaigns seem to be the most popular strategy to deal with the scourge of drug abuse. This strategy should be done through the collaboration of different departments, and teachers are to be capacitated to deal with other areas of child development so as to help learners to develop holistically. 6.4.3 GANGSTERISM To fight gangsterism among learners from the side of the Department of Education, #09DO talked about the establishment of what she called “peace clubs”. She said, ‘ukubaluleka kwezi 208 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers peace clubs makuqiniswe ngokwenziwa kweengxoxo phakathi kweeSGB neeRCLs’ [the effectiveness of those peace clubs could be enhanced by promoting dialogue between the SGBs and the Representative Councils for Learners (RCLs)]. #05POL thought that ‘failing to attend to crimes such as gangsterism, results in these children being repeat offenders until they reach 18 years of age. Before turning 18, they are treated as juvenile offenders but once they turn 18, their actions are treated as adult crimes’. Based on her contention, she therefore suggested that ‘the Department of Safety and Liaison should visit schools doing crime awareness, and tell learners about the implications of crime such as the taking of fingerprints from the offender. That can result in the future of the learner being bleak as their recorded fingerprints render them unemployable’. Participants seem to suggest awareness campaigns and the promotion of peace among the learners as a way of ending gangster violence. They recommend a corrective rather than a punitive approach. 6.4.4 CARRYING DANGEROUS WEAPONS One serious challenge around the complexities of adolescent learners the participants raised that threatens peace, safety and security in schools, is learners carrying dangerous weapons. #20PR holds a strong view that schools can rely on school codes of conducted that are crafted in an inclusive manner. The participant said, ‘indlela ephambili yokulwisana nokuziswa kwezixhobo esikolweni isekubeni sibe necodes of conduct ezilwa nalo nto futhi ezenziwe ngokuhlanganyelwa yisGB ne RCL’ [one of the important ways of fighting the bringing of dangerous weapons to school is through well-crafted codes of conduct put together by SGBs and RCLs]. What the participant is promoting is confirmed by the South African Schools Act. The Act, however, dictates that the adoption must be done in consultation with all school stakeholders such as learners, educators and parents of learners attending the school. Section 8(4) of the act emphasises the inclusion of all learners in the crafting and adopting a school code of conduct (DBE c., 2017:10; RSA, 1996b: s8(4)). As a suggestion on how to deal with the carrying of dangerous weapons, #09DO suggested as follows: ‘izikolo mazimamele xa iSebe lizikhuthaza ukuba zithenge iimetal detectors ukuze zifumanise xa abafundi bengena nezixhobo’ [the schools should co-operate with the 209 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers Department as it encourages them to buy metal detectors with which to test learners as they enter school premises for the detection of dangerous weapons but that is not happening]. Participants #05POL and #18TL both believe that there should be more regular random searching by the police. #18TL said, ‘makubekho njalo ugqogqo nosetsho lwamapolisa ezikolweni’ [there should be frequent random searching by police in schools]). #05POL also added on the importance of random searching by saying: The police should also do random searching at school in which they involve teachers and SGB members. As part of the awareness campaigns, the police should also involve officers from the Correctional Services Department. Those officials can bring inmates to share with learners how bad it is to be incarcerated. They could also expose learners to the prison environment to see that a criminal gets locked behind bars and doors and sometimes even end up sleeping on the floor. In that way we can fight the carrying of dangerous weapons. The most reliable means of dealing with the problem of dangerous weapons seems to be random weapons searching by the police. 6.4.5 ON RECKLESS SEXUAL BEHAVIOUR Learners carelessly having sex anywhere and without taking precautionary measure is also a problem that the participants mentioned. #09DO is of the strong opinion that there is a relationship between reckless sexual behaviour and unplanned teenage pregnancy. Based on her conviction, she recommended the following: ‘abantwana abangamantombazana bafanelwe luhoyo olulodwa baxelelwe ngeengozi zokukhulelwa besebancinane’ [girl learners need special attention of people talking to them about the dangers of learner pregnancy]. #17PR, however, thinks that ‘girls should, be taken to hospital to see pregnant women and those who are poor as a results of teenage pregnancy and they [the women] should be given a chance to talk to school girls and warn them not to walk that route’. In addition, #19LOT believes that ‘things can be better if, for instance, the teacher can make a follow-up and also talk to girl learners after the girls have gone through an awareness campaign that fights learner pregnancy’. 210 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers Recommendations to deal with this problem are all targeted towards girl learners. The participants saw girls as the biggest losers from this reckless behaviour, although they are not doing it alone. 6.4.6 ON THE EMPOWERMENT OF SGBS In trying to sharpen the skills of SGBs as people on the cutting edge school governance, the participants recommended as follows: ‘bazali abakwiSGB mabawukhuthalele umsebenzi baxhotyiswe ukuze bawenze kakuhle’ [parents should first be actively involved in the SGB and they should be empowered to play their role]), said #FG01-SGB04. Participants #FG01-SGB02, #FG01-SGB04 ,#10PR and #FG05-RCL05 all emphasised the need for the Department to empower SGBs by exposing them to legislation on dealing with misbehaviour in line with the South African Schools Act. #FG01-SGB04 even said ‘siziiSGBs masiqeqeshwe kumsebenzi wethu. Singagxekwa ngokungawenzi sibe singatrainwanga’ [as SGBs we must be trained to do our job and not get blamed for the work we have not been trained for]. #FG01-SGB05 made an example of a hypothetical situation when she said, ‘if a learner is caught with drugs in his pocket. If the learner says the drug was for healing or for religious purpose, the SGB cannot handle that because they have to respect the religion of the learner’. #FG3-RCL01 also stressed the need for SGBs to be trained and given guidelines for doing their work. There should be a partnership with parents when the school handles the behaviour of their children. The parents must respond when invited to the school to assist with the behaviour of their children instead of being satisfied by getting information only from the child. This is according to #FG3:02. This participant emphasised that parents should take care of their children’s education, by saying ‘abazali mabayikhathalele imfundo yabantwana babo’, meaning ‘parents must care for the education of their children’. The participants expressed a strong belief that the empowerment of SGBs in their role can be a panacea to a plethora of problems, including that of apathy and parents not caring about the education of their children. 6.4.7 DEALING WITH WITCHCRAFT The issue of witchcraft seemed so powerful and inundating that the participants did not have a solution of their own to the problem. All the participants I interviewed who raised the issue 211 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers appealed to divine intervention to curb the problem. For instance, #09DO, #11PR and #14TL all held a firm belief that prayer is the answer to the problem. #11PR said: Onke amabali endinawo apha esikolweni malunga nobugqwirha aveza ukuba amagqwirha akagqithi xa kuvalwe ngomthandazo. NoZukiswa uthi zange bakwazi ukungena kwikhaya lomthandazo de umfana wakhona bamfumana xa esentabeni’ [all the witchcraft stories I heard end up admitting that the power of prayer is the only answer to witchcraft. Even in the story of Zukiswa, she admitted that they could not penetrate the home of a boy where prayer was the order of the day. They got the boy when he went to the initiation school]. #09DO also admitted that prayer is the answer to the problem of witchcraft, as she said ‘impendulo kubugqwirha ngumthandazo’ [the answer to witchcraft is prayer] and #14TL categorically stated that ‘amandla obugqwirha ayaphelelawa apho kukho umthandazo’ [the magic of witchcraft is futile in families that pray]. #FG01-SGB01 extended the power of prayer to cover all aspects of misconduct when she said that ‘esam isikolo savele sabathandazela abo bazimilo zitenxileyo’, [our school just prayed for the wayward behaviour displayed by their learners]. The belief in the use of prayer to stop witchcraft is in line with the contention of The New Encyclopaedia Britannica (1993:715), which associates Christian believers with the use of Jesus’s name to render witchcraft ineffective. Other than divine intervention, the participants seem powerless to deal with witchcraft as part of the occult beliefs. 6.4.8 SUGGESTIONS ON POLICY REVIEW BY THE DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION Different participants have blamed some of the policies of the Department of Education for their contribution to the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in schools. To that effect, the participants had the following recommendations. On what the Department of Education needs to do, #18TL added the need to hire full-time teacher counsellors in the schools. He said, ‘iDepartment mayiqeshe iiteacher counsellors’ [the Department must hire teacher counsellors]. He based this suggestion on the number of problems that learners come to him with for counselling and support. 212 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers #19LOT said ‘uRhulumente makakhe awuqwalaselisise kwakhona lo mthetho uthi abantwana abakhulelweyo mabagcinwe esikolweni’, in other words the participant recommends the review of the policy that instructs schools to keep pregnant learners at school. This she motivates by giving an example of a learner who gave birth in the staff room, thereby confirming what #17PR also reported on. #19LOT also suggested that ‘iSebe malinyanzele abazali bayeke ukuthumela amakhwenkwe esuthwini zide izikolo zivalwe kuqale iholide’ [the Department must make it mandatory for parents to stop sending boys to the mountain for the initiation ritual until the schools close for vacation]. This is because alcohol becomes abundantly available during the time the boys start the initiation process, even for school- going young men. On the issue of corporal punishment, #FG02-SGB01 and #FG02-SGB04 did not see eye- to- eye. The former was for the unbanning of corporal punishment while the latter was vehemently against the administration of corporal punishment. The latter participant argued that rules were more powerful than corporal punishment. (‘Ungathi uyambetha umntwana akujikele akubethe’ [Anybody beating these learners is at the risk of being beaten back in revenge by them]). #FG03-RCL01 threw her weight behind those who said it was wrong to abolish corporal punishment, by saying, ‘ukubethwa kwabantwana kuyabancedisa babe nenkathalo emsebenzini wabo. Mhla kwayekwa ukubetha zange baphinde bakhathale’ [corporal punishment was good in helping learners focus on their work. Once it was abolished, the learners started to be careless and not do their work as they knew that there would be no consequences]. While a lot was said about what the Department should do, it seems as if teachers should also better implement policies from the Department. #09DO (as corroborated by #17PR) tenaciously holds a belief that ‘the situation of learner behaviour can improve significantly if teachers can implement the instructions the Department brings to them’, by saying, ‘izinto zinokuba ngcono ukuba ootitshala bangazenza zonke izinto abazithunywa liSebe nale yokulandelela abafundi abangamantombazana emva kwephulo lokuthibaza umitho lwabantwana’. She further said, that the Department issued templates to the schools to help teachers keep track of every act of misbehaviour by learners, so that individual learners can see how