Masters Degrees (Political Studies and Governance)

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Browsing Masters Degrees (Political Studies and Governance) by Author "Coetzee, Eben"

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    Beyond mono-theoretical approaches: realism, liberalism and the explanatory crisis in the democratic peace theory
    (University of the Free State, 2011-01-03) Coetzee, Eben; Hudson, H.
    Theoretical accounts in search of explicating the no war phenomenon inherent in the democratic peace proposition continue to permeate the discipline of International Relations (IR) at an imposing rate, giving credence to claims that the democratic peace research programme has obtained a position of pre-eminence within the discipline. Moreover, continued theoretical engagement with the democratic peace has resulted in the steadfast progression in the endorsement and, in some instances, the outright utilisation (read: manipulation) of the democratic peace theory as a panacea for real-world challenges facing Western policy makers. The emphasis on the democracy-peace nexus, grounded in liberal interpretations of the democratic peace, is however inherently problematic as the debate on the democratic peace remains essentially a project-in-process. Explanatory accounts of the democratic peace have thus far proceeded through an ontologically dichotomous framework in which the democratic peace is reduced to either structural or agential (individualist) accounts of (international) social and political outcomes. This has pitted the structural prioritisation embedded within (neo-)realist theory against the patently individualist nature of liberal theories of the democratic peace. Coinciding with this has been a failure of theoreticians on both sides of the theoretical aisle in transcending the domestic-international dichotomy accruing from their theoretical frameworks. This has meant that the theorisation of the democratic peace has failed in a twofold manner. Firstly, and if conceived as a problem peculiar to the agentstructure problem in social theory, the mutual exclusivity of agents and structures, embedded within the theoretical frameworks of liberal and (neo-)realist conceptions of the democratic peace, does not hold. Secondly, the domestic-international dichotomy thus accruing from the ontological positions upheld by these theoretical frameworks has provided little room for an alternative (multileveled) account of social explanation. In an attempt at addressing these shortcomings, this study highlights the need for a conception of social theorisation and, by implication, the democratic peace more attentive to the import of both agents and structures, located at the domestic and international levels respectively. A multitheoretical approach to the theorisation of the democratic peace will be advanced, drawing on both the structural and individualist arguments embedded within (neo-)realist and liberal theories of the democratic peace. This should not be construed as an attempt at arriving at a theoretical synthesis. Such a conception is anathema to the approach to be advanced in this study. By arguing for a conception of social life as inherently complex, this study will further attempt to transcend the theory-universal (context-independent) explanatory accounts derivative of (neo-)realist and liberal conceptions of the democratic peace by pointing towards the import of context to social theorisation and social conduct. The exclusion of context in social theorisation, derivative of a positivist theory of science, is challenged by providing a conception of social theorisation and social conduct as subjected to issues of time and place. Within such a conception of social life stressing the interplay of forces within and across time and space, the notion of a theoretical synthesis cannot but be left by the wayside. The multitheoretical and context-dependent argument to be advanced will be bolstered by probing the peaceinducing forces in Anglo-American relations (1861-1863 and 1895-1896) and Franco-American relations (2002-). Anglo-American relations, 1861-63, focusing on the diplomacy of the Trent affair and beyond, has highlighted the extent to which a multitheoretical approach is theoretically tenable. Similarly, the Anglo-American crisis over the Venezuelan boundary dispute, 1895-96, entailing British appeasement of the United States, was grounded, in part, in an unfavourable distribution of military capabilities on the part of Britain vis-à-vis the United States. However, British appeasement was also grounded in the existence of liberal explanatory forces deeming any war against the (liberal) democratic United States as unacceptable. The theoretical argument postulated will conclude by probing the peace-inducing effects concerned with Franco-American relations in response to the Iraq War. That Franco-American relations were ever in any real danger of erupting into armed conflict (or even war) is, of course, beside the point. The argument, rather, will explicate the nexus between realist and liberal explanatory forces as mitigating factors in preventing the transformation from conflict to war, with the neo-realist emphasis on the peace-inducing effects of nuclear weapons and the comparable effect of liberal values and institutions fixing the range of acceptable outcomes.
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    Burden-­sharing and hybrid peacekeeping operations in Somalia and Sudan: a critical analysis
    (University of the Free State, 2015-10-20) Mohale, Barbara; Neethling, T. G.; Coetzee, Eben
    English: This study explores whether hybrid peacekeeping operations, or recent forms of UN-­ AU co-­operation, offer new prospects or opportunities to the challenges relating to international peacekeeping in Africa. It further analyses whether the international community is moving towards more effective and legitimate peacekeeping operations when it follows an approach of hybrid peacekeeping operations in Africa. Through historical-­critical examinations of case studies of peacekeeping operations in Liberia, Burundi, Darfur, and Somalia, the study interrogates the evolution and practicality of key concepts such as R2P, mandates and legal underpinning, and the UN and AU architectures for peacekeeping operations. The study found that peacekeeping has shifted to include the three components (civilian, police, and military), making peacekeeping operations multidimensional in scope and approach. The cooperative security partnership between the UN and AU and sub-­regional organisations, such as ECOWAS in Liberia and AU in Burundi, have demonstrated the significance of a cooperative venture towards lasting peace. The relationship between these two organisations -­ the UN and AU -­ is of paramount importance, and must be based on coherent and strategically structured relations which are systematically integrated. The implementation of hybrid peacekeeping operations offers new prospects or opportunities if the UN and AU use the advantages these possess to bring about peace, despite the challenges being faced. The study has shown how limited traditional interventions led to the innovative hybridisation but also made the case for the need to refine the response. The ultimate conclusion is that the resource and political constraints faced by the AU would benefit from the solid shared international responsibility provided by the comparative advantage of hybridisation. The study concluded that the UN and AU relationship and cooperation over the past two decades presents significant steps toward operations that would contribute to lasting peace in Africa. The lessons provided by the Liberia, Burundi, Darfur, and Somalia cases offer an instructive foundation for both the UN and AU to improve on an evolving approach. Lessons can be learned from the conflicts analysed in the study, and the international community has the advantage of working towards better and more refined hybrid peacekeeping operations than those conducted in Darfur and Somalia.
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    The Narco-Terror nexus: the cases of Afghanistan, Colombia, and West Africa
    (University of the Free State, 2021-11) Rooi, Sam-Maree; Coetzee, Eben
    As illegal activities move beyond borders, countries are confronted with challenges deriving from trafficking and organized crime, financial crimes, identity theft, cybercrime, terrorism, and environmental crime (International Centre for Criminal Law Reform and Criminal Justice Policy, 2017). Particularly drug trafficking and terrorism are notable challenges for domestic and international security and stability. These challenges, although not new, have become global, multidimensional, and extremely intricate (Kloer, 2009:76). At present a burgeoning relationship between trafficking in narcotics and terrorism exists. The transnational nature and diversity of these crimes enable criminal networks to work alongside terrorist groups with catastrophic consequences (Martin, 2003:9). The interconnection and association between these two antithetical groups is generally referred to as ‘narco-terrorism’. The study aims to investigate the nature and scope of narcotics trafficking and terrorism in Afghanistan, Colombia, and West Africa. The two countries and one region were chosen specifically as case studies because all three cases have been plagued for decades by terrorism, narcotics trafficking and violent conflict. These milieus were chosen specifically for their differing backgrounds which provides an element of authenticity to the study. This study reveals important insights into how governments can formulate policies to combat the dual-nature of the narco-terror nexus. As such, it will appeal to all political scientists and criminologists studying terrorism and drug trafficking, as well as to professionals at various national and international security services.