Politieke woelinge in Natal 1910 - 1915

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Date
1977
Authors
Van Wyk, A. J.
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Publisher
University of the Free State
Abstract
English: British Natal, clinging desperately to her socalIed "picturesque individuality" and British identity, entered Union in 1910 with strong indications of reluctance. Fearing that her very existenoe might be endangered in a political union with the Afrikaners of all four provinces, she allowed her politics to be dictated by her Britishness and her imperial passions South Africa as the home of a new-born nation entered into her frame of mind only in so far as it was seen as an extension of the Empire, in body and spirit. This attitude already became evident at the time of the National-Convention and was further stressed by Natal the only of the former British colonies having to put the question of entering Union to the vote in a referendum. Although the outcome was overwhelmingly in favour of Union, there remained a vociferous minority unreconciled to the new political developments. To safeguard their Britishness in the Union the Natalians demanded a bestmen form of government in 1910, for in that way alone would they secure for themselves and their compatriots in the other provinces political co-partnership with the numerically stronger Afrikaners. The rejection of their demands, together with their political inexperience, made them reluctant to join the political parties formed outside Natal. along rather foolishly. Consequently they bungled Neither Natal's 17 Members of Parliament, nor her lively Press, could succeed in creating some kind of local party political unity, for they failed to salvage themselves from the ranks of the Bothaists, Unionists, Independents and Labourites all of whom received a measure of support. To these four was added a fifth group with the formation of the Federal League in 1913, the outward expression of a desire to secede that was to haunt Natal politics until the early sixties. Instigated by newspapers like The Natal Witness and The Natal Advertiser they compensated for their political incapacity by a malicious campaign against the Afrikaners, whom they regarded as backward and whose language and culture they despised. In Gen. J.B.M. Hertzog they recognised the living symbol of all that they found hateful in the Afrikaner: his strong-minded insistence on maintaining and developing his own heritage, rather than to submit to the all-powerful British culture. On him and "Hertzogism" they vented their wrath in an attempt to destroy both. However, their attack had the opposite result, for Hertzog enjoyed strong support among the Natal Afrikaners. Even leading personalities, like Adv. E.G. Jansen, an enthusiastic supporter of the co-mingling of Afrikaner and Englishman, revolted under the constant attack and became an upholder of the Hertzog faith. Together with men like J.J. Muller and Adrian I.J. Nel he helped in hoisting the standard of the National Party in Natal, thereby firing the first shots in the erupting battle between Afrikaner nationalism and British imperialism. Present in embryo form at the time of Union, this struggle became vicious at the outbreak of the Great War. While the Afrikaner minority remained divided in its loyalty to Gens. Louis Botha and Hertzog, the English majority of Natal found itself for the first time since .Union forged into an imperial partnership that scored a resounding victory at the polls in 1915. Thus the first trial of strength between the two different brands of nationalism, as represented by Afrikaner and Britisher, ended in a defeat of the former. But the struggle was to continue. While Englishman and Afrikaner were having their tug-of-war, the Blacks were sitting on the sideline; for, although the two White sections were furiously fighting for political mastery among themselves, they were heartily in agreement that White supremacy was to be maintained at all cost. Neither of the two had any love for their Black neighbour.