much they misbehave and refrain from the activities. The fact that teachers do not submit such completed templates is an indication that they do not use them in schools. #20PR said: 213 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers Departmental policies such as the use of SASAMS (South African Schools Administration and Management Systems [a computer programme of the Department of Education that supports school management and administration] should be used because they are assisting us in dealing with wayward behaviour. It was surprising to hear that there were members of the group who still saw corporal punishment as necessary, while the Department of Basic Education (DBE) is putting in place stringent measures to ensure compliance with its abolition. The DBE has put in place key elements for the implementation of the prohibition of corporal punishment. Among those elements, it states that the message should be spread wide to adults and children that corporal punishment is prohibited. In the process of spreading this gospel, the dangers of corporal punishment must be stated in no uncertain terms. There should be clear, simple and safe reporting mechanisms, and in turn the Department should have clear responses and sanctions to the use of corporal punishment. The issue of corporal punishment must be included in the conditions of employment for an educator with accompanying sanctions for this serious misconduct in case of failure to comply (DBE c, 2017:11). To show that the DBE views the prohibition of corporal punishment in a serious light, the elements for its implementation include an instruction to the Provincial Departments of Education (PDEs) to adopt a zero-tolerance approach to whoever is found to have implemented corporal punishment (DBE c, 2017: 12). The next section is on the observations that I made as researcher during the process of data generation. 6.5 OBSERVATIONS As stated above, another data generation method I used in this study is observation. Van Rensburg, et al. (2013:201) point out that there are different methods of observation. There is participant observation, where the researcher observes while also doing what the participants are doing. There is also a non-participant observation, where the researcher does not take part as a participant in the action. In the latter method, the researcher just observes without participating. In the case of this study, I did non-participant observation. In this study I made the distinction between the observations that helped me address the secondary question, and the observations the researcher made in terms of participation. This chapter only includes observations that help to answer the secondary question. 214 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers Other than the small behavioural actions I observed in the process of interviewing the participants, there were some major observations I picked up during the interview process. The following are the observations I made: The participants made use of the opportunity to state areas where they wanted the Department to intervene in order to solve problems for their schools. I struggled to find the middle ground between the confidentiality and anonymity that I guaranteed at the start of the interview sessions, and the need to take their requests to the relevant offices of the Department. I therefore undertook to take their concerns up with the Department, but outside the scope of the study. Learner behaviour is such a serious problem in schools that as I was interviewing #20PR in his office, I overheard a frustrated deputy principal remonstrating with somebody in the next door office. It turned out that it was two girls who passed a nasty remark as he was leaving the class after finishing his lesson. The girls’ remark implied that they were grateful that he was leaving the class because he was boring. It showed that the school did not take the issue of adolescent misbehaviour lightly. Steps were taken to address it on the spot and those steps were within the prescripts of the law. 6.6 DISCUSSIONS From the perceptions and experiences of role-players, it has become obvious that forms and factors influencing adolescent learner behaviour are too serious to ignore. They overlap and connect in a complex way. For an example, gangsterism, drug abuse, carrying dangerous weapons and bullying go together, and together they make the school environment not only unsafe but extremely dangerous. When one looks at the forms of adolescent behaviour, one can easily see that some of them thrive well in indigent societies. For instance, learners selling drugs, loose discipline in initiation schools for the sake of attracting more young men, and reckless sexual behaviour for financial support are three of the forms directly resulting from poor socio-economic conditions. Some parents go to the extent of even allowing marriage by abduction because of the financial gain associated with it. The multicultural nature of the area where the research was conducted also brings its own complexity into the picture. For an example, gangsterism in townships takes the form of affiliation to different groups identifiable by names, attire and haircut, while in the rural culture the affiliation is between those who have already gone to the initiation school and the ones who have not yet gone. Occult beliefs 215 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers was also found in schools in rural and township areas, and not in semi-urban areas where the former model C schools are located. While peer pressure cannot be ignored, factors influencing adolescent learner behaviour mostly come from outside the school. They are mostly from the family and the community. This shows that no amount of spoken or written words can teach the adolescent learner what he/she is to be, but they learn a lot from the environment to which they are exposed. The forms of adolescent learner behaviour such as drug and alcohol abuse, teenage pregnancy, gangsterism, defiant attitude of initiates from the initiation school, bullying and peer pressure confirm what was raised in the Statement of the problem. The complexities of learner behaviour as discussed above in this section and their location in multicultural indigent societies links well with the main research question and the main aim of the study. The chapter exposes the complexities in order for them to be understood and that links well with the main aim and primary question of the study. Table 6-1: Synopsis of perceptions and experiences Issues Themes Reference Complexities  Gangsterism 6.2 associated with forms  drug and alcohol abuse of adolescent learner  carrying dangerous weapons behaviour  bullying  displaying a discriminatory attitude  vandalism Factors contributing  community-related factors 6.3 towards the  family-related factors complexities of  factors related to culture adolescent learner  teacher-related factors behaviour  peer pressure  socio-economic factors  psychological factors  magical thinking Interventions and  The Department of Education should introduce a 6.4 recommendations by curriculum with the emphasis on skills before the interviewees grade 9  There should be peace clubs to promote dialogue between those involved in education (including learners)  Learners should be informed about the dangers of early pregnancy, associating with wrong peers and drug abuse 216 Chapter 6: The voices of roleplayers  Communities should get more involved in education Observations  Some participants saw the researcher as an 6.5 official from the Department of Education,  Observing the actions taken by some schools to deal with unacceptable behaviour  Different levels of participation by different categories of participants 6.7 CONCLUSION In this chapter, I interpreted the findings through the lenses provided by the three theories, which are Rudolph Dreikurs’ theory, Erik Erikson’s theory, and Walter Miller’s theory. I will also use these three theories in the last chapter to make sense of the whole study. The information I obtained through the literature review was also of great assistance to me in completing this chapter. With all the data I generated as part of this chapter, I was answering the sub-question of the chapter, which is, what are the perceptions and experiences of role-players regarding the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multi-cultural indigent societies? Answering this sub-question contributes towards answering the main question of the study, namely, in what ways can the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour be exposed and understood within multi-cultural indigent societies? The next chapter is the last chapter, and deals with a summary of the research, the conclusions, recommendations, limitations of the study and suggestions for further research. 217 Chapter 7: Conclusion CHAPTER 7: STUDY SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 7.1 INTRODUCTION The main research question that this study aimed to answer is: In what ways can the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour be exposed and understood within multicultural indigent societies? Through this study I found that problematic adolescent learner behaviour is common, not only in South Africa but also in other countries throughout the world (cf. 1.1). However, my study confirmed that in the part of South Africa where I work, namely the poverty-stricken multicultural society in and around Mount Fletcher, the situation with adolescents is indeed complex. Although this is emphasised throughout the study, this chapter will address the main points to substantiate this claim, by exposing and elucidating these complexities. I will firstly, however, provide an overview of the study to remind the reader of the path I have followed. 7.2 OVERVIEW The first chapter provided an outline of the study. The rationale provided examples of real- life incidents of defiant behaviour that teachers and principals brought to my attention as their Chief Education Specialist. They said that this behaviour included, but was not limited to, defiance by young men returning from the initiation school, vandalism, and alcohol and drug abuse (cf. 1.2). I formulated the main question (cf. 1.3; 7.1), that informed the aim that guided this study (cf. 1.4), and scaffolded the study through objectives linked to the different chapters (cf. 1.4). In order to map the pathway, I provided a synopsis of my research methodology, stating qualitative research as an approach (cf. 1.5.1), constructivism as a paradigmatic framework (cf. 1.5.2), and the three theories that formed the theoretical framework for this study (cf. 1.5.3). In Chapter 2, I discussed three theories that are relevant to the study that involves adolescent learner behaviour. These theories are the Social Discipline Model of Rudolph Dreikurs, the Psychosocial Development Theory of Erik Erikson and the Theory of Lower Class Culture 218 Chapter 7: Conclusion advocated for by Walter Miller. All three theories contributed invaluable information, knowledge and insight into understanding the complexities of behaviour of adolescent learners within multicultural indigent societies. An important theme that runs across the three theories is that adolescents have a need to belong and be accepted, but they also want to be persons in their own right (cf. 2.2; 2.3.3; 2.4.1). If circumstances (be it economic, social or otherwise) alienate them, and they are not recognised, it leads them to revenge, rebelling, rejecting authority and choosing a life of delinquency (cf. 2.2.2; 2.3.2; 2.4.1). The chapter helped the reader to understand the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour as part of the research question. Following the theoretical framework, I did a literature review in Chapter 3. By doing this I wanted to see what research had already been done on the topic. The chapter gave a general overview of adolescent learner behaviour, in which forms of behaviour such as bullying, gangsterism and substance abuse were exposed (cf. 3.2). The chapter also discussed contributory factors such as peer pressure, lack of family identity and socio-economic factors (cf. 3.3). In a funnel-shaped discussion, the chapter gave a bird’s eye view on adolescent learner behaviour in non-African countries (cf. 3.4.1), in African countries other than South Africa (cf. 3.4.2), and specifically in South Africa (cf. 3.5). Typical behaviours that authors write about is learners being rebellious (cf. 3.4.2; 3.4.4), vandalism (cf. 3.4.4), and so forth. The chapter also described actions found in the literature review to mediate adolescent learner behaviour, and showed that, in many contexts, teachers still adopt a punitive approach to negative behaviour. The chapter contributed in exposing the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour. Chapter 4 focused on the legal framework for dealing with learner discipline and, the question answered by the chapter is: What is the South African legal framework for dealing with learner behaviour? (cf. 1.3). I achieved this through document analysis (cf. 4.5). The document analysis revealed that there are pieces of legislation in place for dealing with defiant learner behaviour (cf. 4.3). Another finding was that laws usually encourage the use of restorative rather than punitive ways of dealing with defiant learner behaviour (cf. 4.4). The chapter also discussed case law as part of judicial precedents, and through this the chapter illustrated that some people involved in education sometimes act in a way that can be described as ultra vires rather than intra vires when dealing with defiant learner behaviour (cf. 4.5). The chapter helps 219 Chapter 7: Conclusion us to understand the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour through the lens of the legal framework. The next chapter, on research methodology, unpacked the research methodology and tools that could be used to investigate complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies. This formed part of my audit trail (Merriam, 2009:222). The chapter gave details of qualitative research as the research approach I used in this study, and why it is relevant to this study (cf. 5.1.1). The chapter went further than the overview chapter in unpacking interpretivism, or constructivism, as the paradigmatic approach used in this study (cf. 5.1.2). The theoretical framework was briefly stated (cf. 5.1.3) in the chapter, and data generation was discussed. The chapter discussed the integrity of the study (cf. 5.1.7) and the selection of the participants (cf. 5.1.6). In the last part of the chapter attention was given to data capturing (cf. 5.2.1) and analysis (cf. 5.2.2). Importantly, the chapter also gave the context of Joe Gqabi as an indigent society. This was done through reporting on variables such as the annual per capita income, the Gini coefficient and the Index of Buying Power, to mention a few (cf. 5.1.5). Chapter 6 sought to reveal the experiences and perceptions of role-players on the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies. I did this through interviewing individuals and focus groups. Forms of adolescent leaner behaviour which were exposed in this way include gangsterism, substance abuse, carrying dangerous weapons, reckless sexual behaviour and bullying, among others (cf. 6.2). Factors influencing adolescent learner behaviour were found to be community-related, family-related, teacher- related, and at times also as a result of peer pressure (cf. 6.3). The chapter exposed the complexity of the manner in which forms of adolescent learner behaviour and factors influencing them are linked. This chapter made a meaningful contribution towards exposing and helping us to understand the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour. Now, in this chapter, I attempt to make sense of the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies, firstly by providing the synopsis of the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies (7.3), then by making certain recommendations (7.4), proposing a framework to go forward from here (7.5), and then lastly by reflecting on the study as a whole, its contribution, limitations and possible further studies (7.6). 220 Chapter 7: Conclusion 7.3 THE COMPLEXITIES OF ADOLESCENT LEARNER BEHAVIOUR IN MULTICULTURAL INDIGENT SOCIETIES My study exposed that adolescent learner behaviour in and around Mount Fletcher, which is an indigent, multicultural society, is a bigger challenge than most people would think. Problematic behaviour in the area ranges from minor offences to major transgressions, some of which border on, or constitute, crime. While some of the problems do indeed emanate from the commission and omission of actions by the school, it crystallised that most of the complexities originate from outside the school premises, and that it is mostly (but not exclusively) male adolescents that bring disruptive behaviour to the schools. A recurring theme linked with male learners’ behaviour, is gangsterism, which can in turn be linked to so many of the problems experienced in the schools. This section therefore unpacks the complexities around adolescent learner behaviour, taking gangsterism as the point of departure. The chapter discusses how gangsterism connects with other forms of unacceptable behaviour, and provides theoretical perspectives to make sense of these connections. I also consider other problems that were reported in the indigent multicultural Mount Fletcher schools. Gangsterism amongst adolescent learners in the context of this study is undeniably a real problem (cf. 6.2.1), and literature confirms this finding (cf. 3.2). Gangs seem to provide adolescent individuals with a group to belong to, and therefore an identity. The issue of identity is a challenge in our community due to the absence of positive role-models (cf. 3.3.2). The Theory of Lower Class Culture (cf. 2.4) explains that focal concerns or values of adolescent males in lower class societies are toughness and autonomy, which resonate with the culture of gangsterism (cf. 6.2.1). According to the Social Discipline Model (cf. 2.3), as confirmed by the literature (cf. 3.3.1), adolescents easily succumb to peer pressure for the sake of getting approval and acceptance by their peers (cf. 2.3.2). This is inter alia the result of a need to form an identity, as adolescence is a stage of the formation and consolidation of identity, according to Psychosocial Development Theory (cf. 2.3.2; 2.2). The Theory of Lower Class Culture furthermore explains that such peer pressure is stronger in lower class cultures (cf. 2.4). Gangsterism can be linked to prohibited behaviour such as drug and alcohol abuse (cf. 3.5.1.1; 6.2.2; 6.2.3), bullying (cf. 3.5.1.3; 6.2.2; 6.2.3; 6.2.6), as well as reckless sexual behaviour, sexual harassment and the abuse of females (cf. 3.5.1; 6.2.6). It has even been reported that gangsterism leads to taxi violence (cf. 6.2.1; 3.5.2). 221 Chapter 7: Conclusion The cultural practice of initiation feeds seamlessly into the culture of gangsterism. This is when male initiates from different African cultures return from their initiation schools, demanding to be treated like men (HSRC & EPC, 2005:62). Again, such practices strengthen the collective feeling of identity and distinctness, and resonate with the need for identity and belonging. This, together with drug and alcohol abuse, lead to a disrespectful attitude and behaviour towards teachers and RCL members (Gumbi, 2017:18). Adolescents in poor communities easily believe that they are not responsible for the misdeeds that they commit (cf. 2.4; 6.3.9). Fights between the initiated and uninitiated (cf. 6.2.6) are common, or between those who successfully underwent initiation and those who had health issues and could not complete the process (cf. 2.3; 3.5.3). The Theory of Lower Class Culture explains that adolescent males in lower class cultures value displaying physical prowess, masculinity and fearlessness (cf. 2.4). When fights ensue in the school, carrying of dangerous weapons such as knives and battle axes usually culminates in such weapons being used (cf. 6.2.4). It was also linked to witchcraft in the form of amakhubalo - traditional herbs used during gangster fights. These herbs are also used by taxi people during taxi violence (cf. 6.2.4), and are easily available in the communities (cf. 6.3.10). Although everything cannot be ascribed to gangsterism, and the groupings that result from initiation practices, both of these, together with the abuse of readily available drugs and alcohol, seem to intensify reckless sexual behaviour and vandalism (cf. 6.2.9). However, reckless sexual behaviour, which often leads to pregnancy, is also influenced by poverty, as some adolescent learners fall pregnant because they want to benefit from the system of social grants in place in South Africa (cf. 6.3.8). Poverty also leads to reckless sexual behaviour (De Graaf, et al. 2007:277) in the form of cross-generational love affairs and prostitution by young girls (cf. 6.3.8.1), which they are sometimes driven to in attempt to survive financially. Both literature and the findings of this study found that adolescent learner behaviour impacts on many aspects of the school situation. It results in wasted teaching time (cf. 3.4.2, 3.5.5, 6.3.6), affects curriculum delivery (cf. 6.3.4), produces an unsafe school environment (cf. 3.4.1, 3.5.1, 3.5.3), creates health hazards (cf. 6.2.3), results in a high repetition (cf. 3.5.1, 6.2.2) and dropout rate (cf. 3.4.2, 3.5.3, 6.2.2, 6.3.6, 6.3.10), and increases the number of juvenile inmates (cf. 6.4.3) in correctional facilities. As confirmed by the three theories (Social Discipline Model, Psychosocial Development and Lower Class Culture), adolescent learner behaviour emanates from the need for identity, 222 Chapter 7: Conclusion belonging and acceptance. While this need is common amongst adolescents across the world, in this context it is complex as the need for identity, belonging and acceptance influences various aspects of behaviour, and the way in which those aspects relate to life in a multicultural poverty-stricken environment. Through the physical, intellectual, emotional, social and sexual development of adolescents, one can see how their sense of identity, belonging and acceptance (Psychosocial Development Theory and the Social Discipline Model) serve as organic pathology to connect them with delinquent behaviour (Theory of Lower Class Culture) (cf. 2.2; 2.3 & 2.4). While parallels can without a doubt be drawn with other contexts, such as the infamous gangster areas in some of the larger US cities (National Gang Centre, n.d.), and other parts of the world, the culture in the area under study needs to be understood. Adolescent learner behaviour is made more complex by traditional cultural activities. These take the form of initiation rites, where adolescent males learn violence in the form of machismo, displaying masculinity, in line with one of the focal concerns of adolescent males in poverty-stricken societies, as discussed in the Lower Class Culture theory that Walter Miller advocates (cf. 2.4). Furthermore, the traditional belief in witchcraft is also connected to cultural belonging, and it is driven by magical thinking that culminates in occult violence. Socio-economic conditions play a formative role in the development of a lower class culture. This happens as adolescents are forced, by circumstances, to develop means to survive poverty within their communities. Those means include aggression, which is again fuelled by family violence, which adolescent learners are often exposed to at home. In line with the Theory of Lower Class Culture, poverty is also related to broken families and female-headed households, where adolescent males grow up with an urge to display toughness as a way of compensating for being brought up by females at home (cf. 2.4). Because of poverty, adolescents from broken families end up becoming involved in drug dealing, defying authority and even prostitution. Another complexity is that poverty, as a socio-economic issue, also gives rise to the acceptance of marriage by abduction (ukuthwala) by some families (cf. 6.3.8). The school culture leading some teachers to not abide by their professional and ethical codes of conduct, perpetuates violence in the form of corporal punishment, which contributes to adolescent learner defiant behaviour (cf. 6.3.11). The administration of corporal punishment, as predicted by the Social Discipline Model of Dreikurs, escalates adolescent aggression and violence (cf. 2.2). Schools further