Afrikaans: Brits-Natal, wat verbete aan sy sogenaamde "picturesque individuality" en Britse identiteit vasgeklou het, het in 1910 met ,sterk openbaringe van teensin tot die Unie van Suid-Afrika toegetree. Uit vrees dat sy ware bestaan in 'n politieke eenheid met die Afrikaners van al vier provinsies bedreig sou word, het hy toegelaat dat sy Britsheid en imperiale hartstog sy politiek van die begin af bepaal. Suid-Afrika as die tuiste van 'n pas gebore nasie het slegs in soverre in sy denkpatroon gepas as wat dit gesien is as 'n verlengstuk van die "Empire", na gees en inhoud . Hierdie houding het reeds in die beraadslaginge van die Nasionale Konvensie na vore gekom en is onderstreep deurdat Natal die enigste van die vier voormalige Britse kolonies die vraagstuk van aansluiting by die Unie in 'n referendum moes beslis. Hoewel die uitslag oorweldigend ten gunste van uniewording was, was daar 'n luidrugtige minderheidsgroep wat nie met die, nuwe politieke bedeling te versoen was nie. Om hul Britsheid te beveilig, het die Natallers in 1910 op 'n "best-men"- regering aangedring, want slegs op daardie wyse sou hulle vir hulself en hul taal- en kultuurge, note in die ander provinsies, politieke medeseggenskap met die getalsterker Afrikaners kon verseker. Die verwerping van hul eise en hul eie partypolitieke onervarendheid het hulle wars gemaak van samewerking met die hoofpartye buite Natal, en'in die proses het hulle 'n bra lagwekkende partypolitieke onbeholpenheid aan die dag gelê. Nog Natal se 17 Volksraadslede, nog sy lewendige pers kon daarin slaag om onderlinge politieke eensgesindheid te skep, want hulle kon hulself nie red van die Bothaïste, Unioniste,.Onafhanklikes en Arbeiders nie, wat almal 'n mate van steun geniet het. 'n Vyfde groep het in 1913 die Federal League gestig en daarmee uiting aan 'n afskeidinisdrang gegee wat Natal se politiek tot in die vroee , sestigerjare sou aankleef. In hui politieke onmag het hulle, veralonder aanstigting van koerante soos The Natal Witness en The Natal Advertiser, hatig teen die Afrikaner te velde getrek, wat hulle as agterlik beskou en op wie se taal en kultuur hulle neergesien het. Genl. J.B.M. Hertzog was vir hulle die toonbeeld van dit ,wat hulle in die Afrikaner nie kon verdra nie sy hardnekkige aandrang op die behoud en uitbouing van sy Bie, pleks van voor die almagtige Britse kultuur te buig. Op hom en "Hertzogisme" het hulle hul pyle afgeskiet in 'n poging om albei te vernietig. Dit het die teenoorgestelde reaksie uitgeiok, want Hertzog het vurige aanhangers onder die Natalse Afrikaners gehad. Selfs leidende persoonlikhede, soos adv. E.G. Jansen, wat hart en siel ten guhste van die volkseenwording van Engelsman en Afrikaner was, het hom onder die EngeIsa aanslae by Hertzog geskaar. Saam met manne soos J.J. Muller en Adrian I.J. Nel het hy gehelp om die vaandel van die Nasionale Party in Natal te plant, en sodoende die eerste skote in die oplaaiende stryd tussen Afrikanernasionalisme en Britse imperialisme afgevuur. Dit was 'n stryd waarvan die kiem voor uniewording aanwesig was en wat na die uitbreek van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog op sy felste gewoed het. Terwyl die Afrikanerminderheid nog onderling verdeel was in sy lojaliteit aan genl. Louis Botha en Hertzog, is die Engelse meerderheid van Natal die eerste keer sedert uniewording in 'n hegte imperiale bondgenootskap saamgesnoer wat 'n klinkende oorwinning in die algemene verkiesing van 1915 behaal het. So het die eerste kragmeting tussen die twee botsende vorme van nasionalisme, soos verteenwoordig deur Afrikaner en Brit, in 'n neerlaag vir eersgenoemde geêindig. Die stryd sou egter voortduur. Terwyl Engelsman en Afrikaner kragte gemeet het, het die Swartman buite die ligkring gestaan, en daar wou hulle hom hou; want, al het hulle onderling gestryoor wie die Blanke baas in die land sou bly, was hulle dit oor een ding hartgrondig eens: die Witman sou sy baasskap oor die Swartman behou. Nog die een, nog die ander het sy Swart buurman liefgehad.
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Keywords
Politics, Great Britain -- History --19th century, Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1910-1915, Great Britain -- Politics and government, Thesis (Ph.D. (History))--University of the Free State, 1977
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