contribute to defiant behaviour by admitting over-aged 223 Chapter 7: Conclusion learners, who instead of being exemplary are the first ones to defy school authorities and the Representative Council for Learners (cf. 6.2.7). The study found that the media also contributes to the perpetuation of violence and other unacceptable behaviour. Such behaviour includes the involvement of female adolescent learners in prostitution and cross-generational sexual relationships with much older men (cf. 6.3.8). Adolescent learners also seek identity, belonging and acceptance along gender lines. This is indicated by both male and female behaviour, and includes irresponsible sexual behaviour, substance abuse and dealing in drugs. Aggressive behaviour can also lead to rape and abuse, where males are perpetrators and females are victims. Rape and sexual abuse have the added danger of the possibility of unplanned pregnancy. Generally, behaviour such as machismo, gangsterism and aggression are associated with male adolescent learners. Female adolescent learners are predominantly associated with cross-generational sexual relationships, prostitution and pregnancy resulting from irresponsible and promiscuous sexual behaviour (cf. 6.3). In concluding this section on the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour, I would like to sum up by saying that these complexities, as reflected in Figure 7.1 below, emanate from how adolescent learner behaviour is directed by the need for identity, belonging and acceptance. Complexity is also the result of the forces that are at play to influence behaviour and make it more difficult to understand. The interconnectedness of issues in itself becomes a complexity, when considering the ways in which they influence one other and the way in which behaviour then culminates into visible manifestations or results. All the points mentioned in this conclusion form the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies, as viewed from the context of identity. In this study I set out to gain an understanding of the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies. In an attempt to make sense of it all, I have attempted to capture this complex situation in a diagram: 224 Chapter 7: Conclusion Figure 7-1: Complexities of adolescent learner behaviour Based on the insights gained, and captured in the diagram above, I am able to make some 7.4 RECOMMENDATIONS The recommendations in this study emanate both from the legal framework as discussed in Chapter 4 and the recommendations from the participants themselves, as stipulated in Chapter 6. From the legal framework, it is clear that the Department of Education (DoE) should capacitate all role-players in education to carry out learner discipline within the parameters of the law. Role-players in education should clearly understand that the learner is a legal subject, and the infringement of rights of one subject by another is unlawful and unconstitutional (cf. 4.2). When exercising discipline, teachers should be aware that humans have a natural instinct for wayward behaviour, which takes the form of being selfish, lethargic and obstinate. Therefore, they must see disciplining learners as an opportunity to assist learners to build their own set of values (Oosthuizen, et al. 2012:154). Over and above that, the Constitution gives everyone (including the child who is the learner) the right to equal protection and benefit before the law (RSA, 1996a: s9). The Children’s Act emphasises a child’s rights culture, and proposes that the child’s inherent dignity must be respected, and that the child must be treated fairly and equitably (RSA, 2005: s6). 225 Chapter 7: Conclusion SGBs should also become knowledgeable about the legal framework in order to be able to fulfil their legal responsibility to create a disciplined and purposeful school environment through the adoption of a school code of conduct for learners (cf. 4.2). SGBs should be knowledgeable about crafting the code for learner discipline (Joubert, 2015b:102). They should also be capacitated to ensure that school rules are in agreement with the law. Literature shows that in some of schools the school rules prohibit pregnant learners from attending school until the learner gives birth. This is common practice despite the fact that the Constitution emphasises the paramountcy of the interest of the child in any matter that affects him/her (RSA, 1996a: s28). All participants in the education field should be made aware that the school as the organ of the state has the responsibility to protect the rights of everyone, including the learners. Education officials, teachers and unions should specifically be exposed to the legal framework of learner discipline (cf. 4.2). The exposure of school personnel to this legal framework will help them to avoid suspending learners from class, or denying learners access to cultural, sporting or social activities. NEPA dictates that when a learner is admitted to a school, he/she is admitted to the total programme of the school (RSA, 1996c: s9). Schools should be capacitated to know that suspension and expulsion are the last resorts, as all children have the right to education (RSA, 1996a: s29). Principals and teachers should be taught that corporal punishment is not an option under any circumstances, and that hiding behind the consent of parents to administer corporal punishment for their children is not an excuse. In the court ruling emanating from Christian Education South Africa v Minister of Education, Case no. 2000 (4) SA224 (ECG), the Supreme Court judge ruled against the administration of corporal punishment. The judge also stated that no parent may lawfully authorise the administration of corporal punishment. Corporal punishment is a violation of learners’ rights (cf. 4.5.1). Based on the input from the participants in this study, I can make certain recommendations. I recommend that due to the complexity of adolescent learner behaviour, the solution lies in a multidimensional approach that includes all categories of stakeholders. The Department of Education should work collaboratively with other state departments such as Safety and Community Liaison, Health, Social Development, Foreign Affairs and Correctional Services to deal with the scourge of adolescent learner misbehaviour in schools. Police officers should adopt schools that are known to have troublesome learners. The police should do random 226 Chapter 7: Conclusion searching for drugs and dangerous weapons, and together with Social Development teach children about the dangers of drug abuse. Social Development should also help by teaching girl learners about the dangers of cross-generational love affairs. Correctional Services should discourage learners from being involved in criminal activities such as drug abuse and violence, by taking them on tours of correctional facilities to see the harsh conditions. Adolescent learners should be taught that taking part in illegal activities just because of identity seeking or wanting to comply with what peers are doing, is inappropriate behaviour. Adolescence is a time of establishing and consolidating identity, as advocated by Erikson’s Psychosocial Development Theory (cf. 2.3). Adolescents also have a need for belonging and acceptance, as advocated by the Social Discipline model of Dreikurs (cf. 2.2). The Department of Home Affairs should exercise stricter border control to prevent the entry of illegal drugs into the country. Municipal bylaws should be changed to enable search and seizure operations in all businesses close to schools, including those owned by foreign nationals, if the officials have reasonable suspicion that drug dealing is taking place at the businesses. To address the issue of not involving learners in the crafting of the school code of conduct, I recommend that learners should be involved in this process. The code of conduct must also clearly state the consequences of failure to abide by the code, and it should include the procedures to be followed to reward well-behaved learners. The Department of Education should request the assistance of learner structures such as the Congress of South African Students (COSAS) in dealing with wayward behaviour by learners. SGBs and teachers should attend workshops training them on the legal requirements for dealing with wayward behaviour in schools, and how to craft a code of conduct for both learners and teachers. Regarding the issue of teachers not effectively implementing the curriculum, and of teachers who are frustrated by the absence of alternatives to corporal punishment, I recommend that the Department of Education should ensure that teachers are appointed according to their areas of expertise in the curriculum, considering their qualifications. Continuous professional teacher development should pay more attention to strengthening the content knowledge of teachers, so that they can fully engage with learners on a task. The Department should also design a guide for teachers that has clear, implementable and effective alternatives to corporal punishment, with suggested ways of rewarding good behaviour. If such rewards are based on the positive side of the Social Discipline Model, the rewards will satisfy the learners’ 227 Chapter 7: Conclusion need for recognition (cf. 2.2). In order to further empower teachers, the Department should encourage them to become affiliated with professional organisations relevant to their fields of operation. The Department can support them in this by paying their annual affiliation fees, transporting them to conferences and paying conference fees. In return the Department can hold teachers accountable for quality curriculum delivery in class. On the issue of initiates returning from initiation schools drinking alcohol and smoking on school premises, I recommend that the Department of Education should forge links with the House of Traditional Affairs and the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (Cogta), and request to have input in deciding on the curriculum and monitoring the implementation of the curriculum to be taught in the traditional schools. This curriculum should emphasise acceptable values such as respecting other people’s cultures, respecting other learners, teachers (including female teachers) and adults in general, discouraging drinking and smoking, living peacefully with others, and respecting the school culture as the prevailing culture on the school premises. Traditional initiation practitioners should have a code of conduct to abide by. As part of the Quality Learning and Teaching Campaign (QLTC), the Department of Education must give its full support to community education. Parents need to be taught how important it is for them to be involved in their children’s education. They should also be trained on skills and knowledge that will enable them to contribute meaningfully to the welfare of their children in schools. They should further be encouraged to treat their children with respect, and they should behave in a manner that is in compliance with the law, especially in front of their children. Where possible, teachers and parents should have joint workshops to encourage good working relationships and co-operation. It is hoped that such a campaign will gradually transform the mind set of parents to play their part in the sexuality education of their children, rather than treating sex as a taboo topic. Such a campaign will also strengthen the involvement of extended families in the upbringing of children so as to deal with the issue of child-headed families where parents have either passed on or are working in metropolitan areas. All this is meant to deal with all the problems associated with parents and communities acting in the wrong way, or failing to act. In response to learners staying unsupervised by themselves in private cottages, I believe that this has proved to be futile in the efforts to deal with the complexities of adolescent learner 228 Chapter 7: Conclusion behaviour. I therefore recommend that the Department of Education should adopt a system of keeping learners in hostels, where they will be under strict adult supervision. In the question of over-aged learners being uncontrollable in schools, I recommend that the admission policies of schools should be monitored in order to discourage the admission of over-aged learners. The Department of Education should have finishing schools where alternative formal education for grown-up children can be provided. To deal with the issue of misbehaviour emanating from witchcraft, I recommend that the Department of Education should encourage schools to make arrangements with local pastors, ministers of religion and other spiritual leaders to frequently visit schools for prayer sessions. Prayer was recommended by all the participants to deal with witchcraft. Based on the wisdom I gained from literature review, document analysis, analysis of the theoretical framework and inputs I received from the participants, I put forward the following framework as part of the efforts to mitigate the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour. 7.4.1 PROPOSED FRAMEWORK Due to the complex nature of these issues, the solution lies in a multidimensional approach that includes all categories of stakeholders as I said above. A rigorous application of democratic principles can help in dealing with these complexities. Based on the above theories, and based on what I have learnt through writing the legal framework and through the empirical study, I therefore put forward the following framework: Equal Partnership for Winning Co-operation: Shared Responsibility in a Democratic setting. The following figure illustrates how well this model fits in with the theories used in the theoretical framework of this study. The three theories show the need for love and warmth in bringing up children and in keeping them away from defiant behaviour. The three theories also show to what degree adolescents reject authority when there is no love and warmth, and when emotional abuse prevails. My model complements the three theories and closes the gap of lack of love, warmth, involvement and respect for adolescent learners, as seen in Figure 7.2 below. 229 Chapter 7: Conclusion Equal Partnership for Winning Co-operation: Shared Responsibility in a Democratic Setting (EPWC: SRDS) Democratic classroom: Collective management and leadership, Mutual respect, Involvement of learners, Firm discipline with warmth and love. Lower Class Culture (the Theory of Lower Class Culture) With physical and emotional abuse, adolescents reject external authority. They try to outsmart and appear wiser than adults, which is how misbehavior originates. With a warm and supportive school environment, they may unlearn aggressive and anti-social culture. Psychosocial Development Social Discipline Model (Psychosocial Development (SOCIAL DISCIPLINE MODEL) Theory) Learner - a social being with a Identity development in basic need to belong and gain adolescent learners is key. It recognition and acceptance. No thrives when there is warmth and corporal punishment, support. If there is no support, involvement of learners in a they reject authority through democratic classroom. negative identity, resulting in crisis. Figure 7-2: EPWC: SRDS as it complements the Theory of Lower Class Culture, Social Discipline Model and Psychosocial Development Theory In dealing directly with all the elements of a lack of love, warmth, respect, recognition and acceptance, which discourage the development of a balanced identity which might lead to defiant behaviour, this framework advances the following principles: 230 Chapter 7: Conclusion Learner involvement: The learners should be involved in all stages of decision-making on matters that will affect them directly or indirectly. They must be part of crafting the code of conduct and they must be made to understand it. According to this model/framework, learners must be part of developing rules and regulations, as well as the consequences of non- compliance. In this, the school authorities should practice the principle of “nothing about us without us”. Shared vision of leadership: There must be a shared vision of leadership by both the learners and the school leadership. Learners must lead other learners by example. In this way learners are able to hold one another accountable. This can only happen when the learners know and understand the vision of the school, and what the school stands for. They must own the school vision with their heart and soul. The school leadership must involve learners in the crafting of the school vision in order to promote its ownership by the entire school community. Mutual respect: Mutual respect between the teachers and the learners should form the lifeblood, bedrock and cornerstone for co-operation in the school situation. Voluntary collaboration of learners: Of their own volition, learners work collaboratively with teachers and other school authorities towards assisting the school to achieve its goals in a partnership relationship that still recognises the teacher’s authority as a person acting in loco parentis in the school situation. The teacher as a guide: The theory assumes that the teacher will always be available to the learner as a ‘guide on the side rather than as a sage on the stage’. This promotes confidence by the learner in the teacher without the teacher having to enforce and impose his/her authority over the learner. This makes the teacher’s authority a legitimate authority that the learner as its recipient warmly embraces. Discipline by the teacher: The principle here is that the teacher exercises firm discipline, coupled with love and warmth. The teacher’s discipline does not focus only on defiant behaviour, but takes cognisance of good behaviour by positively reinforcing it with remarks and rewards. The teacher pays attention to the learners even if, and especially if, they are doing the right thing. The teacher does this to prevent misbehaving learners from getting the attention that they seek. In exercising discipline, the teacher takes cognisance of the dignity of the learner by following the principles of due process such as fairness, rationality and 231 Chapter 7: Conclusion reasonableness, and by listening and being open to persuasion. The teacher should be open to the learner, even when the learner allegedly committed an act of defiant behaviour. The teacher is a person who is conversant about the society in which the school exists. This familiarity helps the teacher to consider the type of society from which the learner comes when exercising discipline. It is possible that some learners become involved in defiant behaviour because this is how they behave in their communities. They do as society does, because they seek identity with and acceptance by the people they regard as role-models in society. They identify with what happens in society in order to get recognition and acceptance. The teacher must be able to exercise professional judgement and see if it is not the society that promotes defiant behaviour consciously or unconsciously, which might address the root cause and not just the symptoms of defiant behaviour. Respect for cultures: The school authority should create an environment conducive for the respect of different cultures in the school in a manner that promotes and enhances multicultural harmony and elevates the tolerance equilibrium for people from different cultures. To reciprocate the respect and recognition that they receive, learners must avoid imposing their own culture at the expense of the universal school culture that recognises the rights of all. 7.5 REFLECTIONS ON THE STUDY I can safely conclude that through this study, I have been able to answer the main question of the study, which is: In what ways can the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour be exposed and understood within multicultural indigent societies (cf. 1.5)? The chapters in this study have answered all the relevant sub-questions. The study also accomplished its main research aim, which was: To critically examine the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies. The chapters in this study have also accomplished these objectives (cf. 1.3). The study alludes to the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour mentioned by teaching staff involved with learners in schools and in the district office, other government employees, as well as those people outside government such as the officials of the Initiation Forum and the community support group. Complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in schools such 232 Chapter 7: Conclusion as gangsterism, carrying dangerous weapons, bullying, learners having sex on the school premises, and drug and alcohol abuse, were brought to the surface. Also mentioned was the frustration brought about by the banning of corporal punishment in schools, and the impotence of the SGBs to dismiss misbehaving learners, as stated in the proposal chapter (cf. 1.4). The study succeeds in relating the levels of poverty in the area under study, as reflected in Chapter 1 (cf. 1.4) and Chapter 3 (cf. 3.2), with adolescent learner behaviour as shown in Chapter 6 (cf. 6.2). Though not generaliseable, the findings may apply in similar societies on the African continent. In retrospect, I discovered that the participants contributed more knowledge towards the study as individual participants rather than as part of the focus groups. In focus groups, people who are shy and introverted tend to be dominated by more talkative individuals. At times I would see that talkative individuals were even playing to the gallery, to show the others in the group how powerful and knowledgeable they were. Fortunately, I was able to keep control of the situation. The three theories used in this study provided the lens through which complexities of adolescent learner behaviour could be exposed and understood in multicultural indigent societies. All three theories were in agreement in many instances. All of them illustrated that adolescent learner behaviour does not always originate from the individual learner, but that the influence of the social group is so powerful, that the adolescent behaves in order to please, get accepted and belong to a larger group. All three of them emphasised the importance of culture and social relationships in behaviour modification. My own model of Equal Partnership for Winning Co-operation: Shared Responsibility in a Democratic Setting responds to the issues raised by the three theories. It focuses on the creation of a democratic environment where power is shared through wide consultation in crafting the code of conduct, clear communication of expectations, and ownership of consequences for non- compliance (cf. 1.5.3). 7.5.1 THE VALUE OF THE STUDY It is my contention that through its findings, this study will contribute towards expanding the knowledge base and increasing the understanding of the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies in the African context. It will allow the powers that be, to prescribe strategies relevant for dealing with adolescent learner behaviour. 233 Chapter 7: Conclusion With all the practical recommendations I put forward, I hope that this study will benefit learners, teachers, education practitioners and the community at large by curbing disruptive adolescent learner behaviour to the advancement of uninterrupted teaching and learning in schools, and the improvement of educational standards (cf. 1.9). One of the conditions from the Department of Education in granting permission to undertake the study was that I needed to submit both a hard copy and an electronic version of this thesis to them. It is my sincere hope that relevant managers from the Department will read the recommendations of the study and implement them. In particular, I would like to see the implementation of the recommendation of the multidimensional approach, where the Department of Education will open its arms to as many categories of stakeholders as possible in dealing with and mediating these complexities of adolescent learner misbehaviour as they rear their ugly head in multicultural indigent societies. 7.5.2 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY Based on the experience I gained through conducting this study, the limitations I experienced can be classified into two categories. There are limitations that had to do with the practice of research, and the second had to do with limitations based on knowledge. 7.5.2.1 LIMITATIONS BASED ON CONDUCTING THE RESEARCH A serious limitation I had to contend with in this study was the participants’ reluctance to speak while they were being voice recorded. I overcame that by not using voice recording, and rather just transcribing what they said. I also made sure that I wrote the section on findings based on the field notes on the same day that I interviewed the respondents, while the conversations were still fresh in my memory. As the participants were responding in their home language, which for the majority was isiXhosa, I discovered that some of the words could not be directly translated into English as they did not have equivalents in English. I had to clarify those concepts by using descriptions, which caused the specific chapter to be quite lengthy. Power relations at times confused the respondents’ understanding of the purpose of the study. They ended up seeing the interviews as an opportunity to voice what they wanted the Department to do for them. I had to explain the purpose of the study to them. Ethical principles of research do not allow me to identify my participants, yet they expected me to 234 Chapter 7: Conclusion take up their issues with the Department. I therefore could not avoid mentioning the schools that experienced specific issues. I had to be very careful to avoid reporting problems affecting the schools that sought assistance in an embarrassing way, or for an embarrassing situation. Being a known member of the management team of the Department, the respondents were careful to make no mention of illegal activities such as corporal punishment taking place in their schools. However, because of the strong participant triangulation I did in this study, I was able to get such information from the participants not affiliated with the schools. 7.5.2.2 LIMITATIONS BASED ON KNOWLEDGE There were some limitations based on a lack of sufficient knowledge in some of the areas of this study. One example is the legal framework chapter. A lack of sufficient background in the field of law as a discipline sometimes gave me tough time. However, the unfailing support of my supervisors saw me through this limitation. At the start of this study I experienced challenges with advanced computer skills, as research at this level demands. With practice and through the assistance of colleagues, I eventually noticed a significant improvement. As an African, I was aware that there is something called “witchcraft”, but I was ignorant of the detailed way in which witchcraft could manifest itself in education through the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies. Although I was able to mostly transcribe the interviews successfully, I sometimes had to return to the participants to ask for further clarity. Even with these return visits, I believe that there is still much more information on the topic that this study did not cover. For the reasons stated in the relevant section, there is for example no adequate literature on the topic of witchcraft (cf. 6.3.10). 7.5.3 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH From this study I believe that the issue of witchcraft as a factor contributing to adolescent learner behaviour still needs an anthropological, scientific and penetrative study in order to expose more of it. More details need to be exposed on the topic and the question of why it surfaced only in rural and township schools and not in the semi-urban schools (cf. 6.3.10). 235 Chapter 7: Conclusion The disjuncture between its original aim and what is supposed to be taught in traditional initiation schools on one hand, and the actual lessons being taught as seen from the products of the school on the other, seems too glaring to be ignored. It seems to affect many of the schools, judging from the behaviour that these initiates display when they return to the schools of the Department of Education after going to the mountain. There is a special Department called Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs (Cogta) in the Eastern Cape, whose main responsibility is to see to the smooth running of this rite of passage, but for whatever reason, there is no effective way of dealing with the matter. This area then needs further research. 7.6 CONCLUSION Adolescent learner behaviour is engulfed by a number of complexities, which demand a full understanding when one deals with wayward behaviour. If one deals with wayward behaviour at face value, one can end up dealing only with the symptom of a disease and not its root cause. One of the complexities that came out very clearly from this study is that there are specific situations that are prevalent to adolescent learners only in poverty-stricken, indigent societies. The study clearly showed that poverty renders adolescent learners, and girl learners in particular, vulnerable to merciless predators who do not mind taking advantage of any situation if it is to their own advantage. Because of poverty, adolescent girls do things they would, for ethical reasons, not normally do. The example of this complexity of behaviour is when these girls get involved in cross-generational sexual relationships with older men called “blessers”. To add insult to injury, this study also revealed that, at times materialistic parents approve of these cross-generational affairs for the sake of getting cash and groceries from these men. Some parents go to the extent of approving marriage by abduction for their adolescent daughters in order for them to get the dowry called “lobola”. Boys are also not spared from being victimised because of poverty. Adolescent male learners are forced to sell drugs to other learners on school premises. From this study, it is clear that as a nation, we cannot successfully fight the scourge of adolescent learner misconduct in multicultural indigent societies without first exorcising poverty. It is my sincere wish that fighting poverty should not just be used as a cliché or as 236 Chapter 7: Conclusion tool for electioneering by politicians. Concerted efforts should be exerted to save these learners’ futures from the jaws of poverty. This study also draws clear parallels between behaviour complexities in the form of violent acts displayed in schools, and those that are prevalent in communities. This shows that no wisdom from books or other sources can teach adolescent learners what the nation wants them to be, but the actions of adult people, as observed by learners, provide them with the best teacher. Therefore, community members, especially adults, should think very carefully before committing violent activities. 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My study focuses specifically on complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigenous societies, and I believe that as a Life Orientation teacher, you can make a valuable contribution towards the insight into the problem. I am going to ask you a few questions, and feel free to elaborate as you see fit. If you do not want to respond to any of the questions or even part thereof, you are free to tell me. I want to once again ensure you that your name and that of your school will not be included in the research report. I will make the transcribed notes of the interview available to you, so that if there are parts that you would like to withdraw or amend or something you would like to add, you may do so. 1. For how long have you been a Life Orientation teacher? 2. As a Life Orientation teacher, what is your general experience with learners in your school? 3. Reflecting on what you have just shared, how do these problems and situations affect teaching and learning in your school? 4. If you think of the community where the school is, the cultural practices and the style of life of the people in general, how do you think they affect the situation in the school? 5. In your opinion, do Departmental policies and laws assist or not assist the school to maintain a disciplined environment that is conducive to learning? 6. In your view, what school-related factors affect learner behaviour, whether positively or negatively? 7. Through the teaching of Life Orientation, how do you think you can positively influence the way learners behave in the school? 8. What influence do you think the economic status of the community around the school have on learner behaviour in the school? 9. Is there anything else you would like to share with me? Thank you for your valuable time. 256 Appendices AN INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR THE REPRESENTATIVE COUNCIL FOR LEARNERS (RCL) (FOCUS GROUP) Thank you for accepting my request for your participation in this research project. The focus of this study is complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural societies. As leaders of learners, I sincerely believe that you have much to share with me in this research project. I am going to pose some questions and anyone of can respond. Where you need more clarity before you respond, feel free to ask me to clarify. If you feel uncomfortable to respond to some of the questions, do not respond. Your names and the name of your school will not be included in the research report. I will transcribe our conversation from the tape recorder and allow you to read the transcription in order to make amendments, withdrawals and additions to what will be recorded now. 1. When did this council begin its tenure and when will it end? 2. What situations of learner behaviour (good or bad) do you observe taking place in the school? 3. Working in co-operation with the Teacher liaison officer, how do you contribute in creating a disciplined learning environment? 4. What is your involvement as learners in crafting the code of conduct for learners and class rules? 5. What steps does the school take to ensure that the school code of conduct is known to the learners? 6. In your view, what cultural and religious aspects affect learner behaviour in the school? Thank you for your time. 257 Appendices AN INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR THE SCHOOL GOVERNING BODY (FOCUS GROUP) Thank you for agreeing to participate in this research project. The focus of the study is on the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural societies. Your contribution to this study is pertinent as you are the governors of the school given a responsibility to ensure a disciplined and orderly environment conducive to teaching and learning in the school. I will translate all the questions I am going to ask you to the language you will all understand. When I ask a question, anyone of you is free to answer and elaborate if you feel like doing so. When I compile the research report, I will not include your names and the name of your school. Feel free to object to answering any question you may not be comfortable with. I will transcribe from the tape recorder and read the research report to you so as to allow you time to make changes on the report before I finalise it, if that is what you will want to do. 1. For how long have you been in office as this School Governing Body (SGB)? 2. Do you have a school code of conduct for learners approved by the Department of Education? 3. Were representatives of learners involved in the crafting of the school code of conduct? 4. What situation do you experience around learner behaviour – good or bad and do learners abide by the code of conduct? 5. What types of learner behaviour does the school bring to the SGB, how do you deal with it and who do you rely on for support when dealing with learner behaviour? 6. What role do parents play in assisting you correct the behaviour of their children? 7. What kinds of learner behaviour does the school bring to the SGB for intervention? 8. In your opinion, what influence do cultural or religious practices have on learner behaviour in the school? 9. In your view, is the abolition of corporal punishment the right decision by the Department? Why? 10. How can you as the SGB be assisted to deal effectively with the learner behaviour? Thank you for your time. 258 Appendices AN INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR THE TEACHER LIAISON OFFICERS Thank you for accepting my request to participate in this research project. The focus of this study is on the complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies. As a teacher liaison officer, I believe that your experience as a teacher who always link the management with the learners will be of great value in this research project. I am going to ask you questions and feel free to respond and elaborate as you deem fit. If there is any question you may not be comfortable to answer, you are also free to object. Once again, let me assure you that your name and the name of your school will not appear on the research report. I will do transcription of the interview from the tape recorder and allow you time to read the manuscript in order to effect changes and corrections if you see the need thereof. 1. What are your main responsibilities as the Teacher Liaison Officer in the school? 2. Share with me your experience as you work with the Representative Council for Learners (RCL) and do you find them helpful in dealing with learner behaviour? 3. What forms of learner behaviour do you come across and how do you deal with them? 4. What cultural or religious factors influence learner behaviour in your school? 5. What means do you and other teachers including the principal use to ensure an orderly environment in the school and are those means effective? 6. What policies or laws guide you in disciplining learners and are they of assistance? 7. What role do you expect parents to play in disciplining their children and do they play that role? 8. Do you think rewarding good behaviour can assist in dealing with learner indiscipline? 9. In what ways can a qualified teacher counsellor help in learner discipline? Thank you. 259 Appendices AN INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR PRINCIPALS Thank you for agreeing to be interviewed. My study focuses specifically on complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies, and I believe as a principal, you can make a valuable contribution towards broadening insight into the problem. I am going to ask you a few questions, and you are free to elaborate on any of them as you see fit. If you do not want to respond, you are also free to say so. I want to once again ensure you that your name, or the name of the school, will not be included in my research report. I will make the transcribed interview available to you, and if there are parts that you feel you want to withdraw, or something that you want to add, you may do so. 1. What are typical situations with learner behaviour that you have to handle in the school? 2. What do you think are the contributing factors that lead to, or create these situations? 3. Reflecting on what you have just shared, how do these problems and situations affect teaching and learnings in your school? 4. If you think of the community in which the school is situated, and the different cultural groups represented in your school, how do issues within the community and home affect the situation at school? 5. In your opinion, are there some ways in which learner behaviour in the school identifies with peers or with what is happening in the community? 6. How much are the learners involved in the crafting of the code of conduct for learners? 7. How do the legislation and departmental policies assist (or not assist) you to maintain an environment conducive to teaching and learning? 8. Taking what you have shared, what school policies, procedures and practices do you use to manage learner behaviour? Can you share some examples please? 9. Is there anything else that you feel you can share, that will help me to understand the realities at your school with regard to learner behaviour? Thank you for sharing your hand-on experience and wisdom with me. You have really made me wiser 260 Appendices AN INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR THE SCHOOL SAFETY CO-ORDINATOR Thank you for agreeing to fit me into your busy schedule for this interview. The focus of my study is on adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies. As an official who deals with school safety, I believe that you have an important contribution to make. I am going to ask questions and you are free to elaborate and share with me whatever you see relevant to this study. If you are uncomfortable with any of the questions I will ask, feel free to state that. Your name will not be included in the research report and the transcribed version of the interview will be brought to you to scrutinise and ensure accuracy. If there are parts you will want to withdraw or add at that stage, you will be free to do so. 1. For how long have you been a school safety co-ordinator at your level? 2. Briefly tell me about the School Safety Programme of the Eastern Cape Department of Education, partners the department works with and what it wants to achieve. 3. From your experience, what social ills affect our learners? How do they affect the learner’s performance at school, and also their behaviour? 4. In your view, how do cultural practices have influence on the behaviour displayed by learners (whether good or bad)? 5. In your opinion, to what extent do parents and communities contribute to specific behaviour by learners? 6. In your view, to what extent do teachers contribute to particular learner behaviour (good or bad)? 7. What do you and the schools do to deal with problematic learner behaviour? Can you perhaps provide me with specific examples of what you had to deal with? 8. How effective are the strategies the Department encourages the schools to use to manage learner behaviour? What can be done to make them more effective? 9. In your view, to what extent do School Governing Bodies (SGBs) contribute to ensuring a good learning environment through school policies? 10. To what extent do schools involve learners in setting up rules to deal with wayward learner behaviour? Thank you for your time 261 Appendices AN INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR THE HIV/AIDS CO-ORDINATOR Thank you for allowing me to interview you for this research project. The focus of my study is on complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural societies. It is my belief that as the HIV/AIDS programme coordinator, you can make an important contribution to this study. This is because your programme deals with HIV/AIDS and factors causing it and those that result from it and how they affect learning in schools. I am going to ask you questions. You may elaborate as you will. You are also free not to respond to some of the questions you are uncomfortable with. I will not include your name in the research report and I will give you the transcribed version of the interview so that you withdraw or add some information as you deem fit. 1. What does your work as the HIV/AIDS co-ordinator entail? 2. How do you assist the schools deal with the scourge of HIV/AIDS? 3. What ways do you usually recommend to the learners for the prevention of HIV/AIDS? 4. Are those prevention ways effective and why do you say so? 5. What is the prevalence of pregnancy among our learners in schools? 6. In your view, what factors lead to the prevalence of pregnancy in our schools? 7. In your view, how does poverty contribute to the prevalence of pregnancy and HIV/AIDS? 8. How much contribution does peer influence have on the prevalence of learner pregnancy? 9. Is there any other relevant information you would like to share with me? Thank you for your valuable time. 262 Appendices AN INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR THE POLICE OFFICERS Thank you for fitting me in your busy schedule for this interview. The focus of my study is on adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies. As a police officer working directly with the schools in ensuring school safety, I believe that you have invaluable experience to share for the success of this research project. I am going to pose some questions and you are free to respond and elaborate as you deem fit. I want to assure you that I will not include your name in the research report. I will transcribe our interview from the tape recorder and give it to you to read to confirm or change any aspects of it if you see the need. 1. For how long have you been involved in school safety? 2. Briefly explain the partnership between the Department of Safety and Security and the Department of Basic Education on the issue of school safety. 3. What prompted the two departments to come together and co-operate on the issue of school safety? 4. What situations of learner behaviour do you usually come across that threaten school safety? 5. When doing random searching to learners, what items do you usually find that threaten the safety of the school environment? 6. In your view, are the strategies to deal with learner offenders effective? 7. In your view, what areas of the law need to be strengthened in order to deal effectively with crime involving learners? 8. What do you think are the factors (school, home-related or related to religion and culture) that influence learner behaviour? 9. What influence do you think poverty has on learner behaviour? 10. What can be done differently to combat crime and deviant behaviour by learners in schools? Thank you for your time. 263 Appendices AN INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR THE MACLEAR SURVIVOR SUPPORT GROUP OF THE WHITE DOOR CENTRE OF HOPE (FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION) Thank you for agreeing to take part in my research project. The focus of my study is the adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies. I believe that as the people who deal with and comfort people who are victims of domestic violence, you have some experience to share with me. Learners who are part of the schooling system are from the homes and families and may be affected by violence taking place at home one way or another. I am going to ask you some questions and maybe make follow ups. Any of you as members of this focus group may respond and anyone of you who feels like expatiating on the response is free to do so. If you feel like not responding to some of the questions or part thereof, feel at liberty to inform me. I will transcribe our conversation from the tape recorder and make the transcription available to you to make additions, deletions and amendments as you deem fit. 1. What is the Maclear Survivor Support of the White Door Centre of Hope? 2. When was it established? 3. Why was it established? 4. What determined the location of the offices of this organisation? 5. What types of situations do you usually handle from the community? 6. Who are often the perpetrators of the situations you have just mentioned and who are usually the victims? 7. What factors, in your view contribute to the situation? 8. What impact do you think this situation have on children of school-going age? 9. How do you usually handle the situation and protect the children from the negative effects of it? 10. In your opinion, how do you think this situation impact on the adult who grew up as a child within it? 11. What cultural or religious factors if any, contribute to the situation you deal with? 12. What role do culture and religion play in promoting family violence? 13. What legislation assists you in dealing with family violence? Thank you for your precious time 264 Appendices AN INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR THE OFFICIALS OF THE LOCAL INITIATION FORUM Thank you for agreeing to participate in this research project. The focus of my study is on complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies. I believe that, you as a member of the Local Initiation Forum can make a significant contribution to this study because, sometimes the initiates you work with in the mountain are the same adolescents that attend schools. Sharing experience may help us bridge the gap and encourage cooperation between the traditional school and the formal education schools. I am going to ask questions and sometimes make a follow up and you are free to elaborate as you deem fit. I am aware and respect the confidentiality surrounding the initiation culture to the extent that if you feel like not responding to some of the questions I will impose, feel free to say so. I want to assure you that your name will not be included in the research report and I will give you the transcribed interview to read and confirm if I have recorded our conversation accurately. 1. For how long have you been a member of the Local Initiation Forum? 2. What does your work as member of the forum entail? 3. What is the age range of young men you work with in the initiation ritual? 4. What is the main goal of the initiation ritual? Based on what you have just shared what features of a balanced men do you aim at producing through the ritual? 5. What and how do you teach young men in the mountain in order to achieve the goal mentioned above? 6. Which criteria do you use to select people (such as the traditional instructor and the traditional surgeon) who drive the ritual? 7. In working with the young men in the mountain, what challenges or positive highlights do traditional surgeons and traditional instructors share with you as the forum? 8. In your view, how much aware are the officials involved in the ritual of the legal framework governing the initiation ritual? Thank you very much. You have added to my wisdom. 265 Appendices AN INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR THE SOCIAL WORKERS Thank you for accepting my request for your participation in this research project. The focus of the study is on complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural societies. As a social worker involved in school safety, I believe you have a wealth of experience to share with me in this research project. I am going to ask you some questions and you are free to elaborate in answering as you see fit. If you do not want to respond to some of the questions, feel free to object. Your name will not be part of the research report. I will transcribe our interview from the tape recorder and give you an opportunity to read the interview report so that, if there are areas that I might not have accurately captured, you feel free to correct, or even withdraw and make additions as you see fit. 1. For how long have you been involved in school safety? 2. Talk briefly about the partnership between the Department of Social Development and the Department of Basic Education in the area of school safety. 3. What prompted the two departments to work together? 4. What does the partnership want to achieve? 5. What situations-good or bad do you usually come across with around learner behaviour as you interact with schools? 6. What is the contribution of the school, home, family religion or culture to the situations you have just mentioned? 7. How do you handle the situation when it is brought to you? 8. What are the sources of cooperation and partnership that you rely on when handling the situations, you have just mentioned? 9. What legislation guides you in your work as you assist the schools around learner behaviour? Thank you for your time 266 Appendices APPENDIX B: PERMISSION FROM THE DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION 267 Appendices 268 Appendices APPENDIX C: CONSENT FORMS FOR ALL PARTICIPANTS CONSENT FORM I, ………………………………………………………………… (Name and Surname), agree/do not agree (delete the one not applicable) to participate in the research project entitled: Complexities of adolescent learner behaviour in multicultural indigent societies. I agreed to be interviewed for a period not exceeding one hour. I further agree on condition that the interview will take place at the time and venue convenient to me and the time the researcher identifies for the interview will not interfere with my own work or studies (delete the one not applicable). I understand that I will participate under the following conditions:  I have been informed about the purpose of the study  My participation is voluntary and I can withdraw at any time when I feel like doing so.  There must be confidentiality and my name will not be disclosed.  The researcher must always look after my safety as a participant, emotionally, psychologically and physically.  The researcher will use a tape recorder to ensure that he accurately gets the information as I present it.  The researcher will clearly explain questions he asks in the language I understand.  I understand what the study is all about and what the risks and benefits of being this part of the study.  I allow the researcher to use the information gathered, but in accordance with the specifications indicated in the letter above. Signature: ______________________ Date: ____________________ 269 Appendices APPENDIX D: PARENTAL CONSENT PARENTAL CONSENT FORM RESEARCH STUDY INFORMATION LEAFLET AND PARENTAL CONSENT FORM DATE February 2017 to February 2019 TITLE OF THE RESEARCH PROJECT Complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies. RESEARCHER’S NAME Nkosivelile NN Mkuzo 083 501 3859 FACULTY AND DEPARTMENT Education School of Education Studies STUDY LEADER’S NAME AND CONTACT NUMBER Professor Lynette Jacobs 079 525 25 25 WHAT IS RESEARCH? Research is a scientific method of finding reliable and dependable information that helps one answer pertinent questions about the issues affecting people’s lives. Research deals with everyday problems and challenges and it brings practical solutions to those problems for the betterment of life for the people. 270 Appendices WHAT IS THIS RESEARCH PROJECT ALL ABOUT? This study is about picking up adolescent learner behaviour problems. It is about analysing the possible causes including causes related to culture. In analysing the possible causes, the study will also look at how society behaves, which may have an impact on adolescent learner behaviour. The study also deals with the legal framework that controls learner discipline. WHY HAS YOUR CHILD BEEN INVITED TO TAKE PART IN THIS RESEARCH PROJECT? Your child is one of the learner leaders as he is a member of the Representative Council for Learners (RCL). As a leader who was elected by the learners themselves, he enjoys the confidence of the learners and learners come freely to him with their discipline-related problems. He also acts as a conduit through which learners communicate with the management. That role gives him deep experience and invaluable knowledge of how learners behave and why. WHO IS DOING THE RESEARCH? The researcher is NNN Mkuzo who works as a Chief Education Specialist at Joe Gqabi District, a district where the school of your child is situated. As a Chief Education Specialist I became aware of some of the challenges surrounding learner behaviour through reports from teachers and principals. Learner behaviour also affects the performance of schools in their pass rate. I want to be part of finding solutions to challenges of learner behaviour in light of the abolition of corporal punishment in public schools. HAS THE STUDY RECEIVED ETHICAL APPROVAL? The study has not yet received ethical clearance. I am working on the application for ethical clearance and I will not start with my research until the ethical clearance is obtained. Approval number: Approval number will be available once the ethical clearance is received. 271 Appendices WHAT WILL HAPPEN TO YOUR CHILD IN THIS STUDY? I will interview your child as part of the focus group of RCL members. I will use a tape recorder to take all the conversation. I will transcribe the interview and allow the interviewees a chance to read the transcription before I write the research report. There may be a need for a follow up interview. I will draw data from the interview and write findings. CAN ANYTHING BAD HAPPEN TO YOUR CHILD? The researcher will take all reasonable steps to protect the child participants from physical and psychological harm. The child may not answer the question he is uncomfortable with and can withdraw at any stage of the research process. CAN ANYTHING GOOD HAPPEN TO YOUR CHILD? Recognition as a learner leader who can confidently represent his constituent can go a long way in boosting your child’s self-esteem. This will be a golden opportunity for the child to be heard as they state their side of the story around learner behaviour and the solution to the problem may bring direct and indirect benefits to your child and other learners. WILL ANYONE KNOW YOUR CHILD IS PART OF THE STUDY? Yes, members of the school community may know but all reasonable efforts will be made to ensure that nobody outside the interview process will know her specific contribution to this knowledge construction process. WHO CAN YOU TALK TO ABOUT THE STUDY? Should you have any concerns and questions, feel free to contact the researcher himself NNN Mkuzo at 083 501 3859 or through his email: manci.nkosi@gmail.com or the supervisor Professor Lynette Jacobs at 079 525 25 25 25 or at jacobs@ufs.ac.za. WHAT IF YOU DO NOT WANT YOUR CHILD TO TAKE PART IN THIS STUDY? Participating in the study is at the participant’s discretion. The child may choose to participate even if the parent refuses. However, it should be noted that the participant 272 Appendices may withdraw his participation at any stage of the study without the risk of facing consequences as a result of withdrawal. Kindly fill in the short form on the last page of this document and I will fetch it from you. PLEASE FILL IN Name of child: ………………………………………………………………………………… Name of Parent: ………………………………………………………………………………….  Do you understand this research study and are you willing to let your child take part in it? Yes No  Has the researcher answered all your questions? Yes No  Do you understand that you can withdraw from the study at any time? Yes No  I give the researcher permission to make use of data gathered from my child’s participation. Yes No …………………………………………………………… ……………………………………. Parent’s Signature Date 273 Appendices APPENDIX E: LETTER OF ASSENT FOR MINORS RESEARCHER’S NAME Nkosivelile NN Mkuzo 083 501 3859 FACULTY AND DEPARTMENT Education School of Education Studies STUDY LEADER’S NAME AND CONTACT NUMBER Professor Lynette Jacobs 079 525 25 25 Dear Learner I would like to invite you to take part in this research project: Complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies The reason why I am doing this specific study is to get first-hand information about the behaviour of learners in schools, and the possible reason why some act so defiantly. As representative of learners in you school, I think your involvement will help enhance my knowledge on the subject. Additionally, it will help the school practitioners to find ways of solving issues related to misbehaviour as they would have been guided by your experiences and viewpoints on the matter. This study is not intended to humiliate or expose any person, it is rather meant to elicit information which might be used to improve strategies used by schools to deal with misbehaviour. You will be engaged in group interviews, in these interviews, you will be expected to respond to questions in a manner that reflects your personal opinions. The interviews will be scheduled to take place on Fridays and Saturdays after school. If you do not feel comfortable at any stage during the course of the study, you are free to withdraw. Your identity and that of the school you are in, will not be disclosed. This also applies to any personal information that you might share, and afterwards feel unconfortable with. 274 Appendices If you experience any problems during the duration of this study, please feel free to discuss them with me. An expert will be assigned to you in case you experience challenges because of your participation. Your participation in this research project will highly be appreciated. 275 Appendices Please fill in and return this page. Keep the letter above for future reference. Study: Complexities of adolescent learner behaviour within multicultural indigent societies Researcher: NNN Mkuzo Participant Name and Surname: _________________________________________________ Age: _________ Contact number:_________________________  I have been informed about the purpose of the study  My participation is voluntary and I can withdraw at any time when I feel like doing so.  There must be confidentiality and as source of information my name will not be disclosed.  The researcher must always look after my safety as a participant, emotionally, psychologically and physically.  The researcher will use a tape recorder to ensure that he accurately gets the information as I present it.  The researcher will clearly explain questions he asks in the language I understand.  I understand what the study is all about and what the risks and benefits of being this part of the study.  I allow the researcher to use the information gathered, but in accordance with the specifications indicated in the letter above. Signature: _____________________________________________ Date: _________________ 276